Education money
WITH 24 million out-of-school children, the provision of quality education is a Herculean task for provincial governments. That said, last month, Finance Minister Ishaq Dar reiterated the PML-N’s pledge of allotting 4pc of GDP to education by 2018. More money will not reform the sector unless there is proper planning. Furthermore, increasing education spending to 4pc is next to impossible to achieve for the PML-N without adding another whopping Rs485bn to up the allocation, according to Alif Ailaan. The current annual allocation of Rs790bn represents 2.83pc of GDP. It would make more sense at this time not to allow development budgets to lapse — most allocations have increased threefold since 2010, such as in KP and Balochistan. In reality, lofty pledges keep the education conversation on the international community’s radar, thus appeasing foreign donors. As an education activist observed: “The government must decide whether education is a commitment it really means, or one it puts in its speeches and manifestos to avoid embarrassment when in international capitals. This is as doable as the Orange Metro Line, or the acquisition of F-16s.”
Therefore, the solution lies in planned utilisation and oversight within the budgetary time frame. Consider Sindh’s dismal indicators despite its high spending on education. For instance, it has the largest overall decrease in learning scores among the provinces — scores attributed to poor quality teaching and low enrolment and retention rates — despite its Rs176bn budget. The province spends at least 12 times as much on teachers’ salaries as it did in 2010. With 50pc of girls out of primary school and 61pc of all girls in this province unable to even attend school, the government must act — even if it means removing bribe-seeking officials patronised by politicians. After decades of donor assistance, 40pc of teachers in Sindh remain ‘ghost’ employees; evident that more money fuels more corruption. Provinces must not overspend on salaries at the expense of needs such as maintaining schools and providing stipends to girls to retain larger numbers. On another note, without an annual national level data collection regime of learning assessments, it is challenging to monitor education outcomes — the last federal assessment was in 2014. This leaves the task to non-governmental advocacy groups, recommending reforms to increase girls’ education, enrolment and retention rates. For equitable education, political interest is necessary — more money without evaluating where it is needed to address gaps won’t solve the crisis.
Bahrain unrest
THE small Gulf kingdom of Bahrain is once again simmering due to sectarian polarisation and political deadlock. Though the situation has been far from normal ever since a pro-democracy movement was crushed by the state in 2011 with Saudi help, recent events have put the ruling Al Khalifa on a collision course with the popular opposition. Tensions increased after the state revoked the citizenship of Ayatollah Shaikh Isa Qassim, Bahrain’s top Shia cleric, in June. This has led to street protests in the island kingdom, which has a Shia majority. According to the UN, 250 Bahrainis have been stripped of their citizenship for “alleged disloyalty to the kingdom”, a euphemism for political opposition. The Al Khalifa have also cracked down on Al Wefaq, the main opposition group, while prominent government critics such as Shaikh Ali Salman and Nabeel Rajab, have faced arrest and imprisonment.
The rulers have accused Iran of stoking tensions in Bahrain. While senior figures within the Iranian establishment have reacted sharply to the revocation of Ayatollah Qassim’s nationality, the fact is that Bahrain’s opposition movement is indigenous and non-sectarian, demanding civil rights and participatory government. It is also true that after the 2011 protests, the ruling family has shown very little tolerance for dissent, whether it comes from Shia or Sunni citizens. But as the opposition is mostly Shia and the royal family Sunni, the political deadlock is given an ugly sectarian colour. Unfortunately, intolerance of dissent and iron-fisted rule are hallmarks of most Arab regimes, particularly the sheikhdoms of the Gulf. Bahrain seems to be following the Saudi example, as the Al Saud have kept a tight lid on their own Shia opposition in the Eastern Province. Instead of using force and intimidation, moderate elements within the Bahraini royal family, such as the crown prince, should reach out to the opposition and introduce political reforms. Should they fail to do this and intensify their crackdown, the possibility of further instability on the island is very likely.
Taking forward Edhi’s mission
ABDUL Sattar Edhi is no more. There is sorrow at his passing and sadness at the pain his 92-year-old body may have suffered in his final weeks. Greater, however, is the feeling of pride that he was from among us, if not quite one of us in the way he lived his life. Edhi: icon, humanitarian, Pakistani – ours. To the end, he put simplicity first and others always before himself. His organs were to be donated, but age and frailty meant only the cornea could be transplanted. Perhaps that final act will draw attention to the desperate shortage of healthy organs being donated for transplant in the country – an issue that only comes to the fore tangentially through grim tales about the kidney transplant racket. If only a few of the many who are mourning Edhi’s passing were to emulate his example, many more could live longer lives or have use of faculties they otherwise would not. It would also be a tremendous boon to the other iconic institution where Edhi was hospitalised: the SIUT, which heroically continues in circumstances of adversity.
The greatest tribute that could be given to one of Pakistan’s most famous sons would, of course, be to ensure that Edhi’s humanitarian network continues its tremendous work. Edhi’s family and associates have already indicated that they will endeavour to carry on with the man’s mission, but the impact his passing could have should not be underestimated. Charitable donations – likely to spike in the days ahead – may drift downwards eventually. The Edhi model has been replicated by others and the organisation will surely struggle to emulate the impact he had on donors, large and small. Perhaps the state, as represented by the highest of officials who attended Edhi’s funeral prayers yesterday, could play a role – but with the immediate caveat that it find a way to mobilise funds transparently for the Edhi network without interfering in its management and day-to-day affairs. The Edhi network, after all, came into being because of acute state failure to look after the dispossessed, the rejected and the scorned. His mission should not become hostage to the very failures that created the need for it in the first place.
Reflect also on the values that Edhi embodied. His worldview was ecumenical and increasingly antithetical to the country he grew old in. Not for Edhi was the religion, caste, ethnicity or citizenship of those he served. All were equal and all equally welcome. If Edhi’s values were superimposed on the Pakistani state, Pakistan would indisputably be closer to the vision of its founding father, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. A state that discriminates is a country that attacks itself. Edhi was a man who showed a country what is possible when humanity is put first. Truly, no other has come close since.
Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, July 10th, 2016