Military courts
THAT these are trying times was fully evidenced by the presence on Wednesday of all the political parties around the table for an emergency discussion on the ways to deal with the monster of terrorism. Ultimately, it seems, they were required to be there to endorse the setting up of special courts to be headed by military officials. Some of the parties present agreed with the idea readily. Others took their time, but in the end were made to see `reason` and agree to a controversial mode of `speedy justice`. True, the civilian justice system is flawed and tardy in the dispensation of justice. But what will military courts achieve, given the increasing possibility of miscarriage of justice that experience has shown they bring with them? They not only encroach on the civilian domain of justice, they often render it redundant.
The Supreme Court judges had also assembled in Islamabad on Wednesday to discuss ways of streamlining the trial proceedings and meet the demand for expeditious justice. But by the end of the day it was clear that their effort was deemed insufficient for dealing with terrorism if not altogether irrelevant. Notwithstanding the unusual circumstances and the justifications that have been given for the military courts, this was not a happy sight. It was not a happy sign for those who had been pursuing the cause of an independent judiciary. It was the confirmation of the worst fears of those who have been accusing the governments of neglecting the job of building upon the free-judiciary theme to a point where the judges could be fully empowered. In what could lead to greater complications, these civilian courts may now be asked to adjudicate on the validity of the military courts.
A few politicians at the meeting in which the consensus on setting up the special courts was reached did express their reservations, but apparently that was more out of ritual. It was clear that the army leadership which was also present was not going to settle for anything less than military courts. Some of the politicians were keen on making an impact on the proceedings, and they insisted on a time frame for the law. The emphasis was not needed since everyone knew that the military courts would come with a time frame. Then apprehensions were expressed about the possible misuse of the law against political workers whereas there should have been concern about it being used against people in general above political affiliations. The politicians were there not in the interest of the parties, but to give their feedback on how the superimposing of the military over the civilian will by and large affect the system that they have a responsibility to run and improve. Back in the comfort of their camps, they should be asking themselves whether they fulfilled this responsibility.
Friday sermons
SHOCKING though it is that it took savagery on the scale seen in Peshawar last week to shake Pakistani society out of its stupor regarding the spread of violent extremism, there does now seem to be some introspection under way. At the level of the state, the government has made a renewed pledge to fight this hydra-headed monster, and while the wisdom of some of the moves announced is being challenged, there is no doubt that such political consensus and will is urgently needed. At the societal level, too, several hard, ugly realities that have gone largely ignored by the majority are being confronted, even if reluctantly. Foremost is the one that is also perhaps the most ironic: that religion and the pulpit have been hijacked by groups and individuals intent on spreading mischief and sowing divisions; society itself has been infected by deep-rooted extremism that is exacerbating already dangerous divisions. This may not necessarily lead individual citizens to resort to physical violence, but it certainly constitutes the bed from which the seeds of intolerance and bigotry take nourishment; the fact that extremist views are rife in society explains why it has taken Pakistanis so long to recognise the problem, despite suffering years of witnessing innocents being slaughtered.
Like all societal malaises, the path to redemption is fraught with challenges, but some measures are readily apparent. These should apply immediately to the misuse of mosques in general, and in particular to the Friday sermons in which views that are divisionary and that often amount to outright hate-speech or incitement to violence are disseminated. These must be curtailed. One solution can lie in crowd-sourcing: citizens can be encouraged to report violations, with the state then stepping in to investigate and apply the law. All mosques and their khateebs should be registered with the government, and the merits of requiring religious figures to apply for a licence to deliver the Friday sermon, which goes out over loudspeakers, can be considered. It is already the case that the Friday congregations can only take place in some, and not all, places of worship; the oversight net can be tightened by the law requiring that all sermons be recorded and the records kept in order and be readily available. To stem the tide of extremism in society, extraordinary measures are needed. Perhaps even more than the state, it is the people themselves that need to step up to the challenge.
A sombre Christmas
IN the shadow of the Peshawar school massacre, the air of festivity that prevails at this time of year both in connection with Christmas and the Quaid`s birth anniversary is conspicuously absent. For although, for a very long time now, each year in Pakistan has borne witness to much spilling of innocent blood at the hands of violent extremists, this was one depredation too many, the cost it exacted too monstrous, and its timing too recent, to make the display of anything resembling good cheer seem appropriate.
Christmas celebrations yesterday were therefore low-key, almost sombre. Members of the Christian community had, in the immediate aftermath of the attack, announced its intention to tone down the day`s commemorations. A number of them several dressed as Santa Claus had taken out a rally in Karachi to express solidarity with the rest of the country, holding placards saying `united we stand in grief and sorrow` The question is, how far does the majority stand united with them in their time of grief and sorrow? After the bombing of the All Saints Church in Peshawar in September 2013, there was undoubtedly an outpouring of sympathy for the Christian community, but it was all too brief. Three weeks later, Eid was celebrated across Pakistan with `customary fervour`. Newspapers reported that transporters fleeced commuters by hiking fares, buyers at cattle markets were made to pay illegal exit fees, and outlawed outfits also collected animal hides. In short, all was well with the world. There were no special prayers for the community, no indication that the recent loss of around 80 precious lives was remembered. This year, among other incidents, has seen the horrific lynching of a Christian couple in Punjab on allegations of blasphemy, more evidence that laws pertaining to it disproportionately impact the minorities. Jinnah`s Pakistan was to have been a very different place. If one thing is clear after so many years of bloodletting, it is that no Pakistani whether Christian, Hindu or Sikh should feel marginalised for his faith.