Karachi bye-election campaign
In the old days, a bye-election in Azizabad — the heart, as it were, of the MQM’s power in Karachi — would have barely registered as a blip on the political landscape.
But much has changed since then; and the increasingly charged rhetoric around the bye-poll in NA-246 on April 23, occasioned by the intriguing resignation of Nabil Gabol from the seat he won in the 2013 elections, is indicative of that.
For one, the last general election saw the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf arrive as the new player in town challenging the MQM’s virtually uncontested writ in Pakistan’s financial jugular since several decades, aside from the two army-led operations against it in the ‘90s.
Meanwhile the changing demographics of Karachi were already a source of concern to the party, which essentially draws its strength from the politics of ethnicity.
Then, a slew of multi-pronged, MQM-specific actions of late under the rubric of restoring law and order in the city, including the raid on Nine Zero — the party headquarters in Azizabad — and Saulat Mirza’s death row confession accusing some of its top leaders of complicity in murder, has made the last few weeks particularly torrid for the party.
From a virtually unassailable position in Karachi that by extension gave it a significant role on the national stage, the MQM is currently on the defensive.
Recent developments have brought its siege mentality to the fore, one that it has assiduously cultivated in tandem with its strong-arm approach. If not carefully managed with maturity and foresight by the political parties concerned, the situation can easily strain the fragile equilibrium in the city to breaking point.
The campaign for the upcoming bye-election can well be seen as a test case in this respect. It is an opportunity for the MQM, which has been sending representatives to the assemblies since 1988 and has its finger on the pulse of Karachi, to demonstrate it is also capable of issue-based politics and that its support in the city is based on more than coercive tactics as alleged.
For its part, the PTI can use the campaign to illustrate its understanding of the dynamics that underlie this complex city. Judging by the rhetoric on display, however, it appears that both Imran Khan and Altaf Hussain are loath to rise above the same old histrionics and personal attacks that have marked their style of politics thus far.
There is undoubtedly a crisis of governance in Pakistan’s largest metropolis. And that is what the PTI must build its campaign for the bye-election upon, rather than Imran Khan assuming a patronising ‘saviour’ mantle.
Such a stance could even backfire; there are enough questions hanging over the chastening of the MQM — its timing as well as the ill-conceived, highly questionable tactics employed — to give pause to the public whose vote Imran is courting.
Power sector infighting
A tussle under way in the power bureaucracy perfectly illustrates the myriad dysfunctions that afflict our power sector.
A number of officers at Fesco, the power utility serving the industrial city of Faisalabad, have challenged their transfer orders before the Lahore High Court, arguing that these were issued on political grounds after the utility conducted a raid on the factory premises of an MPA from the ruling party.
The managing director of the utility has referred some of these transfer orders back to his counterpart at Pepco, from where they originally came.
In their court petition, the officers argue that they are being targeted on political grounds, and the Pepco managing director does not have the authority to order anybody’s transfer since that power has been handed to the independent Board of Directors under which the utility has been operating for a number of years now.
What sounds like a simple case of government functionaries challenging their transfer orders is actually illustrative of the weaknesses that mire the power sector. First of all, the raid is an example of the difficulties involved in raising recoveries, which is an essential part of the strategy to reduce the circular debt.
The consequences visited upon the functionaries are a typical example of political interference, if they do indeed relate to the raid.
The Fesco managing director’s refusal to entertain the transfer orders is a good example of the governance failures within the power bureaucracy, where arbitrary decisions are made, and challenged on a daily basis.
Has the MD done a fair job of taking his instructions from the BoD, whose authority is being invoked to refuse the transfer orders? The resort to judicial authority is also typical, not only in the case of power sector governance, but billing matters too frequently land up in court if pushed too hard.
The confusion created by this state of affairs is very typical of the confusion that has gripped the power sector for almost a quarter of a century now, ever since a mix of private- and public-sector interests began operating within it.
And it is precisely this sort of confusion that has hampered the ability of the power bureaucracy to adapt to the changing challenges of its time, or to accept the kinds of reforms it needs urgently. It’s time to reform this system and remove these governance weaknesses if the power crisis is ever to be resolved.
A job well done
From time to time, there is an episode or an event that makes us proud to belong to this country. The successful evacuation of more than 500 Pakistanis from Yemen over the weekend is one such example.
Both the Foreign Office and PIA deserve credit and a round of applause for a tough task executed well. More specifically, the Pakistani ambassador in Sanaa, and the entire embassy team there, did a heroic job arranging a large bus convoy to transport all the Pakistanis there to safety, overcoming great dangers along the way.
The convoy was stopped and the documentation of each traveller checked along the way, putting their lives in danger as the conflict raged around them. But they made the journey to safety under the leadership provided by the embassy team, and as they landed here in Pakistan, the whole country heaved a sigh of relief.
PIA did its part too in rapidly arranging an aircraft, along with a back-up plane ready to be dispatched if the need arose. Additionally, a corridor had to be opened up for the plane to fly through treacherous skies, which was complicated by the fact that Yemen’s airspace has been shut down by the Saudis while the air strikes are under way.
The fact that the plane made it there, and successfully lifted all Pakistani citizens out of danger and brought them safely back to their country, was an enormous job. It’s been gratifying to see our institutions, PIA, the Foreign Office, the CAA and the Ministry of Defence, all working together and coordinating to ensure that this vitally important mission succeed.
The smooth execution of the operation has brought credit to these institutions and Pakistani citizens can take a moment of pride to absorb the fact their government pulled together to come through for its citizens in their hour of need. This was a job well done indeed, and those who were part of it deserve our gratitude.
Published in Dawn, March 31th, 2015