12.05.2013 Plotting for plots
In a country, where the poor majority does not even have a roof over their heads, bureaucrats succeed in acquiring residential plots and agricultural land at nominal prices
By Alauddin Masood
The Prime Minister’s office is looking for 100-120 acres of land in Islamabad’s Zone IV to provide one extra residential plot to BS (grade) 22 federal secretaries over the next eight to ten years. The Prime Minister’s office has desired that these plots should be in a sector having comparable land price with the already developed D-12 Sector.
Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister (PSPM), Khwaja Mohammad Siddiq Akbar, in a written communiqué on April 29, 2013, asked the CDA to submit a final proposal in concrete terms, earmarking a particular piece of land and time framework for development of the proposed plots. Had the Baboos displayed a similar futuristic approach for catering to the infrastructure needs of the country, perhaps, the nation might not be facing the problems that it is confronted with these days!
All employees of the federal government from grade 1 to grade 22 are eligible for a residential plot at official rates. However, these plots are allotted to them on merit and through balloting, near the fag end of their career or after retirement. But, Shaukat Aziz administration doled out one additional plot to all federal secretaries in BS 22, perhaps, to ensure that they didn’t raise any objection to the clamour for increase in salaries as well as perks and privileges, which was rife during those days in the higher echelons of power. Presently, some 95 federal secretaries are looking for residential plots.
If one tries to find out how the top bureaucrats managed to get residential plots at official rates in Islamabad, it would lead him to the mid-1980s and the Junejo-led government’s efforts to meet the shortage of houses in the country by catering to the housing needs of the citizens, in particular the people in the middle and lower income groups. The principal physical targets of the Junejo government’s 4-year housing policy/plan, which was announced on December 31, 1985, included:
1. Creation of 2.2 million seven-marla plots for free distribution among the poor shelterless people of the rural areas.
2. Creation of three-marla plots in the urban centres for free distribution to the destitute (Mustahqeen-i-Zakat) and at nominal price to the shelterless people.
3. Construction of one million houses for the shelterless poor people in the country, including 20,000 rural and 15,000 urban houses in each province.
4. Development of townships at all district headquarters.
5. Allotment of 10,000 small plots, ranging from 90 square yards to 140 square yards, to the low paid government employees in Islamabad.
6. Development and regularisation of Katchi Abadis existing in the country before March 23, 1985 and handing over proprietary rights to their legitimate owners.
The Junejo government’s housing policy was not exclusively for the government servants, but it aimed to address the housing needs of the entire nation, in particular the people in the lower income groups. As far as the government employees were concerned, it was envisaged to create 10,000 small plots, ranging from 90 square yards to 140 square yards, for the low paid government employees in Islamabad.
But, after the Junejo government’s dismissal, the establishment and the bureaucracy circumvented the policy so as to accommodate the elite with the result that the housing problem has continued to grow, both in size and dimensions, over the years. The Shaukat Aziz administration made the policy more beneficial for the top bureaucrats.
Resultantly, against a shortfall of 2.8 million houses in the country in the mid-80s, it now faces a deficit of over eight million housing units, and the officials believe that the shortage continued to grow by about 300,000 houses per year. Against a requirement of 600,000 housing units per year, the actual production of houses in the country remained below 300,000 units per year.
The housing industry, which economists believed accounted for 10 to 12 per cent of GDP and seven per cent of employment, has a great potential as one of the main drivers of economic growth. It can become the biggest creator of jobs and also engage dozens of industries, thus creating demand for growth of the economy on the one hand and on the other contribute to efforts for the alleviation of poverty. As in other countries, the authorities need to encourage the private sector to come forward and make investments in this sector.
In 2007, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz also announced a scheme “Housing for All.” Under the programme, Islamabad Capital Territory and provincial governments were committed to allocating 100 acres of state land at affordable prices to the government servants. In contrast to the Junejo government’s housing policy, which tried to cater to the needs of all vulnerable sections of the society by providing them plots gratis or at affordable prices, the Aziz government confined its largesse to the state minions only. Hence, its “Housing for All” programme was a misnomer! What a novel interpretation of equality or equal treatment to all citizens?
Earlier, state officials were not allowed perks over and above their normal salaries. However, post-1970, the rulers started granting liberal perks to bureaucrats in a bid to get maximum cooperation from the Baboos, which they felt was essential to prolonging their rule and for stifling the opposition. A beginning was made by extending the facility of cars to secretaries and additional secretaries, benefiting BS-21 and BS-22 federal officers and BS-19 and BS-20 provincial officers. In 2007, the government extended the facility of 1000 cc chauffeur-driven cars to its BS-20 officers as well.
However, before 1958, all bureaucrats made their own arrangements for commuting to and from their offices. They did not feel shy even using bicycles for this purpose. The list of federal secretaries pedalling to their offices in those days also included Sir Edwards Snelson, Federal Secretary Law and Parliamentary Affairs, a Britisher who served till the early days of Ayub Khan’s regime. In those days, even the prime ministers felt at ease travelling in old models of cars. Ministers also drew clear lines of distinction between the official and private journeys and used state vehicles strictly for official duties only. The wives of ministers, including Begum Nusrat Bhutto, who wanted to attend social or cultural functions, had to use their private cars or make some other arrangement.
With the passage of time, it appears, the bureaucracy’s lust for perks, privileges and choicest postings has been gradually increasing and it now appears to have become insatiable. In the mid-1990s, during Malik Meraj Khalid-led caretaker government, the grade 20 joint secretaries, who had lost all hope of promotion as additional secretaries, managed to get elevated to grade 21 manoeuvring the creation of 85 new posts. In fact, it was a new cadre, styled as senior joint secretaries. Since then whenever a new administration takes over, the Baboos start efforts to win them over to get some more benefits from them.
Shaukat Aziz administration tried to quench the thirst of the Baboos for perks and privileges by providing them an “additional residential plot” in Islamabad, and the services of a chauffeur/orderly, post retirement. A number of federal secretaries, who were allotted two residential plots each in Islamabad, had already been gifted several plots, both commercial and residential, in other parts of the country. One of them is reported to have acquired over 20 plots, and is still looking for more.
In a country, where the majority does not even have a roof of their own over their heads, over six million children are out of schools and 30 million peasants are still landless, is it not ridiculous that some bureaucrats succeed in acquiring 8-10 residential plots, chunks of agricultural land at nominal price and other perks?
When the masses are not offered such sweetheart deals in the Pakland, they fail to comprehend what have the bureaucrats done to deserve such largesse? Why should overtaxed citizens bear the luxurious life styles of the bureaucrats, especially when they are responsible for the degeneration and decline in service standards? Even some saner elements amongst the beneficiaries from the largesse feel that the limited state resources cannot sustain these additional perks for long.
The writer is a freelance columnist based at Islamabad.
alauddinmasood@gmail.com