Lessons from Scotland
The ‘nays’ have it. On Friday, it emerged that Scotland’s just over 300-year-old political union with England will survive, with more than 55pc of Scottish voters casting their ballots against independence. It was a spirited campaign. The ‘yes’ camp, led by the ruling Scottish National Party, promised voters a more just welfare state free from Westminster’s influence, while the British establishment pulled out all the stops to convince Scots to vote ‘no’, saying that Scotland and the UK were ‘better together’. We must appreciate the democratic manner in which the matter was decided. The issue was resolved through the vote; unfortunately, in countless other instances around the world we have seen attempts at separation either succeed or be put down by force after much bloodshed and acrimony. Pakistan’s own loss of its erstwhile eastern wing remains a bitter, painful memory. However, while the Scots will stay with the UK, other independence-seeking regions the world over have been emboldened by the exercise. For example, Spain’s autonomous Catalonia region may opt for a similar referendum, but unlike the UK, the central government in Madrid has vowed to oppose such a move.
Scotland’s case is an interesting one. In most instances separatist feelings are fuelled when a region suffers from poverty and discrimination and the denial of rights, or receives step-motherly treatment from the centre. Though Edinburgh’s relationship with London was not quite perfect, Scotland did not suffer from the usual causes that encourage separatism. There are lessons in the referendum for the rest of the world, including Pakistan. Firstly, even the most divisive of questions can be dealt with in a non-violent fashion provided democratic methods are used. Secondly, even prosperous and relatively peaceful regions will desire separation if they feel their voices are not being heard.To prevent separatist feelings from growing, states must ensure maximum devolution of power right down to the local level, as well as the protection of cultural, political, economic and, most important, the human rights of every citizen.
Bilawal, finally
These are not the times for politics — this has been the PPP slogan of late. The refrain takes on an entirely new meaning now that the vow to not do politics is accompanied by the PPP co-chairman’s presence among people affected by the floods. The pledge for political restraint was not entirely unwarranted. The political situation in the wake of Imran Khan’s war on the system demanded sobriety. The question asked, however, was whether the PPP was going too far with its support for the prime minister — to a point where it posed a danger to itself. The PPP leadership was staying away from the ground, especially in Punjab, which was bad politics. With Bilawal Bhutto Zardari venturing into the flood-hit areas of Punjab together with his visits to parts of Sindh, it is an attempt at better politics. The PPP politicians in Punjab have been long waiting for their leader to show up. The party is faced with a serious revival challenge in the province and its support has fallen drastically. It has in recent times been accused of failing to make even a basic effort at exploring any space emerging out of the tussle between the PTI and PML-N.
So eerie has been the PPP’s dormancy that some well-known party names in Punjab have been asked when they planned to switch to other available choices. Those among them who want to be with the PPP in its tough hour in the province would be happy that Mr Bhutto Zardari has at last found the lost map to their neighbourhood. All they can hope now is that the tour by their leader of Chiniot, Lahore and Multan is followed by more such visits and a sustained campaign aimed at kind of a reinvention of the PPP. For now it is only a ripple, not a splash. Mr Bhutto Zardari’s presence in Punjab is essential to any renewal plan the party must follow, but his challenge in Sindh, where his party is in power, is of a different nature. He must reorganise and sympathise and show solidarity in Punjab; in Sindh he must do all these things and then must provide governance as well. He has to find ways to project himself as an heir who cannot just stir emotions but who can also improvise and use the system to deliver efficiently. The rule has not changed: His delivery in Sindh will help his drive in Punjab.
Power sector billing blues
If a suggestion by the prime minister’s special assistant is accepted, the government may be poised to induct tens of thousands into an already bloated workforce in the power bureaucracy. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had tasked his special assistant, Musadik Malik, to investigate the causes behind the rise in public anger over power bills in August. The power bureaucracy had complained that a shortage of meter readers was hampering its ability to generate accurate bills, forcing them to rely on a practice known as ‘presumptive billing’, where instead of reading the meter, a bill is issued on assumptions based on past bills. The practice is commonly used to inflate bills in order to meet recovery targets. Presumptive billing allows recovery agents in the bureaucracy to elevate people’s bills, and unless there is an outpouring of complaints, the higher amounts collected pass unnoticed. Mr Sharif was told in a cabinet meeting in August that a 10-year-old ban in the recruitment of meter readers had hampered the power bureaucracy’s ability to issue proper bills. In response, the prime minister had asked his special assistant to investigate. Mr Malik has now completed his assignment and reportedly is about to submit his report. In the report he will counsel lifting of the ban on the recruitment of meter readers. Another source in the power bureaucracy has told this newspaper that the requirement of meter readers is in the “tens of thousands”.
The process of induction, training and deployment is likely to be long mired in allegations of political favouritism, and prove expensive in the long run in terms of the jump in pay and the benefits that will accrue as a result. Already the lion’s share of the expenses incurred by the power bureaucracy is on account of personnel pay, including benefits and salaries. The move to induct meter readers on this scale is likely to multiply the financial woes of the power bureaucracy. One can only hope that the forthcoming report gives a clear picture of the cost that will have to be borne if their advice is implemented. Ultimately, the power sector’s inefficiencies will only be overcome with more holistic reform, instead of isolated, ad hoc measures. Reforms must begin at the top, with accountability to independent boards as a cornerstone. They must also emphasise transparency, and the shutting down of all spaces of discretionary decision-making within the bureaucracy. A regular disclosure regime which mandates the bureaucracy to release a set of data on a regular schedule is essential. And lastly, the reforms must use power of technology. Meter readers are an antiquated notion in this era of smart meters that can report their readings back electronically. The bureaucracy’s resistance to using this technology should be questioned. Ad hoc measures will surely fail if not accompanied by reforms in the larger system.
Published in Dawn, September 21th, 2014