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shallowwater · #47 Sunday, June 07, 2009

1. Nawaz, Sindhi press.

On Friday Mian Nawaz Sharif had his first encounter with the major Sindhi print media. That those who called on him represented all important provincial newspapers indicated the interest evoked by the PML chief in Sindh. The questions raised encompassed a wide area and some of them must have been uncomfortable. On the whole he fielded them well.
The fact of Mian Nawaz drawing main support from Punjab has been widely debated in the Sindhi media. Attempts were made initially by a section of the nationalists to portray him as a leader who represented the interests of Punjab. During the first tenure of the PML-N, fears were expressed in Sindh that he might take measures perceived by many to be against Sindh's vital interest, the foremost being the construction of the Kalabagh Dam. The suspicions were allayed to an extent when Mian Nawaz instead worked out a consensus formula on water sharing in March 1991. His dismissal by first Ghulam Ishaq Khan and then in a military coup further weakened the stand of those who persisted in presenting him as a handmaiden of the Punjabi establishment. The age-old suspicions have however continued to lurk and political opponents have at times tried to capitalise on them to isolate the PML-N. A few months back when he was planning to visit Sindh, a propaganda campaign was launched that that PML-N workers had desecrated the place in Rawalpindi where Benazir Bhutto was assassinated. One of the journalists on Friday pointedly asked him why he had only targeted Sindhis like Mr Asif Ali Zardari and retired judges, Sajjad Ali Shah and Abdul Hamid Dogar. There were also questions about his stand on the Kalabagh Dam and the role of the security agencies. Mian Nawaz made it clear that while he was a Punjabi he did not stand for parochialism but considered himself a Pakistani nationalist. Further, in order to assuage Sindhis' fears he went to the extent of assuring them that no big water reservoir would be constructed without prior consensus among the provinces despite the dire need to go ahead with the project. He also said that while he entertained strong reservations about the government's failure to do away with the 17th amendment and implement the CoD, he had no personal grudge against President Zardari. What is more, while opting to remain out of the federal government, he continued to support it as no single party could deal with the momentous challenges being currently faced by the country. He also maintained that if the agencies did not stop the games they have been playing the country might break up. Mian Nawaz was less than candid when he denied that he wanted to accumulate all powers in his hands as Amir-ul-Momineen through a constitutional amendment. National leaders should have the courage to own their blunders if they are not to repeat them. What is more, they must frequently visit other provinces to have a firsthand knowledge of the people's problems instead of remaining confined to their hometown.

2. Strange logic.

Holding out the assurance that the US would respect Pakistan's sovereignty and its troops would not cross the "red line" to enter its territory but, at the same time, continuing with drone attacks on the tribal areas is strange logic. And if Pakistani leaders' public stance about these raids were to be taken on its face value it sounds equally strange that none of the top functionaries whom American Special Representative on Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke met during his three-day visit to Islamabad raised the issue with him. When asked at a press conference at Islamabad on Friday that the US was not respecting Pakistanis' sentiments against these drones, Mr Holbrooke maintained that not a single Pakistani, official or member of the civil society, had mentioned the issue to him.
One would have expected that a strong case against these attacks was made out before him, pointing out that they were proving counterproductive to the efforts Islamabad was making to defeat militancy. When Pakistan's armed forces were actively engaged in driving out the militant forces, there remained little justification, if at all there ever was, for the US pilotless planes to launch missiles on targets located on its soil. Besides, even according to the Western media, casualties consisted largely of the local population. So far these attacks have resulted in the deaths of a dozen-odd Al-Qaeda operatives. Against this small number, the drones have killed hundreds of innocent civilians, obviously creating a backlash not only against the US but also Pakistan. Not taking up this serious issue with Mr Holbrooke tends to confirm the perception that the ruling leadership is complicit in the violation of the country territorial sovereignty. It needs to put the correct picture before the public and explain the reasons why this extraordinary permission had been granted. Washington should have been clearly told to share intelligence with Islamabad and leave the rest with its security forces. About the widespread concern that the expected surge of American troops in Afghanistan would compel the militants to enter into Pakistan, he assured that operations would be coordinated with the Pakistan security forces to enable them to take appropriate measures. Only time will tell whether it works out as envisaged. Mr Holbrooke appeared to be receptive to the call of Prime Minister Gilani that Pakistan's debt should be written off to face the twin challenges of militancy and economic slowdown. The government should approach the US government with a formal proposal.

3. Inexcusable.

A powerful blast inside a mosque in Haygai Sharqi in Upper Dir has left 42 worshippers including 12 children dead. The bomber was identified and forced to stop soon after he sneaked into the mosque. That however, did not prevent him from blowing himself up. The death toll could have been much higher, had the bomber succeeded in making it to the middle of the crowd of over 400 people.
The area is thought to be the one of the strongholds of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. Consequently, the people there had formed a Lashkar and set up various checkpoints to prevent the Taliban from moving into this area. The attack appears to be an attempt by militants to teach the locals a lesson. But how could one justify an attack on a mosque, the house of God? This would lead one to the conclusion that those who have been waging an armed movement in Swat and elsewhere ostensibly for the imposition of Shariat have a hidden agenda. They are least interested in Islam. The ANP leadership got it right in saying that those who carried out the attack are neither Muslims nor human beings. Besides, this is not the first attack on a mosque and proves the extreme mindset of the perpetrators. In March 2009, an attack in a Khyber agency mosque left a number of worshipers dead.
In the meanwhile, the whole nation should be on guard for these occurrences as long as the military operation reaches its logical end. Militants are on the run and their sanctuaries under fire but as the attack on the ISI headquarters in Lahore and now in Dir, shows, the terrorists will retaliate wherever they can. Likewise there are reports indicating that the explosives laden vehicles have been making it to major cities. In such a scenario, our law enforcement agencies and the security establishment would have to make greater effort to ensure that the enemies of the state do not succeed in their nefarious designs.