Taxing parliament
THE latest tax directory of parliamentarians still has the same question marks hanging over it. Given the lavish lifestyles they lead, how do so many of our legislators justify their miserly taxes? For example, the combined taxes paid by Nawaz Sharif, Shahbaz Sharif and Hamza Shahbaz Sharif are less than half the tax paid by Jehangir Tareen. Meanwhile, Imran Khan, who has made it his single-minded obsession to accuse all his political opponents of corruption and of accumulating ill-gotten wealth, paid a paltry Rs76,244 in taxes for last year. This would mean his total taxable income last year was just over Rs100,000 per month. One is left wondering how he manages on his income to pay the costs of running his palatial Bani Gala residence.
There is something seriously wrong when an individual’s declared tax liability is less than his or her utility bill. It adds insult to injury when the person in question happens to be a holder of elected office. What makes the situation even more unjust is the fact that these declarations have come at the end of a year in which the government said direct tax collections had declined as a proportion of total revenue, and there has been growing recourse to withholding tax and indirect taxes. This was also the year the government launched what it called a massive documentation drive, angrily denouncing those whom it accused of taking advantage of the architecture of the formal economy, like the financial system, without making any contribution for the maintenance of the system. No wonder successive governments have had such a hard time broadening the tax base and persuading more segments of the population to help share the revenue burden of the state. When the rulers at the top refuse to carry this burden, how can they credibly ask others to do so?
Given the fabulous lifestyles that so many of our legislators lead, and the luxurious vehicles they drive to parliament, their declared incomes are pathetic, to put it mildly. In some cases, they take refuge in the argument that they pay an agriculture income tax to the provincial government, but even with these numbers included many of them land up with taxable incomes less than that of a mid-level salaried individual. Many of them live off incomes that are ascribed to others, or claim large gifts. Fact is our tax code is riddled with too many holes, and there is a manifest lack of will at the top to live by the rules that they make for others. A few years ago, this same group brought untold shame to the country when it was revealed that almost two-thirds of parliamentarians did not even file tax returns. At least that has been rectified now. The next step for the state is to get actual revenue.
‘Ordinance factory’
PRESIDENTIAL ordinances are a parliamentary bugbear and rightly so. While a constitutional device, presidential ordinances are in many ways antithetical to parliamentary democracy — especially when they are deployed as a way to bypass parliament. This week, the opposition in the National Assembly staged a symbolic walkout to protest what it termed the government’s attempt to convert parliament into an ordinance factory. The constitutional scheme is clear. According to Article 89 (1), “The President may, except when the Senate or National Assembly is in session, if satisfied that circumstances exist which render it necessary to take immediate action, make and promulgate an Ordinance, as the circumstances may require.” Further, following the 18th Amendment, the life of an ordinance cannot exceed 120 days, unless parliament gives a one-time-only extension of a further 120 days. For any ordinance to become permanent legislation, it must be passed as an Act of Parliament. The constitutional scheme, then, regards ordinances as the exception, to be used only in special circumstances, and requires all legislation to be laid before parliament. That is how it should be; but the PML-N is continuing a woeful tradition of legislative short cuts.
Therein lies part of the problem: all governments have to some extent resorted to presidential ordinances to avoid the more complicated, sometimes messy, process of guiding legislation through both houses of parliament. And even though presenting an ordinance to parliament is now inevitable, the 120 days of existence an ordinance enjoys tends to create its own pressure for its extension and then conversion into an Act of Parliament. Once something becomes law and the executive begins to implement it, parliament can be seen as disruptive if it acts to reverse the measure. There is no easy solution other than deepening democratic norms. While other parties have had their own flawed approaches to parliament, the PML-N is particularly egregious when it comes to parliamentary practice. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif himself sets a tone of disdain by his rare appearances in parliament and his virtual refusal to submit to parliamentary questioning. But the problem is not limited to him: other than the interior minister and, on rare occasions, the finance minister, no senior PML-N minister has shown much interest in parliament. Presidential ordinances can be a bad thing, but much worse is the PML-N’s attitude towards parliament.
Eidul Azha hygiene
WHILE maintaining cleanliness during Eidul Azha is a yearly challenge, this year authorities must make an extra effort for a countrywide clean-up after the sacrifice due to the prevailing threat of Crimean-Congo haemorrhagic fever. As reported, at least 28 people have died of the ailment in the country so far. While we have been arguing in these columns over the past few weeks for better management of livestock markets and the inflow of beasts into thickly populated areas, now, with Eid just two days away, the focus of both the municipal authorities and general public must shift to the post-sacrifice clean-up effort. While experts have suggested that animals be sacrificed in designated areas, it is highly unlikely that most people — being creatures of habit — will heed this advice; they will probably continue to conduct the sacrifice on the streets and in backyards. Therefore, the authorities must focus their efforts on the removal of offal as soon as possible to prevent the spread of Congo fever and other ailments. It is also recommended the public — especially those handling animals and meat — wear protective gear.
Maintaining hygiene during Eid is particularly problematic in large urban centres such as Karachi and Lahore. In the latter, observers say during the past few years the solid waste management system’s performance has dipped with trash piling up in parts of the city. To prevent the spread of disease, municipal authorities in Lahore must ensure that offal is removed quickly. Karachi’s garbage problem is on a wholly different plane, though matters have improved slightly under Sindh Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah’s watch. Yet a brewing pay dispute between KMC employees and city managers threatens to sabotage the clean-up operation during Eid. This issue must be resolved forthwith and the workers must be paid so that the city does not reek with the stench of rotting offal. The health of millions of people depends on the timely removal of leftovers from the sacrifice.
Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn September 11th, 2016