Pakistan’s new government and Afghan policy — I

[HASEEB ANSARI]

Pakistan’s new government and Afghan policy — I
By Farakh A Khan

Pakistan’s policy of a friendly government in Afghanistan by promoting some warlords is a bad option and shall backfire.

The former UK Foreign Minister David Miliband in his article “How to end the war in Afghanistan” claimed that “Neither the UK nor the US started the war in Afghanistan.” Then who did? Miliband is either ill-informed or deliberately not telling the truth. Either way, this is not an unusual claim by the British throughout their history of colonisation.

Afghanistan has been at war for the last 30 years. With the Soviet invasion of 1979, Afghanistan was a pawn between the USSR and the US in the Cold War era. The Americans not only supplied arms and armament but also a heavy dose of the Saudi brand of Islam through Pakistan, promoting jihad (now a bad word in the US). General Ziaul Haq, the ruler of Pakistan at that time, claimed himself a follower of a similar brand of Islam. The leaders of the Mujahideen were on the payroll of the Saudis and Americans, including Osama bin Laden. Later, the foremost villain in the eyes of the Americans was bin Laden and his organisation al Qaeda, set up by the CIA. When the Americans left Afghanistan following the withdrawal of the Soviet army, the Afghans were cooked in their own juice. Huge amounts of arms awash in the country turned the Mujahideen into warlords, throwing Afghanistan into chaos. It was the Taliban that gave Afghanistan stability and security, but who also produced major problems in implementation of their brand of Islam trying to take the country back to the 9th century.

Now that the ‘Free World/’international community’ is ready to quit Afghanistan by next year, we need to think of Pakistan’s future policy regarding Afghanistan. We hear of many contradictory versions of the future of Afghanistan and Pakistan’s FATA in 2014. Most of the advice is from sources that have little knowledge of the history of the area and its ancient culture. Pakistan’s immediate concern is the Pakistani Taliban (over 40 groups), some of whom are responsible for suicide attacks and bombing of military and civilian targets. Some people are downright naive with no knowledge of the area. They claim that Pakistan can talk to the Taliban only when they ‘lay down their arms’! They do not realise that guns are a part of their family heirlooms and cannot be thrown away at the whims of some babu in Islamabad.

The US has allowed the opening of the Taliban office in Doha. The Pakistani press has gone viral claiming that Pakistan was responsible for this earth-shaking change in US policy. Let us be clear Pakistan has no role to play in Afghan Taliban policy and is still groping in the dark regarding Pakistan’s Taliban policy at the national level.

As usual I have to get you back in time to look into the future. We all know that Afghanistan was the only country that opposed the entry of Pakistan to the United Nations in 1947. Why? The reason is simple. The Durand Line (similar to the McMahon Line of 1914 between British India and Tibet) was drawn by Sir Mortimer Durand and Amir Abdur Rehman in 1893 to demarcate spheres of ‘interest’ between Afghanistan and British India. The actual survey was done between 1894 and 1896. It was never conceived as a border, since it cut across the Pashtun and Baloch tribes on either side, hence leaving a porous ‘border’ where families crossed over on either side with impunity. For the tribes the ‘border’ did not exist. The Pakistan government accepts the Line as an international border but has little control over it. Successive Afghan governments, to rev up anti-Pakistan sentiments, exploited this situation. At one stage, the slogan of Pashtunistan by successive Afghan governments was in vogue. For the Afghans their kings used Peshawar as their summer capital up to the 1820s before being taken over by Sikh forces and later by the British.

Having driven across Afghanistan three times in the 1960s and 1970s, I felt distinct Afghan hostility towards Pakistan. In contrast they had a soft spot for India. The situation has not changed today. It would be naive to think that Pakistan can keep India out of Afghanistan.

Our western border called the Durand Line (2,640 km) will remain the bone of contention between Pakistan and Afghanistan. This will merge our Afghan and FATA policies. Present and future Afghan governments shall use the Durand Line to raise tribal sentiments on both sides of the Line. The Afghans, Taliban, tribes and other citizens want the invading army of the Free World/international community out of their country. Historically, the Afghan tribes are highly insular and do not tolerate foreign interference. Pakistan’s champions are not acceptable to the Afghans. Mahmood of Ghazni and the Mughal Emperor Babar are still not considered as Afghan heroes. They are still dubbed as foreigners and their graves badly neglected in contrast to the impressive mausoleum of Ahmed Shah Abdali.

Although the agreement expired in 1993, for the foreseeable future the Durand Line will not become the border and we should accept the reality. From this point, Pakistan’s Afghan policy should move forward. Compared to Afghanistan, Pakistan has a robust army and air force, which the Afghan government cannot challenge. Pakistan cannot invade Afghanistan across the Line for political reasons and ground realities. At best, we should continue the age-old British policy. Pakistan’s policy of a friendly government in Afghanistan by promoting some warlords is a bad option and shall backfire. The best way forward today is to keep a friendly face towards Afghanistan and postpone the border issue to some date in the future.

At the moment, Pakistan has serious issues with the Taliban of FATA and their cohorts. This peaceful tribal belt exploded after 2004. There are different reasons for this violent reaction from peaceful people. Basically, Pashtuns are proud people and have a strong sense of revenge. US drone attacks compounded the situation even though there was minimal resentment among the Pakistanis across the country. The bomb blasts and suicide attacks in the cities of Pakistan evoked little sympathy for the Taliban cause. It is not surprising that the Taliban discontinued these bomb blasts in the cities.

(To be continued)

The writer is a freelance columnist
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default...9-6-2013_pg3_3

[HASEEB ANSARI]

Pakistan’s new government and Afghan policy — II
By Farakh A Khan

Today the policy on FATA is still in the hands of the army. The new government in Pakistan cannot change its FATA policy without the army’s consent (‘same page’ or the ‘only page’ theory)

Military action in FATA has
not helped the backlash on the army, air force and even the navy. Let us be clear that the people of Pakistan do not know the reality of military action in FATA since no independent sources are available. All we are told is that the army has moved a large number of refugees into makeshift camps near Peshawar. These people have lost their homes and animals and have been reduced to paupers in their own country. The army action in FATA has been on going since 2010, where air force sorties have destroyed ‘militant hideouts’ and killed significant numbers of ‘militants’ in the area almost on a daily basis. These news items are not confirmed by independent sources. We do not know or care as to how many innocent people were killed in these air attacks, which are no different from drone strikes by the US. Today the policy on FATA is still in the hands of the army. The new government in Pakistan cannot change its FATA policy without the army’s consent (‘same page’ or the ‘only page’ theory). Meanwhile, the failing Pakistani economy is bleeding. The cost of the ‘war on terror’ to Pakistan is estimated as $ 92 to $ 125 billion (we are not sure). Pakistan has lost 35,000 civilians and 3,500 army men. Imran Khan of the PTI tried to force the issue by taking a ‘peace caravan’ to South Waziristan but was stopped at the border of the Agency due to ‘security concerns’.

The new government should gather data from sources within FATA independent of the army before a realistic policy can be framed. Meanwhile, 1.6 million registered and the same numbers of unregistered Afghan refugees are somehow surviving in Pakistan since 2001. Will they go back? I have my doubts.

Durand Line Agreement:

Agreement between Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, GCSI, and Sir HenryMortimer Durand, KCIE, CSI.

Whereas certain questions have arisen regarding the frontier of Afghanistan on the side of India, and whereas both His Highness the Amir and the Government of India are desirous of settling these questions by friendly understanding, and of fixing the limit of their respective spheres of influence, so that for the future there may be no difference of opinion on the subject between the allied Governments, it is hereby agreed as follows:

1. The eastern and southern frontier of his Highness’s dominions, from Wakhan to the Persian border, shall follow the line shown in the map attached to this agreement.

2. The Government of India will at no time exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this line on the side of Afghanistan, and His Highness the Amir will at no time exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this line on the side of India.

3. The British Government thus agrees to His Highness the Amir retaining Asmar and the valley above it, as far as Chanak. His Highness agrees, on the other hand, that he will at no time exercise interference in Swat, Bajaur, or Chitral, including the Arnawai or Bashgal valley. The British Government also agrees to leave to His Highness the Birmal tract as shown in the detailed map already given to his Highness, who relinquishes his claim to the rest of the Waziri country and Dawar. His Highness also relinquishes his claim to Chageh.

4. The frontier line will hereafter be laid down in detail and demarcated, wherever this may be practicable and desirable, by joint British and Afghan commissioners, whose object will be to arrive by mutual understanding at a boundary which shall adhere with the greatest possible exactness to the line shown in the map attached to this agreement, having due regard to the existing local rights of villages adjoining the frontier.

5. With reference to the question of Chaman, the Amir withdraws his objection to the new British cantonment and concedes to the British Government the rights purchased by him in the Sirkai Tilerai water. At this part of the frontier the line will be drawn as follows:

From the crest of the Khwaja Amran range near the Psha Kotal, which remains in British territory, the line will run in such a direction as to leave Murgha Chaman and the Sharobo spring to Afghanistan, and to pass half-way between the New Chaman Fort and the Afghan outpost known locally as Lashkar Dand. The line will then pass half-way between the railway station and the hill known as the Mian Baldak, and, turning south-wards, will rejoin the Khwaja Amran range, leaving the Gwasha Post in British territory, and the road to Shorawak to the west and south of Gwasha in Afghanistan. The British Government will not exercise any interference within half a mile of the road.

6. The above articles of’ agreement are regarded by the Government of India and His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan as a full and satisfactory settlement of all the principal differences of opinion which have arisen between them in regard to the frontier; and both the Government of India and His Highness the Amir undertake that any differences of detail, such as those which will have to be considered hereafter by the officers appointed to demarcate the boundary line, shall be settled in a friendly spirit, so as to remove for the future as far as possible all causes of doubt and misunderstanding between the two Governments.

7. Being fully satisfied of His Highness’s goodwill to the British Government, and wishing to see Afghanistan independent and strong, the Government of India will raise no objection to the purchase and import by His Highness of munitions of war, and they will themselves grant him some help in this respect. Further, in order to mark their sense of the friendly spirit in which His Highness the Amir has entered into these negotiations, the Government of India undertake to increase by the sum of six lakhs of rupees a year the subsidy of twelve lakhs now granted to His Highness.

H M Durand,

Amir Abdur Rahman Khan.

Kabul, November 12, 1893.



(Concluded)

The writer is a freelance columnist
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default...0-6-2013_pg3_3