Lesson to learn
10/ sep/ 2008
AFGHAN Foreign Minister Rangin Dadfar Spanta's observation that the battle against insurgents in Afghanistan must be taken to its "breeding ground" in Pakistan is in line with President Hamid Karzai's policy of passing the buck onto Islamabad for his government's failure to curb terrorism in his country. The comment coincided with the US drones attack in Miranshah on Monday, fourth in the latest series of cross-border strikes, that left 20 people killed and many others injured. Mr Spanta, who is in Berlin for talks with his German counterpart, told journalists that the ideological and military training camps for extremists active in Afghanistan were in the mountains of Pakistan, and "we need to stop that. We must not give them a chance to use terror as an instrument of foreign policy." It is no surprise to see him indulge in a vicious blame game. After all, he represents Mr Karzai, whose utterances are often found to disobey any diplomatic norm.
The US attacks that came in the run-up to the presidential elections and continued afterwards as well, were certainly aimed at pressurizing Pakistan to intensify its efforts to curb terrorism in the tribal region bordering Afghanistan. But instead of reproaching the Bush Administration for carrying out missile strikes on our territory and killing innocent citizens, the government simply described these attacks as violations of our sovereignty and interference in our internal affairs. This muted response will only strengthen the perception that the current democratic dispensation will further capitulate to the US diktat in the days to come. The Americans are already propagating the new civilian set-up in Islamabad as fully supporting their counterinsurgency strategy and participating in the US-led actions against militants. The White House spokesman told a press briefing on Monday that Pakistan's civilian government now fully stood with the US in the fight against the militants, whereas her counterpart at the State Department simply evaded a question on the recent missile strikes, saying "I have seen a lot of news reports...I'll refer you to the Pakistani government for any comment." But his observation that the Pentagon was investigating a missile attack in Afghanistan indicates that the US is more concerned about the security situation on the other side of the Durand Line.
President Zardari's initiative to invite Mr Karzai to his oath-taking ceremony may help in containing the Afghan government's brinkmanship towards Pakistan. Both neighbours can fight the battle against terrorism more effectively by reinforcing each other, rather than indulging in the blame game. Islamabad must also compel Washington to adhere to the agreed principle of intelligence sharing, instead of violating its sovereignty over and over again. Otherwise, the democratic dispensation will be seen doing the US bidding á la Musharraf.
Chinese offer
THE highlight of President Asif Zardari's first visit abroad, to China, is to be a deal on nuclear issues similar to that the USA has tried to offer India, which would involve cooperation in the civilian sector on applications of nuclear technology. This has come after the Nuclear Suppliers Group, of which China is a member, agreed that Pakistan should be allowed to receive civilian technology, as much as other states. It was announced by Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi, during a visit to New Delhi, that China hoped to fulfill the needs of all parties, while acting as a member of the NSG. When this is combined with the Chinese announcement that it would sign with Pakistan, during President Zardari's visit, an MOU on nuclear energy cooperation.
This is not to be ascribed to the superior diplomacy of President Zardari, for Pakistan had raised the issue at the time that the USA offered India nuclear unprecedented civilian-technology cooperation, more than two years ago, in exchange for India opening its non-military nuclear sites for inspection, even though it was not a signatory of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Pakistan demanded equal treatment, especially when the deal clearly overcame the non-proliferation regime that had been put in place to stop more states from testing nuclear weapons. India violated this ban as early as 1974, and again in 1998, when Pakistan, provoked deliberately by India beyond endurance, also responded. The USA tried to work out ways of overlooking India's development of nuclear weapons, and came up with the civilian nuclear cooperation idea, which once again accorded India special status and left Pakistan out in the cold. It was thus natural for Pakistan to ask the USA to be even-handed in its treatment of sovereign states, and to accord it a similar deal. The USA demurred, but Pakistan's all-weather friend, China, agreed in principle, except inasmuch as it was bound by its international agreements, such as by virtue of its membership of the NSG. Now that the NSG has agreed to accommodate India, China obviously feels freer to let Pakistan have the civilian nuclear cooperation that will bring something like 2000 MW online. With the persisting power shortages, these power plants will be more than welcome; they are essential to the future of not just our industry but our agriculture as well.
Such agreements are hammered out by diplomats well in advance, and President Zardari is only going on a visit planned for his predecessor. But it will be to his credit that the nuclear cooperation deal with China will go.
Limiting the damage
THE statement by Punjab Chief Minister Mian Shahbaz Sharif the other day that he was not concerned about Governor Punjab Salman Taseer badmouthing his party shows that the political temperature is far from normal. While there is no denying his assertion that his government in the province enjoys the people's mandate, his subsequent warning to the Centre that it should brace itself for a crisis in case an attempt is made at destabilising the provincial government seems to carry an unfriendly undertone. This will doubtless increase the acrimony between the two main political parties in the country and put the future of the Punjab government in jeopardy.
Now that Mr Zardari has lived up to the expectations of his party, fulfilling the promise that the Presidency will house a PPP diehard, he should take up the issue of reconciliation between the two mainstream parties with renewed interest. A day ago he took appropriate notice of Mr Taseer's uncalled-for criticism of the PML(N) and stopped him from giving irresponsible statements. That prompted Mr Taseer on Monday to confirm that no one would destabilize the Punjab government. That should certainly help assuage the worsening scenario on both fronts, but the reality is that it was the appointment of the governor that proved to be the problem. Just after assuming office, Mr Taseer, through his anti-PML(N) posture, sidestepped the job ascribed to him by the Constitution which requires the governor to play a non-partisan role, brought the two parties at loggerheads.
The country's present situation demands more political wisdom from its politicians. Settling scores or playing the politics of vendetta will lead nowhere, except to increasing the misery of the people who still look up to their leadership for the redress of their grievances. There is little doubt that bitterness between the two parties had already sapped a lot of government's energy in matters of governance. The present state of the economy, and the general restlessness, is a proof of that.
A word of caution
MIAN Nawaz Sharif has called on President-elect Asif Zardari before proceeding to London, without there being any breakthrough in the talks. The PML-N has also formally submitted to the National Assembly Secretariat Ch Nisar Ali Khan's application for being nominated Leader of the Opposition. The party has also reiterated the demand that the PPP withdraw from the Punjab cabinet. Unless Mr Zardari restores in a surprise move all the remaining judges and agrees to the appointment of Justice Iftikhar as the Chief Justice, there is little chance of the fulfilment of his desire to have a genuinely broad-based coalition running the country. Whether the PPP sits on the opposition benches in the Punjab Assembly or not, the PML-N should try to develop a working relationship with it. At the same time the PPP should not deprive the PML-N of its mandate to rule the province. Any attempt in that direction would revive the post-1988 rivalries and constitute the first step towards the unravelling of the democratic system. Commitment to the principle of provincial autonomy would require that the Centre does not take recourse to the ploys available to it to destabilize the Punjab administration. Let the two-party system, that was being formed before the 1999 coup, be revived and allowed to function without recourse to conspiracies and vendettas. It is time the two mainstream parties run the country in accordance with the Charter of Democracy.
The most vital issue on the government's agenda after Mr Zardari is sworn in is to restore the Constitution to its original shape. While talking to a US TV channel, President-elect Zardari emphasized that Parliament was to be supreme and that he would hand over many responsibilities to it. How the Constitution is to be amended and what precise powers need to be handed over to the Prime Minister is clearly and unambiguously defined in the Charter of Democracy signed by both Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Sharif. In the words of the accord, "The 1973 constitution as on 12th October 1999 before the military coup shall be restored with the provisions of joint electorates, minorities and women's reserved seats on closed party list in the Parliament, the lowering of the voting age and the increase in seats in Parliament, and the Legal Framework Order 2000 and the 17th Constitutional Amendment shall be replaced accordingly." Further, "The appointment of the Governors, the three services chiefs and the CJCSC shall be made by the Chief Executive who is the Prime Minister as per the 1973 constitution." The best tribute to Benazir Bhutto would be to carry out earnestly all the provisions contained in the Charter regarding constitutional changes.
Sycophants at home and vested interests abroad would like Mr. Zardari to be a powerful head of state like former President Musharraf. Falling victim to the lure of power had set into motion events that finally led to the downfall of Mian Nawaz Sharif. To avoid a similar fate, President-elect Zardari should fulfill the undertakings given in the CoD in letter and spirit.