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shallowwater · #25 Saturday, May 16, 2009

1. An overdue exercise.

WHILE the military operation in Swat is in full swing and the government and the entire nation are trying to cope with its aftereffects in the form of over a million IDPs, Prime Minster Gilani has convened the overdue All Parties Conference on Monday to discuss the situation. Many think the best time for the exercise was when the militants had refused to lay down arms, rejected the courts, parliament and democracy as un-Islamic and vowed to continue their attempts to enforce an extremist version of the Shariah all over the country through the barrel of the gun. Belated as it is, the move is nevertheless welcome as it would provide the government the benefit of inputs from parties representing a cross section of society. The in-camera briefing by the COAS to the heads of the parliamentary parties would help them realize the gravity of the situation and to evaluate various aspects the military response.
The country's internal security is under threat as never before. While a full-blown military operation is being conducted in Malakand Agency, there are disturbing reports emerging from a number of other areas. Despite the official circles having rubbished the BBC report which maintained that the government enjoyed effective control only over 38 per cent area of NWFP and the tribal region, militants continue to target security personnel, attack government installations and private property and kill innocent people in the province and the tribal region. On Thursday alone, three soldiers died when their convoy came under attack in North Waziristan. A school and a college were blown up in Mohmand Agency and Darra Adamkhel. In Dera Ismail Khan eight policemen were injured when militants attacked three police stations. There are disturbing signals from the ulema and political parties. On Wednesday a group of religious scholars announced that they would fight the militants in case the army failed to bring them under control. The next day another group of ulema and political leaders called for a halt to the operations. The situation cannot be retrieved unless there is a unified response from the entire nation. The leaders at the APC must avoid point scoring or playing to the gallery. The government, the opposition and the army must jointly evolve a well-thought out strategy which has to be aimed at winning over the vast majority comprising moderates and isolating the extremists. Force must be used only when all other means have failed, and then too sparingly and for as short a period as possible. Attempts should be made to isolate the extremists who challenge the writ of the state by negotiations with those who are willing to lay down arms, accept the democratic system and join the mainstream. Meanwhile full attentions should be paid to the welfare of those displaced by the military operation.

2. Mending walls.

CHIEF Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry has taken notice of what he calls "loot sale" of precious state land worth billions of rupees at a throwaway price in Karachi. He has indicated that a commission might be formed to probe into the matter. This comes on the heels of the Supreme Court notification to the federal government on Wednesday asking it to revise the petroleum pricing formula. The court has informed the government that appropriate action would be taken in case the prices are not reduced. Notwithstanding the authority of the Supreme Court to take actions on its own, one cannot overlook the fact that the suo moto actions should be very selective. It should be an exception rather than a rule. As the saying goes, good fences make good neighbours. What is more, the equation between the judiciary and the executive is a delicate one, which demands that all the organs of the state act within their constitutional parameters and avoid collision. And it would be out of place to assume that the Chief Justice would be incognizant of this fact. Take for instance his statement that it was not his job to look into issues the petroleum pricing formula.
Obviously, the argument that the judiciary must not poke its nose in the affairs of the executive has its own worth. However, this principle sounds valid only when all organs of the state are acting in accordance with fairness and law. The role of judiciary in overseeing the functioning of the executive, thus, can only be ruled out when there is good governance and rule of law in the country something that is missing. There are issues of gross negligence on the part of the administration, which cannot be left unnoticed. The authorities cannot be just given a blank cheque to go about their corrupt ways as this goes on to register a direct impact on provision of justice and rule of law in society. Moreover, since the executive is, by and large the most powerful organ of the state, the idea of an independent judiciary keeping an eye on it doesn't seem that erroneous. Even a matter as negligible as an unjust petroleum pricing formula could take horrific proportions by exacting a heavy toll on a very large section of the population. If the government is fleecing the poor, the judiciary must step in and hold the political executive accountable. What is needed to stop the court's interference in administrative matters is honesty and efficiency on the part of the administration. There will be no need for judicial intervention if all the organs of the state particularly the executive acted fully in accordance with law and practiced good governance.

3. US aid.

THE United States House of Representatives has approved an aid programme worth one billion dollars for Pakistan in its struggle against militancy. The figure that the Senate had approved is a hundred million dollars short of the lower house's aid, meaning the total amount would probably have to be somewhere between. The aid is classified as security and economic aid, both of which Pakistan needs. But it is the former, which it needs in a very immediate sense.
The armed forces are waging a war in the troubled Swat valley, which is leading to a large amount of civilian displacement. This displacement, if lingered on for a longer period of time, is going to cause an immense amount of resentment against the state and the armed forces, which is, predictably, going to be cashed in on by the militants later on. Furthermore, the operation itself has many shortcomings. The US counter-insurgency rulebook has been rewritten. They are trading their uses of airpower and artillery for a more extensive use of infantry. Sure, this approach yields more casualties but collateral damage is minimized. The Pakistan Army, unfortunately, is yet to engage in this dangerous yet more effective mode of warfare. The money that the US is giving in terms of military aid should be spent on gearing the infantry with the necessary equipment and training that is required in waging such a war.
Another aspect that must be taken care of is the necessity of accountability. There are widespread allegations of graft in the money that the government and the armed forces secured from the US during the Musharraf regime. A full-fledged investigation into where that money went should be launched in earnest. We, as a nation, should not be on the dole. If circumstances dictate that we are to accept aid from other nations, we should at least make sure that money is spent not only honestly, but also wisely.