PTI’s hydel vision
ONE of the better things that the PTI government in KP has done is to give a new push to microhydel power generation schemes. Most recently, their attempts to pursue the Gorkin Matiltan hydropower project (84MW) in Swat has met with resistance in the Central Development Working Party, a government department tasked with approving projects whose cost is less than Rs3bn. Members of the CDWP, which is run by the PML-N federal government, say the project cost is too high, and that the cost of the electricity it will generate is also too high for a hydel project. They compare this project with another one in KP which was completed at slightly below the cost of Gorkin Matiltan. It is hard to avoid the impression that the resistance to this project is political. If the CDWP members, which is chaired by the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission, Ahsan Iqbal, are serious about comparing the project costs of Gorkin Matiltan with that of Duber Khwar, they should also note that the latter was begun more than a decade ago. The first electricity ever generated in the territories we now call Pakistan was from a microhydel scheme in Renala Khurd. The next larger power generation was also a microhydel scheme in Malakand valley, built by the British in the 1920s. There was a vision to provide much of Pakistan’s power needs through myriad such schemes in the canals and mountains, but it fell by the wayside with the arrival of American aid in the form of mega dams. The PTI government has recently given new life to the vision, and is taking concrete steps on the ground to implement it. In return, the PML-N government, which never raised concerns about the cost of generation from the Nandipur project, is obstructing the scheme, arguing its costs are too high. Again, it is hard not to see this as obstructionist politics standing in the way of reviving a promising vision, and innovative approaches, to solving Pakistan’s power crisis.
Sounding the alarm
THERE was an unmistakable sense of urgency in the tone and choice of words of the Saudi grand mufti as he delivered the Haj sermon on Friday. Speaking to around two million hajis gathered in the plain of Arafat for the climax of the pilgrimage, Shaikh Abdul Aziz al-Shaikh sounded the alarm bell against the self-styled Islamic State without specifically naming the group. But the context of the sermon left little doubt who the cleric was referring to. Shaikh Abdul Aziz implored Muslim leaders to strike hard “the enemies of Islam” who were responsible for “vile crimes ... and terrorism” driven by a “deviant ideology”. The Saudi preacher’s unease is understandable; after all, the expansionist IS controls considerable swathes of territory across the border in Iraq and in Syria, not too far from the kingdom’s northern frontiers. There are also credible reports that thousands of Saudi nationals are fighting for extremist groups in both Iraq and Syria. So the symbolism of using Islam’s most important global gathering of the year to sound the battle cry against IS has not been lost.
While the Saudi mufti’s call for action against the violent extremists is indeed timely, there are a number of factors that Saudi ulema, as well as clerics in other Muslim states, along with the governments of Muslim nations, need to ponder over to get to the root of the problem. After all, IS and other jihadi outfits have not sprouted overnight. In this particular context, in Iraq and Syria such groups have been used by foreign powers to destabilise the incumbent governments. If the Saudi and other Gulf Arab states have not directly been involved in creating and funding Islamist militant groups, they are certainly guilty of looking the other way as private funds from their nations have flowed into jihadi coffers. And now that the militant groups have become too hot to handle, Arab governments have launched an armed campaign against them. Pakistan has experienced a similar situation and is learning the hard way that patronising extremists can be a double-edged sword; the militants can just as easily turn their guns on their masters should things go awry. The Saudis and all other Muslim states need to realise that using jihadi proxies against other states is extremely bad foreign policy and can boomerang in horrible ways. Once this realisation sinks in at the official level, the grand mufti’s call can have greater impact.
Polio: our badge of shame
THE sorry tale of Pakistan’s abysmal performance in practically all global development and welfare indicators is equalled, perhaps, only by the state’s stubborn, almost criminal, refusal to undertake the task at hand. Nothing, it seems can bestir the administrators of this country, regardless of whichever party is in power, into taking their responsibilities seriously. Consider, for example, the fact that Pakistan made history on Friday: it broke its own record of polio cases, with eight additional cases being reported on this day, bringing this year’s tally — so far — to 202. The last time we saw such a high number of confirmations was in 2000, when 199 cases were recorded. This regression is all the more distressing when it is considered that hardly 10 years ago, the indications were that the spread of the crippling virus was being brought under control in the country and there was hope that soon Pakistan too would join the majority of the globe’s nations that had proved themselves polio-free. That this sorry state of affairs comes after international authorities concluded that Pakistan is in danger of reintroducing the virus to other countries, and the World Health Organisation recommended travel restrictions on unvaccinated travellers from Pakistan, is a damning indictment of the authorities’ lackadaisical attitude. Almost all figures in political and bureaucratic circles have, at some point or the other, over the months past professed their recognition of the issue and their commitment to eradicating polio.
The fact that none of these people have subsequently put in any sustained action, or organised concerted and meaningful efforts, means that they were simply using it as a photo-op. From Imran Khan to Maulana Samiul Haq, from Aseefa Bhutto Zardari to Maryam Nawaz, to say nothing of those directly involved such as the heads of the prime minister’s focal team for polio and the officials of the health department — all have professed their commitment to protecting future generations from this dreaded disease. And yet, there has been no sustained action at all; if anything, the issue only continues to worsen. The travel advisory constitutes a reminder of the pariah status Pakistan faces if polio is not brought under control. While funds from international donors have been pouring in to bolster Pakistan’s own efforts and resources, all they have elicited are promises that have proved false and half-baked measures, such as the non-functional system of checking for vaccination certificates at airports. The world could be forgiven for wondering what it will take to get Pakistan to put its own house in order in this regard. There is, perhaps, only one thing left to say now. The political classes are once again mulling over the shape of the country’s future; they need reminding that no future at all is possible with a crippled population.
Published in Dawn, October 5th, 2014