Accountability suffers

THE accountability of public officials is back in the news, though perhaps not in the most encouraging of ways. Competing bills by the government and opposition to reshape the legislative landscape for inquiry commissions are ostensibly meant to pave the way for a judicial commission to investigate the Panama Papers revelations and other alleged financial crimes of public officials and figures. But the true purposes are, unfortunately, far removed from an honest attempt to cleanse the body politic of corruption: the government wants to dilute any probe against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his family, while the opposition appears to have little interest in anything beyond what can politically damage and embarrass the Sharifs. Sadly, anti-corruption mantras have become little more than political delaying tactics or cudgels to beat political enemies with.

Where parliament could play its role under the existing system, the committee system has found itself shackled. The Public Accounts Committee, supposedly the linchpin of oversight over spending by the executive, was reduced to bemoaning its ineffectiveness because of the unwieldy, protracted audit process of ministries and the toothlessness of the PAC when it comes to having wrongdoing punished. Here, too, however, politics is never far from the surface. The PAC headed by Khurshid Shah, leader of the opposition in the National Assembly, now wants the committee to have expanded resources and a permanent secretariat created to serve it. While a sensible idea, why has it taken three years for Mr Shah and some in the PAC to wake up to the structural and resource constraints? Could it perhaps have something to do with the wrangling over a Panama Papers inquiry? Perhaps also the PPP is awakening to the need to position itself for the 2018 general election by working to expose corruption in the current government. And, finally, could Mr Shah’s newfound enthusiasm for one of his most high-profile duties have something to do with the fact that the PAC is nearing the end of its scrutiny of the previous, PPP-led coalition and will soon be delving more deeply into the accounts of the present set-up?

Where the politicians are disappointing in their familiar, self-serving games, other institutions are trying to pick up the slack — but with mixed results so far. A bench of the Supreme Court has clashed with NAB yet again, this time over the latter’s focus on petty corruption at the expense of so-called mega-corruption scams. NAB is a flawed institution that needs legislative revamping, but surely it can act with a modicum of independence, especially with a watchful Supreme Court nudging it along towards fair and transparent action. But NAB appears to be conflicted about its fundamental role and there is only so much the superior judiciary can do as an institution. True accountability remains a distant dream.

Rangers’ gaffe

HAD it not been a question of misleading state institutions and trivialising the serious issue of human rights violations, one could look upon it as an amusing tale. At a Senate committee hearing in July, a Sindh Rangers representative claimed that a group by the name of the Human Rights Commission South Asia had endorsed the Karachi operation in a report. Many senators, suspicious of this assertion, have now discovered that no such organisation exists. There is a website which appears fake: it has spelling mistakes, and its ‘resources and links’ page only has links to newspapers, mostly Pakistani. Even those the website claims are its ‘correspondents’ in the country have denied any connection with the group. The fact that a high-level officer would appear before the Senate and present a ‘report’ by such a manifestly fictitious group that casts doubt on allegations of extralegal tactics, shows the poor level of concern that exists — both for human rights in Pakistan, and for the sanctity of the country’s elected institutions.

We are living in a world where propaganda is ubiquitous. There are websites for everything —from quack science and fake news to bogus degrees from universities that don’t exist. Social media has provided a potent tool to propagandists who can, with the help of a large number of robotic accounts, actually manipulate traffic and plant disinformation. Very often dubious news items and other dodgy pieces of information that circulate among us as if they were fact are traced back to such accounts and websites. It’s not very difficult to tell who is behind a certain operation — one can judge from the kind of material that is being put out and the position that is being taken on a specific issue. It is the responsibility of every citizen to be on guard against these scams. The Rangers officer who saw it fit to cite a ‘report’ by a group that appears to be nothing more than a thinly built website with no content beyond a few links demonstrated a grievous error of judgement — at best. Regrettably, the Rangers have refused to send a representative to appear again before the committee before November. In this case, it seems that the Senate has very little power to seek any kind of redressal; still committee members should do everything they can to at least highlight the egregious breach of professionalism that the paramilitary force displaced.

Expat workers in limbo

DESPITE the state’s intervention, the ordeal of Pakistani workers stranded in Saudi Arabia for many months without pay seems no closer to a solution. As reported on Thursday, around 100 Pakistani workers of a Saudi company, United Seemac, say they have not seen any pay cheques for several months. The period they have gone without pay ranges from nine to 16 months. If living in a foreign country with an empty pocket were not bad enough, the workers told this paper their residency permits had expired as their employer had not paid the renewal fee for the documents. This amounts to double jeopardy because if the workers are caught without valid residency documents by Saudi police, the consequences will be dire — most likely a one-way flight home after a stay in jail. These workers are not alone, as over 8,000 individuals employed by other Saudi firms have made similar complaints about inordinately delayed pay cheques.

The Foreign Office and minister for overseas Pakistanis have said they are pursuing the matter. In fact, the minister concerned, Saddaruddin Shah Rashdi, was in the kingdom recently to discuss the matter with the Saudi authorities. However, the fact that he reportedly told a National Assembly standing committee on Tuesday that blowing the matter “out of proportion” may harm ties between Riyadh and Islamabad is indeed strange. The livelihoods and well-being of these overseas Pakistanis should be the state’s top priority. While cordial ties with Saudi Arabia are indeed in Pakistan’s interest, these should not come at the cost of denying the affected workers their rights. Some of the employers have said the Saudi government has failed to clear their dues, due to the financial crunch the kingdom is facing, which has affected cash flow to workers. Considering the situation, Pakistan must use diplomatic channels to communicate to the Saudi authorities the need to clear the outstanding dues of Pakistani workers in the kingdom immediately.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, September 2nd, 2016

KP attacked again

KHYBER Pakhtunkhwa has been attacked once again, and once again a familiar set of questions have arisen about the seeming ease with which multiple suicide bombers and fidayeen attackers were able to arrive at their targets in the heart of the province. A day earlier, the ISPR chief had asserted that significant successes have been notched up in the fight against militancy, but the attacks in Mardan and Peshawar have reinforced that a long and complicated fight still lies ahead. While the military is keen to discuss its successes in the various operations ongoing across the country, perhaps it should also be more candid about the extant threats and the terror networks that are still operational. The need for a more realistic outlook is essential for the public, otherwise the incongruity of a military claiming successes while attacks continue in various parts of the country will only add to the national confusion.

While responsibility for yesterday’s attacks cannot yet be known definitively, the claim by Jamaatul Ahrar does seem credible. Alarmingly, not only does the banned TTP faction appear to have a growing reach, from Quetta to Peshawar, but its resources, manpower and organisational capacity seem to be growing. Pakistani security officials point the finger of blame at Afghanistan, where TTP militants have apparently found sanctuary in the eastern region bordering Pakistan and where sections of the state and intelligence apparatus are evincing a renewed hostility towards this country. Addressing the evolved TTP threat has not proved easy because it involves everything from military strategy to national security and foreign policy to border management. Unhappily, not only does the necessary military and civilian cooperation here appear non-existent, but there is perhaps a fundamental divergence over the path ahead. While the civilian government rightly emphasises a policy of peace and reconciliation with neighbouring countries, it seems to have neither the space nor the inclination to deal with a tough set of national security and foreign policy challenges. Yesterday, the anomalous situation was on display yet again as Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif inaugurated one more road project and talked about Pakistan being on the path to prosperity — while Peshawar and Mardan were bleeding yet again.

Where the civilian government may be out of ideas or lack space, the military establishment seems far too keen on externalising blame rather than working towards understanding the sustained and simultaneously evolving militant threat. Wherever the Jamaatul Ahrar leadership may be based, the attacks are taking place deep inside Pakistan. Why is the intelligence apparatus always one step behind the militants? Peshawar and Mardan were no lone-wolf attacks and likely required a network of individuals to facilitate the attackers. While the bravery of security personnel helped limit the damage, it is virtually impossible to stop a suicide bomber who has already been deployed. But why are militants still operating with relative ease?

SBP governor’s take

THE role of central banks is a delicate one. Central banks are the custodians of the confidence that is so essential to the smooth functioning of the financial system, particularly in the area of sovereign debt. This can be a high-wire act in bad times when the data says one thing and the job demands another. The State Bank governor tried to perform this fragile balancing act on Thursday when he held a news conference to try to reassure the markets that the country’s debt-servicing capacity remains strong and whatever drop in remittances we saw in July owed itself mostly to temporary factors. But then he went far beyond the data in suggesting that the future is strong because the energy situation had been sorted, exporters had received assurances of expedited tax refunds, the law and order situation was improving, and more. In short, instead of an economic analysis, he presented a list of positives that sounded more political in tone.

In doing so, he has gone beyond his role as a curator of the financial markets. He was absolutely right to reassure the markets that Pakistan has not defaulted on its sovereign debts, even in bad times, and nothing in the data suggests that debt-service difficulties are around the corner. He was also right to point out that in the two years preceding 2013, debt-service obligations were higher than they are now and they were still met ‘successfully’. But it is worth recalling that at the end of this period, Pakistan landed up on the doorstep of the IMF. So how ‘successfully’ were these obligations really met if addressing the challenge landed the government in the emergency room? More than the present level of foreign exchange reserves, what determines a country’s debt-service capacity is the state of its external deficits. Is the economy really accumulating non-debt-creating reserves? If so, where is the $7bn windfall that came our way in the past couple of years from the decline in oil prices? Now that the data shows deterioration in the health of the three main pillars of the external account — FDI, exports and remittances — it is indeed time for the State Bank to step in and breathe a little confidence into the debt markets. But in doing so, it would be better to leave the rhetoric to the politicians and stick to what the data allows one to say.

Gross medical negligence

KARACHI can be a rough, violent city. But what makes matters worse is the callous attitude displayed by many of those who are supposed to be providing succour to victims of violence. As pointed out in a letter published on these pages on Friday, sometimes even basic human compassion is missing at public hospitals in the metropolis. According to the letter, a young man named Asim was shot in a botched mobile phone robbery attempt on Aug 18. As if this traumatic experience were not enough, it is shocking to know that the victim was turned away from three public-sector hospitals — for varying reasons — in his precarious condition. The staff at Abbasi Shaheed Hospital told his attendants they lacked the ability to treat him; the people at Jinnah declared it to be a ‘cardio case’ and referred him to the cardio section, only to be told at that facility that the patient should be shifted to Liaquat National Hospital. Sadly, the victim died as he reached that hospital.

We are quite sure that this is no isolated case; many such undocumented cases probably occur on a frequent basis in Karachi’s crime-infested streets. What is especially unfortunate is that this incident occurred despite the Sindh government’s directives that emergency services should be provided by all hospitals — public and private — even in an apparent ‘police case’. Yet as the above mentioned incident illustrates, many major health facilities in Karachi are wary of taking cases that may require the involvement of a medico-legal officer. This state of affairs is untenable and violates medical ethics. Regardless of the circumstances of their injuries, patients must receive immediate medical attention at all hospitals; legal formalities can follow once the patient has stabilised. The provincial authorities need to investigate why Asim was denied medical help despite his critical condition and passed around from hospital to hospital; they must also ensure that all medical facilities provide immediate emergency care to all patients — including victims of crime.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, September 3rd, 2016

__________________
To succeed,look at things not as they are,but as they can be.:)

MQM’s fortunes

THESE are interesting times for the MQM. On Friday, the party’s lawmakers in the National Assembly did what even a few weeks ago would have been unthinkable: they supported a government-initiated resolution condemning party supremo Altaf Hussain and announced they were now ‘disconnected’ from the man in London. A day earlier, the party had said it had written Mr Hussain out of the organisation’s constitution. These developments — surprising as they are — come in the aftermath of the speech Altaf Hussain made on Aug 22. However, for those aware of the Muttahida’s history, this clean break with Mr Hussain, if indeed genuine, is pivotal. After all, not too long ago the party supremo’s word was law on the streets of Karachi, with his cadres rushing to defend his every outburst, and carrying out his questionable commands with zealous dedication. But the anti-Pakistan rant seems to have been the last straw, pushing the Muttahida’s political leadership to the wall and forcing them to denounce their founder’s remarks.

Today, the MQM stands at the crossroads more than ever before in its over three decades of existence. For neutral observers, the party appears to be a bundle of contradictions. It has frequently courted the security establishment, yet has also suffered the consequences when the men in khaki cracked down due to Muttahida ‘crossing the line’. It has returned middle-class candidates to the assemblies otherwise dominated by feudal, tribal and financial ‘elites’, yet has also ruthlessly plundered its constituents in the name of zakat, fitra and ‘donations’. It has emerged as a secular voice of urban Sindh’s Urdu speakers, yet has unambiguously dabbled in political militancy. It has claimed to speak for the descendants of those who ‘fought for Pakistan’, yet has also followed this up with talk of secession. On top of all these contradictions, it runs a powerful electoral machine in urban Sindh, one with a solid vote bank that even without the use of strong-arm tactics and electoral malpractices has genuine support, as the recent local government elections and various by-polls have shown.

The million-dollar question is: will the MQM from now on purely concentrate on its political activities and forever forsake the gun? The answer to this question depends on the ‘Altaf factor’; the MQM founder has been unusually quiet ever since his Aug 22 diatribe. Some have smelt conspiracies, saying the split is deliberate and cosmetic, while his London-based acolytes have trashed talk of a ‘minus-one’ formula. It remains to be seen whether Altaf Hussain will go quietly into the sunset and let the Pakistan-based party rebuild itself. Or will the dreaded militant wing — seen as still loyal to Mr Hussain — try and wrest control from the political faction? The days ahead will reveal what path the Muttahida takes, and how this will affect Karachi’s politics, and the fate of the MQM in general.

Health sector reforms

IT is expected that healthcare systems serve the population with efficient and transparent mechanisms guaranteeing universal medical access. This mandate does not hold for Pakistan’s health sector that is beset with challenges spanning decades of neglect. If the government at all wants to fix its dysfunctional public health services, it must first demonstrate political commitment — even if national consensus on a health vision has come 15 years after a previously failed policy. That said, the new healthcare blueprint, the National Health Vision is a move in the right direction requiring monitored action for wider impact. Overhauling the state-owned health sector not only requires that health be put at the top of the priority list, increased funding, efficient cross-sector linkages and medical training are also imperative, if the NHV is to be implemented. However, with financial constraints, it is judicious to triage areas with the goal of maximising health access and ensuring quality and affordability. This approach, particularly in primary health, disease prevention, universal coverage and service monitoring could eliminate disparities in provision. It has been observed that when the wider world of public health and well-being is grim, education, gender equality and employment will be adversely impacted, putting brakes on economic prosperity.

Increasing spending to 3pc by 2025 will benefit healthcare — currently allocated 0.6pc of the GDP — though more money is not the only solution. When strategising, the government must know that poverty results in health conditions controllable with low-cost medical interventions at the primary- and secondary-care levels — communicable diseases, maternal health and malnutrition. Investment in preventive health breaks the cycle of poor health and poverty, for instance. Also, government-funded medical facilities cover only part of the population’s demands because few offer specialised care. This has led to the mushrooming of an unregulated private sector with disparate services and prices. If hardly 20pc of the population uses primary healthcare systems, then coverage and functionality need improvement. When the government pays lip service to human development on international podiums while their citizens go to bed ill and hungry, it is reflective of a disinterested state without foresight. While implementing the NHV, it is critical that this government-led initiative pledging universal health access is independently monitored by either international donors or local advocacy/citizen groups ensuring those in need of healthcare are not deprived for yet another generation.

PM changes tack

THERE has always been a debate on how far heads of government can go and how direct they can be in their criticism of political opponents. The temptation to take a swipe or two at the more annoying personalities in the rival camp is hard to resist, especially when the government is out to celebrate an achievement. In the case of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, the responsibility of giving tit-for-tat replies to the opposition rests with his firebrand ministers and some of the more irritable members of his family. But of late, in tones and gestures reminiscent of poll campaigns, Mr Sharif has not been averse to taking a few shots himself at opposition politicians of his choice. His latest target in a speech after the inauguration of a road bypass near Lahore is a gentleman from Rawalpindi with a habit of stepping on political toes much bigger than his own — until their owners are forced to acknowledge his presence. Notice taken, the Pindi politician by the name of Sheikh Rashid may be found gleefully claiming vindication of his tactics.

On the other hand, how does the change of gear suit the prime minister? Maybe Mr Sharif’s willingness now to drop clear hints about his views on certain politicians needs to be seen in the context of the increasingly hawkish tendencies in his party. There are sections within the PML-N which have for long been uncomfortable with the prime ministerial emphasis on ignoring the opposition’s criticism of his government. This group advocates an aggressive tackling of the opposition — similar to the ‘successful’ handling of the latter part of the PTI’s dharna in 2014 and again during the period when Mr Sharif was away for medical treatment in England earlier this year. The approach has increasingly won favour with the PML-N leadership. Prime Minister Sharif chooses to now refer to the next general election, predicting a rout for solitary-seat Sheikh Rashid in 2018. There is every likelihood that his words will get more emboldened with time.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn, September 4th, 2016

__________________
To succeed,look at things not as they are,but as they can be.:)

Fighting politics with politics

TRUE and eternal as the democratic right to protest must remain, yet another season of rallies raises questions of whether or not the country’s political leadership understands the full spectrum of its responsibilities towards the public. PTI chief Imran Khan, political provocateur Tahirul Qadri and sundry opposition politicians appear so fixated on opposing Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and the PML-N that there is no room for institutionalised thinking or even concern beyond their immediate goal. The contrast between the response to the militant attacks in Peshawar and Mardan and the aggressive political rhetoric in the opposition rallies could not have been more disappointing. Much as this country needs better governance, cleaner politics and a more transparent electoral system, the security threat is of fundamental concern. The militant threat has manifested itself from Balochistan to KP in recent days, but few, if any, of the opposition politicians agitating for the ouster of the government have shown much interest in contributing to a national strategy to fight militancy.

Where the opposition is on firmer ground is Imran Khan’s criticism of some state institutions. While some of Mr Khan’s wild accusations against specific public officials can only be taken seriously if reasonable evidence is produced, it is clearly the case that investigation, law-enforcement and accountability agencies are not acting as independently of the political government as they should be under the law. Can any reasonable observer of politics and governance here claim that the FIA, FBR, NAB, etc are operating autonomously and to the full extent of their powers as allowed under the law? Or can the claim be made that the revelations in the Panama Papers can be probed independently and authoritatively by any government agency operating under political control? If the parliamentary committee system had been stronger and more empowered, perhaps the legislature could have been the scene of serious revelations about unwarranted political interference in the workings of the executive. Unhappily, while the opposition rightly criticises eroding institutions, it does not appear interested in strengthening the most fundamental of democratic institutions ie parliament.

Yet, no amount of contradictions and failings on the part of the opposition can overshadow the basic truth: as the elected government, and therefore the chief custodian of the democratic project, it is the PML-N that must lead the way on institution-strengthening and truth-telling in politics. Instead of fighting politics with the rule of law and democracy-building interventions, the PML-N seems determined to fight politics with politics. Even in the FBR’s decision to send notices to all individuals named in the Panama Papers lies a whiff of political strategy. The government is trying to show its willingness to move ahead on investigating the offshore companies while treating the Sharif family on a par with the other individuals involved, a tactic that is advantageous to the first family. It may be too much to hope for an elected government to not respond politically to attacks against its leader. But surely politics cannot be the be-all and end-all of democratic existence.

Women workers

IT might be good to hear that the government wants to devise a ‘road map’ to narrow the gender wage gap to 10pc in the next three years, but it is hard to see how any road map to close the gender wage gap can be effective in the absence of the right to form associations and engage in collective bargaining. If they are serious in their intention, then we should see wide legislative steps that try to eliminate discrimination in various forms, as well as resurrect the right to form associations and engage in collective bargaining. Despite having ratified the relevant UN and ILO conventions more than a decade ago, the gender wage gap has only increased, and according to research done by the Pakistan Institute of Labour Education and Research, now stands at almost 40pc in the garment industry that is a large employer of women. Moreover, it seems that only one-tenth of the country’s labour force enjoys access to rights of association and collective bargaining.

Beyond the gender wage gap, there is a host of other issues that also need to be addressed to make the labour laws of the country more just towards the rights of women workers. Already the vast majority of the country’s workforce is hired on a contract basis so the rights enjoyed by permanent workers need to be extended in order to be effective. There is no concept of maternity leave or other benefits, an absence that hits women workers harder than others. At the moment, the government appears to be reacting to pressure from the European Union which is demanding greater emphasis on women’s labour in order to renew the GSP-Plus preferential trading scheme for Pakistan. In this situation, the will to actually move beyond meetings, discussions and drafts of legislative proposals is absent. The Justice Shafiur Rehman Commission report makes for a good platform to develop such a road map. But the report has been lying dormant for over a decade now and there is little reason to suppose that the present effort to lift it out of obscurity will have any credibility. If the attorney general is serious, he should also lay stress on the rights of association and collective bargaining in developing this road map. Otherwise, it will be obvious they are working on a road map to eyewash and nothing more.

APS victims’ families

SOME press is bad press, and always will be. Appearing insensitive to the parents of those who were murdered in the APS Peshawar attack falls in this category. On Thursday, around 60 protesters, including parents of some of the victims, were turned back by the police from entering Islamabad’s high-security Red Zone after they arrived in the capital. The group was planning to stage a demonstration outside parliament to register their protest against the government’s failure to order a judicial inquiry into the massacre, as had been announced by the president. They also wanted to meet the prime minister to demand that the state fulfil the commitments made to them in connection with the attack. Upon being thwarted, the protesters chanted slogans against the government and threatened self-immolation. Finally, a minister from Islamabad’s development division, CADD, brought the fraught situation under control with assurances that the meeting they sought would take place next week.

One could argue that an appointment with the country’s chief executive cannot take place without going through the formalities. However, the niceties of protocol are irrelevant here. For most of the country, Dec 16, 2014, was a watershed that, in its remorseless brutality, brought home the urgency with which the battle against terrorism had to be fought. But for the families of those who met their end that day, it was the beginning of a never-ending nightmare, a torment that can perhaps only partially be assuaged by getting answers to burning questions: eg, who exactly were the attackers, how did they succeed in their task in such a high-security area, etc. That is far from an unreasonable demand: we too should be asking the same instead of accepting glib, pre-packaged responses. Some of the planners and perpetrators of the attack have been brought to book, or so we are told. But as they say, “Justice must not only be done; it must also be seen to be done”. Closure continues to elude the APS victims’ families.

Published in Dawn, September 5th, 2016

__________________
To succeed,look at things not as they are,but as they can be.:)

Kabul attacks

A TWIN suicide attack in the heart of Kabul and inside a high-security zone could further destabilise the Afghan government and cause fresh tensions in the already acrimonious Pak-Afghan relationship. If there has been a consistent red line for the Afghan state, it has been attacks by the Taliban in Kabul — the seat of power for the government and the biggest target for insurgents trying to overthrow the state. In his initial reaction at least, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani has focused on condemning the Taliban and avoiding directly blaming Pakistan. But with the national unity government riven by internal disputes and an Afghan intelligence apparatus that is overtly hostile to Pakistan, accusations will likely erupt and be difficult to contain. Meanwhile, there is already scepticism inside Pakistan about the true intentions of the Afghan government after the recent announcement of a rejuvenated trilateral dialogue between the US, India and Afghanistan. That latest peculiar diplomatic-cum-security manoeuvre comes at a time when the security establishment here has been openly accusing India and Afghanistan of facilitating militancy and terrorism inside Pakistan.

The twin priorities for Afghanistan ought to be the stabilisation of the political government and an expeditious path to dialogue with the Taliban. Yet, it may increasingly be the case that the former is undermining the latter: the non-Ghani factions of the national unity government are mostly strident in their criticism of Pakistan and do not believe that there can be political reconciliation with the Taliban, in the present circumstances or at all. Moreover, the trilateral dialogue between India, Afghanistan and the US may further erode the possibility of a revival of the Quadrilateral Coordination Group. While the Afghan government may be hoping that the trilateral dialogue will put pressure on Pakistan to curb Taliban sanctuaries inside Pakistan and nudge the Taliban to the negotiating table via the QCG or a similar group, in practice it may have the opposite effect given the hardening view of Indo-Afghan policy towards Pakistan in security circles here. The trilateral dialogue also adds to the diplomatic muddle by creating parallel tracks in which India and Pakistan are expected to engage with Afghanistan and other regional powers: China in the possibly defunct QCG; India in the trilateral; Pakistan squabbling with both India and Afghanistan and in tense relations with India — where is the harmony or even consistency in approach?

What ought to be kept in mind here, however, is that President Ghani came to office seeking to reverse his predecessor Hamid Karzai’s approach of seeking closer ties with India. Now Mr Ghani is enthusiastically seeking deeper economic, political and military ties with India. Whether a potential friend of Pakistan’s in Kabul has irreversibly become hostile towards Pakistan is not known. But the powers-that-be on either side of the Durand Line need to remember the Pak-Afghan relationship is symbiotic and must always be nudged in a constructive direction.

Medical waste

MOST of Pakistan’s urban areas, especially Karachi, have a severe waste-management problem. The large mounds of unsightly rubbish dumped unceremoniously in open spaces bear ample witness to this. And while this thoughtless manner of getting rid of waste poses immense problems to people’s health as well as the environment, when the garbage happens to contain medical waste, the dangers are multiplied manifold. As reported in this paper on Monday, the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre — Karachi’s largest public-sector hospital — has no proper system of disposing of medical waste. As pictures published with the story illustrate, heaps of rubbish surround the medical facility’s incinerator, with used syringes and IV bags in clear sight. If this is the situation outside the largest public hospital of Pakistan’s biggest city, one can well imagine how hundreds of smaller — not to mention unregulated — facilities in Karachi and other areas treat their waste. Experts are of the view that most of the Sindh capital’s public and private health facilities lack proper waste-disposal mechanisms, with reportedly only one private hospital meeting international standards. The situation in other urban centres, such as Rawalpindi/Islamabad, is of concern, yet Karachi’s problem — related to the metropolis’s overall waste-management dilemma — is particularly acute.

The hazards posed by unregulated medical waste are many. These include the spread of ailments such as blood-borne hepatitis, skin infections and tuberculosis amongst others. Those who scavenge through garbage heaps are at particular risk, while localities situated next to hospitals and clinics also suffer. There is an urgent need for provincial health authorities countrywide to look into the neglected area of medical-waste management. As experts have pointed out, waste should be separated within the hospital into hazardous and non-hazardous categories, before it is disposed of properly, and not thrown in the nearest garbage dump. While there is a shortage of incinerators in cities like Karachi, there has also been criticism of using incineration as a method of waste management, particularly where its effects on the environment are concerned. More environmentally friendly methods — such as ‘green autoclaves’ — have been suggested as alternatives. Health authorities must review the methods currently being used in hospitals across our cities and towns to treat their medical waste. There must be greater oversight by the state to ensure that public and private medical facilities are using best practices to get rid of their waste in an environmentally sound and responsible manner.

Pakistan’s ODI loss

THE cricket team’s disappointingly one-sided ODI series against England, that won 4-1, has exposed yet again the numerous shortcomings of the national team in the limited-overs version of the game. Azhar Ali’s lacklustre leadership, the batsmen’s inability to put up a total in excess of 300 on the board, a bowling attack lacking teeth and variety, and many dropped catches have all contributed to the defeat. But perhaps the most disturbing factor has been the players’ own apathy that prevented them from making a contest of it. The truth is that the current ODI team has been submissive from the outset, both in attitude and play, not surprising for a side languishing at the ninth spot in world ODI rankings. The hosts, in contrast, started the series well, their aggression and style of play in keeping with the fiercely competitive brand of ODI cricket that they have exhibited since the 2015 World Cup.

The aftermath of the drubbing will see Pakistan having to bear the ignominy of playing the ICC Qualifiers 2018 in order to make it to the World Cup 2019 — the first time the national team has been relegated to a point this low. For a cricket-playing nation that is credited with the inception of the World Cup back in 1975, Pakistan’s plight is a sorry one. A turnaround in ODI fortunes will require no less than an overhaul where not only is the skipper replaced but a more focused, regimented effort is made to groom a specialised breed of one-day players with the panache and skill to alter the complexion of the game in a matter of minutes. Dashing wicketkeeper batsman Sarfraz Ahmed, who shone the brightest in the England series — Tests and ODIs — highly deserves the leadership mantle besides his T20 captaincy. A determined man with a level-headed approach to the game, Sarfraz, along with coach Mickey Arthur, is Pakistan’s best bet to bring the sinking ODI ship ashore. In this regard, swift measures by the PCB hold the key.

Published in Dawn September 6th, 2016

__________________
To succeed,look at things not as they are,but as they can be.:)

Pak-India hope

IT may be just a tiny ray of hope emerging from the storm clouds, but Indian High Commissioner to Pakistan Gautam Bambawale’s assertion that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is looking forward to attending a November Saarc summit in Islamabad suggests that political dialogue with Pakistan is still a possibility this year. While the Indian prime minister has had a regrettable stretch in recent weeks with his comments about Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan, it remains the case that Mr Modi has also previously approached the path of dialogue, most notably with the creation of the stalled Comprehensive Bilateral Dialogue and a surprise visit to Lahore last year. It remains within the Indian prime minister’s ability to once again embark on the path of dialogue and to shun the recent war of words between the two countries. Whether he will, and whether Pakistani officialdom does too, remains to be seen. It is also the case, however, that Mr Modi and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif are contending with domestic forces in their respective countries that would perhaps like to see dialogue remain stalled.

In India, the political opposition, the security establishment and the hawkish elements in the BJP government all appear to believe that dialogue is futile — and seem willing to punish any domestic moves towards dialogue with Pakistan. A periodic conceit in India, one that is more evident as the country grows economically and acquires greater strategic influence on the world stage, is that global power can be aligned in a way which is advantageous to India, in order to punish Pakistan. The approach is rooted in the belief that not only is Pakistan a danger to the interests of the international community, but that it is irreversibly so and that there are no legitimate security interests which Pakistan is seeking to protect. It is a preposterous theory made all the more insidious by the implacable belief that, no matter what Pakistan does or the policies it pursues, this country is somehow a danger to itself, the region and the world. Few things are as dangerous as when policymakers, the political elite and influential citizens believe that dialogue itself is somehow inimical to their country’s interests.

Yet, for all the poisonous politics in India, there are fundamental questions that Pakistan must address. Consider the antagonistic rhetoric that is frequently deployed in Pakistan, at times seemingly no more than an amateurish attempt to rhetorically equal the score with India. Consider that last year, when India decided to whip up nationalist sentiment around the 50-year commemorations of the 1965 war, the Pakistani political discourse was flooded with jingoistic rhetoric. A year later, following India’s provocations on Balochistan, sections of the media and the political class are falling over themselves to condemn India as a sponsor of terrorism. Neither side appears to consider a mature response to the other.

NA speaker’s role

FOR a flourishing democracy, one of the key components is a vibrant and active parliament. And within parliament, it is the speaker of the National Assembly who, as custodian of the house, sets the tone and ensures that all business is conducted as per parliamentary procedures. While the country has seen some exemplary speakers in the past, there has been criticism of the incumbent, Ayaz Sadiq, for his allegedly biased attitude. Such a situation emerged during Monday’s sitting of the Assembly, when members of the opposition — particularly the PTI and PPP — protested against the speaker’s ‘partisan attitude’. As reported, Mr Sadiq commented that of the eight disqualification references received by him — that included four against the prime minister, two against Imran Khan and one against Jahangir Tareen — the documentary evidence ‘did not add up’ in all but two references which were sent on to the ECP. Incidentally, the speaker felt that all the references filed against the prime minister did not hold water, while the ones targeting the PTI leaders apparently did. This caused an uproar in opposition ranks and led to accusations of partisanship.

It is, of course, not unknown for lawmakers in Pakistan to raise frivolous issues or contravene parliamentary procedure. This is where the role of the National Assembly speaker comes in — to ensure the smooth running of the house and that only genuine parliamentary business is taken up. Appearing to give the ruling party — to which Mr Sadiq belongs — a clean slate where the disqualification references are concerned does not reflect well. Mr Sadiq should have sent all the references to the ECP without commentary, to allow it to decide on their merit. And not giving the opposition a patient hearing only inflamed matters. Unfortunately, this is not the first time the speaker has been accused of partisanship. The ugly episode involving Defence Minister Khawaja Asif’s use of unparliamentary language against PTI’s Shireen Mazari comes to mind. Even some government allies have commented on the lack of discipline in the lower house. While he was indeed elected on a PML-N ticket, the nature of his job requires Mr Sadiq to shun all political bias and run the house with equanimity and fairness whenever he dons the speaker’s robes. Evidence of bias in rulings and pronouncements by the speaker sets a bad precedent and is unhealthy for parliamentary politics.

Discriminatory law

THE pretext of ‘security’ is often a catch-all for legalised discrimination. So it is with some aspects of this country’s citizenship law. The fact was highlighted at a protest outside the Peshawar Press Club where scores of women, all Pakistani nationals married to Afghan men, appealed to authorities that their spouses be given Pakistani nationality. Earlier, with border authorities taking a lenient view of cross-border movement of citizens from both countries, this was not much of a problem for those with Afghan spouses. Until now that is, when Pakistani authorities have begun to deport Afghans illegally settled here back to their home country, which has left many families divided.

Although in the aforementioned case, the particulars of the men’s residency status in Pakistan are relevant, the women’s protest once again calls attention to an important issue of fundamental rights. The Pakistan Citizenship Act 1951 entitles a Pakistani man to obtain Pakistani citizenship for his foreign wife, but it does not provide for the same where a Pakistani woman is married to a foreign man. This inconsistency has long been a bone of contention between rights activists and the state. The legislation has also been subjected to judicial review and found wanting. In 2007, the Federal Shariat Court declared it to be discriminatory to women, in violation of the constitutional right to equality before the law and “repugnant to the Holy Quran and Sunnah”, and ordered that it be amended within six months. Nearly a decade on, the government, which at the time argued that any amendment to make the law gender-blind would enable countries to plant their agents in Pakistan and also give a boost to illegal immigration, is yet to comply with the court’s directive. This foot dragging is unacceptable. The state cannot cherry-pick elements of gender equality it wants to apply while jettisoning those it deems create a ‘security risk’. Instead of a blanket policy, case-by-case decisions could address the equality conundrum as well as the state’s concerns.

Published in Dawn September 7th, 2016

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Chasing tax defaulters

WHEN Finance Minister Ishaq Dar told the Senate on Tuesday that this year alone, the FBR, using third-party data, had detected over 36,000 tax defaulters he was seemingly pointing towards what he considers a robust effort mounted by his government to pursue tax defaulters. Admittedly, the number is high, and if his projection is to be believed, then an amount of almost Rs88bn can be collected through such people and entities. But few are holding their breath. Past experience shows that a tremendous amount of political will is required to actually pursue such cases, and to translate the effort into revenue. The number of tax filers has not risen very much in the last three years, despite similar efforts being made year after year, and the incremental revenue yield from such exercises is even less appreciable. In fact, collections under direct tax have actually declined as a percentage of total revenue collections, as per the testimony of the FBR chairman before the Senate in August. This year when we hear that the government has made strenuous efforts to locate tax defaulters, we may applaud but without a sense of optimism that the matter will go much beyond that.

Using third-party databases to locate tax evasion and default is a promising idea that had its beginnings back in 2009. A list of 3.2m potential taxpayers was developed, using material from Nadra databases amongst others, of people who travel a lot, own big houses, have large utility bills and possess big cars but who still don’t have a national taxpayer number. In the league of big numbers, that list was truly impressive. Another promising idea was the release of a national taxpayer database, and a similar one for parliamentarians only. Pakistan shocked the world when it turned out that almost two-thirds of the members of the National Assembly don’t even file their tax returns. Yet after all this, by how much has the number of tax filers increased? And how much incremental tax have parliamentarians paid since their information began to be made public?

The effort to locate tax defaulters must continue, but it is important that it be augmented beyond simple raids and third-party verifications. What happened to the original list of 3.2m potential taxpayers? The finance minister claimed that many of the entries on it were not actionable. But in that case, why has the same exercise not been run again using smarter search terms to generate a new, more actionable list? The revenue effort of this government has relied excessively on further squeezing those who already pay their taxes, as well as taking recourse to withholding taxes. It is crucial to remedy this drift in the revenue effort to bring more flexibility as well as greater equity in sharing the burden of the state’s revenue requirements.

Saudi-Iran Haj spat

THE most difficult relationship in the Muslim world — between Saudi Arabia and Iran — is heating up once again, this time just days before Haj. In fact, the annual pilgrimage is at the centre of the storm. As reported the other day, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei issued a scathing statement critical of Saudi Arabia’s handling of Haj. In reply, the Saudi grand mufti declared Iranians to be out of the fold of Islam and the Iranian leadership “enemies of Islam”. There is, of course, plenty of background behind this inflammatory rhetoric. Iran’s concerns arise from last year’s massive stampede in Mina; Tehran lost the most pilgrims in the tragedy — nearly 500 individuals — while independent observers estimate the total number of victims at 2,000. The Saudis, however, claimed that, in all, 769 pilgrims were killed. In the aftermath of the Mina tragedy, Iran and Saudi Arabia were unable to reach an agreement regarding Haj management, which meant that Iranian pilgrims would be unable to visit the holy sites this year. Also, following the storming of Saudi missions in Iran after the controversial execution of Saudi Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr in January, the kingdom snapped diplomatic links with the Islamic republic. This made it additionally difficult for Iranians to get Haj visas. Aside from these ugly exchanges, Iran and Saudi Arabia are currently locked in proxy combat in places such as Syria and Yemen for geopolitical supremacy in the Middle East.

Haj is a time of unity; it is a great equaliser where the distinctions of class, clan and national allegiance are supposed to melt away. But in a troubled, divided world, politics has seemingly taken the upper hand over spiritual pursuits. Both Tehran and Riyadh should work to bring down the temperature. While the Iranians have genuine concerns about the safety of pilgrims, the issue should not be used for political point-scoring. The Saudis must also refrain from turning a political spat into a sectarian one; the grand mufti’s apparent endorsement of takfir is totally unacceptable, especially coming from such a senior cleric. Haj should be open to all nationalities, regardless of the state of bilateral relations between any country and Saudi Arabia, as all Muslims have equal claim to the holy places within the kingdom. Moreover, clerics in positions of power and influence should work to bring together different Muslim schools of thought, instead of stoking the flames of sectarianism.

Contaminated water

WHEN the very basic needs of a population are not met, official claims that the country is on the cusp of a glorious future ring hollow. On Tuesday, the Senate was informed by the minister for science and technology, Rana Tanveer, that more than 80pc Pakistanis consume contaminated and unsafe water. According to the minister, the result was based on research conducted by the Pakistan Council for Research in Water Resources, which collected water samples from 2,807 villages in 24 districts across the country. The PCRWR found that the major contaminants included bacteria, which was as high as 69pc, toxic chemicals — mainly arsenic (24pc) — and turbidity (14pc). Other primary sources of contamination were total dissolved solids and nitrate and fluoride pollution.

The United Nations has recognised access to water for domestic and personal use as a human right, indeed as “a prerequisite for the realisation of other human rights”. That is as it should be, for deprivation on this front translates into multiple long-term handicaps. Lack of potable water — mainly an outcome of groundwater becoming contaminated from industrial effluents and hazardous waste being discharged into water sources — has an immediate impact on Pakistan’s under-resourced health delivery system. Bacterial contamination is the cause of many preventable diseases, including dysentery, hepatitis, typhoid, etc. The annual diarrhoea-related mortality rate in the country hovers around 125,000, with Pakistan among four countries in the world where over half of under-five deaths annually are caused by pneumonia and diarrhoea. Lancet, the international health journal, in its global report on youth health released this year, said that intestinal problems were the leading cause of death among Pakistani children aged 10 to 14. Meanwhile, water contaminated with total dissolved solids can cause conditions such as kidney stones, gallstones, joint stiffness, etc. All this has a bearing on the number of work days lost, a loss in earnings and the perpetuation of a cycle of poverty — not the requisite framework for a nation marching ahead.

Published in Dawn, September 8th, 2016

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Divisions in women’s caucus

WHEN women unite, they can be a formidable force for change. In countries like Pakistan, divisions among them only work to the advantage of those who want to maintain a patriarchal status quo. On Wednesday, acrimony between the founder and current head of the Women’s Parliamentary Caucus brought to the fore some recent concerns about this primary forum for women parliamentarians. In an impassioned speech in the National Assembly, WPC Patron and PPP MNA Dr Fehmida Mirza expressed her dismay over the sidelining of the body in recent months. She also appeared to imply that its currently moribund status was a result of personal rivalries among its members. The WPC secretary, PML-N MNA Shaista Pervaiz, responded by acknowledging the WPC’s achievements but added that women in the opposition did not reciprocate the support that was extended to them.

The previously united front presented by women legislators under the WPC over the past several years appears to be taking an unfortunate and self-defeating trajectory which threatens to diminish its enormous, and proven, potential. Arguably among the most promising developments in Pakistan’s parliamentary history, the caucus was established in November 2008 under Dr Mirza following her election as speaker of the National Assembly. The impact of women legislators working across the aisle under the WPC’s umbrella can be gauged by the unprecedented amount of pro-women legislation enacted and bills introduced over the next few years. These included the anti-harassment act in 2010, which was the first instance where women legislators worked very closely with women’s civil society organisations from the initial drafting stage through to the passage of the law. Among other women-friendly pieces of legislation during this period were amendments to the Pakistan Penal Code dealing with acid crimes and regressive cultural practices. Last but not least, the National Commission on the Status of Women was established through an act of parliament in 2012 as an empowered, autonomous body — a significant step towards institutionalising gender equality in the government’s policies and programmes as well as the laws that affect women. This flurry of lawmaking was driven by women legislators who set aside their political differences and worked across party lines to lobby their male counterparts and push through legislation that will have a salutary effect on the lives of generations of Pakistani women.

However, as reports of egregious violence against women continue to surface, it is clear that a great deal remains to be done. For one, the long-pending anti-rape and anti-honour killing bills need to be passed by a joint sitting of parliament. The current WPC should carry the baton forward and set the tone for the provinces instead of allowing political considerations to stall momentum. They must give Pakistani women a voice in the corridors of power.

‘Voluntary return’

FOR a number of years now, we have been hearing about how NAB lets people accused of amassing fortunes through corrupt practices off the hook by negotiating the return of a portion of the funds they have been accused of acquiring illegally. When the matter was raised in newspaper commentaries, NAB wrote an angry letter to all media houses accusing them of not knowing their facts, and making the argument that ‘plea bargains’ are a normal part of any judicial system. But now, an authority no less than the Supreme Court has said that the practice is “in conflict with provisions of the Constitution, where such power can only be exercised by a judicial forum”. The matter is significant because it opens a loophole through which the corrupt can negotiate their way out of justice and get their reputation scrubbed clean, even be eligible to hold elected office or serve in government. On the flip side, the same provision can also be abused by charging innocent people with corruption then demanding a sum as ‘voluntary return’ if they want to avoid legal action. Either way, it is a deeply problematic practice and the Supreme Court’s promise to look into its legality is a welcome development.

The follow-up actions ordered by the court should make for interesting reading. NAB has been asked to furnish a list of all individuals who have agreed to the voluntary return of funds in order to avoid investigation and possible prosecution. It has also ordered that all these people “cannot hold any public office in federal or provincial government or state-owned organisation”. It is true that a plea bargain, which is different from voluntary return in that it takes place after the commencement of investigations, is a normal part of all judicial systems. But voluntary return is not, and common sense tells us that something is wrong when someone accused of appropriating public money agrees to return a portion of it, and then goes back to work in government. The court observed that NAB has been using this provision far too much in recent years. This warps justice and is an incentive for those who are tempted with inducements while in government service. If one can rob a certain amount from the government, then return a portion of the sum and return to a respectable life, how can we ever curb the scourge of corruption? NAB’s management should reflect on this.

Smuggled coins

PAKISTAN is a historical treasure trove, with artefacts going back several centuries buried underneath its soil, or scattered around its heritage sites. Yet what is troubling is that these priceless pieces of our history continue to be smuggled out of the country, with many finding their way to galleries and private collections abroad. As reported on Thursday, the Archaeological Survey of India has declared over 500 coins that were being brought into that country from Pakistan in two separate consignments as genuine artefacts. Indian media reports say the coins date back to different historical periods, including the Indo-Greek, the Sultanate and Mughal periods. It goes without saying that this treasure should be returned to Pakistan. Unfortunately, smuggling of cultural property out of Pakistan is not uncommon; there are frequent reports of customs authorities spoiling such bids. But for each smuggler caught, there are many more that succeed. In fact, the global trade in smuggled artefacts is worth millions of dollars and involves individuals across the world. The looter, smuggler and crooked customs official in Pakistan, for example, are only nodes in a far larger international network of illicit trade; the galleries and dealers who buy and sell stolen heritage items cannot be absolved of blame.

But the fact remains that Pakistan must do more within its borders to stop the pillage of artefacts. As per Unesco, KP is the worst affected province where the theft of artefacts is concerned. Observers also point out that there is a lack of reliable data concerning historical sites. But the KP government has made an attempt to address the problem; it has passed a refurbished provincial antiquities law which intends to improve oversight and increase punishments. We hope this law is implemented in its true spirit and serves as an example on how to crack down on the theft of cultural property. All provincial administrations must take stock of historical sites under their watch and improve efforts to prevent the looting of priceless artefacts.

Published in Dawn, September 9th, 2016

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To succeed,look at things not as they are,but as they can be.:)

Rangers in Punjab

MILITARISING counterterrorism is as undesirable as the continuing politicisation of the police. But that is precisely the unwelcome combination that Punjab too now seems destined to have. Since the APS Peshawar attack an unmistakeable pattern has emerged: immediately after a major terrorist attack, the military seeks greater counterterrorism powers. This demand is all the more difficult to rebuff because the political leadership does little to suggest that it takes the fight against militancy and extremism seriously in the spells between major attacks. After APS came the National Action Plan and after the Easter bombing in Lahore came the initially botched operation against the so-called Chotoo gang in Rajanpur. Now, after the devastating Quetta attack against lawyers, has come notification of greater powers for the Rangers to operate in Punjab. The capitulation is nearly complete.

Futile as it may appear, at least in the present circumstances, to counsel against long-term militarisation of counterterrorism and policing in Punjab, the lesson of Sindh is one that the military itself should pay heed to. Today, the Rangers may be in the forefront of the attempt to establish a modicum of physical safety for Karachi’s denizens, but the history of the last two decades suggests that creeping militarisation has affected the political set-up’s will and capacity to establish law and order. It is not a black-and-white issue, but the question must be asked: how much of the need for a Karachi operation beginning in 2013 was made inevitable by the long-term presence of the paramilitary Rangers in the city and the military establishment’s political choices over the past two decades? While the military leadership may believe that it does at least act to stabilise areas threatened by crime and militancy when the threat grows intolerable, long-term peace and stability across the country must be tied to the right policies, not just a willingness to act with force when a threat grows menacing. Punjab is simply too vast, its population too big and its communities too diverse for a paramilitary force to stamp out terrorism and militancy.

If the only answer lies in strengthening civilian law enforcement and the intelligence apparatus, then the Punjab government and PML-N have a question to answer of their own. Are they truly willing to allow an autonomous, disciplined and lawful police force to operate in the province? Recent events have provided disturbing evidence of the opposite kind: from the violence against police in Rawalpindi by the PML-N’s Hanif Abbasi to the draconian pre-emptive measures against anti-government protests by the PTI and Tahirul Qadri, the Punjab police appears to be more politicised than ever. It is improbable that a police force so controlled by its political masters can ever become a truly effective, lawful counterterrorism instrument. The military and government should think more carefully about their respective strategies.

Karachi by-election

THOUGH the PPP appears jubilant after unofficial results indicated that its candidate had emerged victorious in Thursday’s by-election in Karachi’s PS-127 constituency, it would be too early to comment on the metropolis’s future electoral trends based on this result. After all, it is only one Sindh Assembly seat and there are too many variables currently at work where Karachi’s electoral politics are concerned. What it does indicate, however, is that the MQM’s internal and external problems have affected the party’s performance in the constituency; the Muttahida candidate was runner-up in the race. The seat felt vacant after its representative jumped ship and joined Mustafa Kamal’s PSP. The area is ethnically mixed and covers both rural and urban localities; both PPP and MQM candidates have, in past elections, clinched this seat. Turnout was abysmally low, estimated at 20pc. In a constituency with over 200,000 registered voters, the votes cast in a number of polling stations this paper’s reporters visited struggled to go beyond two digits. It is likely that violence had a role to play in keeping voters away, as Muttahida and MQM-Haqiqi workers clashed on polling day. Vehicles had also been set alight in different parts of Karachi in the run-up to the by-election.

It would be premature to term the election loss the beginning of the end of MQM’s dominance over Karachi’s electoral politics. Even without the use of violence and questionable electoral practices — which the Muttahida has employed in past elections — the party has fared well at the ballot box, as the results of a few recent by-elections, as well as the Sindh local bodies’ polls, show. But in the aftermath of Altaf Hussain’s Aug 22 speech, it is difficult to say how much electoral clout the MQM will retain in urban Sindh under Farooq Sattar’s stewardship. After all, much of the MQM’s militant wing is either on the run or in custody, which has paved the way for fairer electoral contests. Moreover, the Muttahida faces challenges of varying degrees from the PSP and a resurgent Haqiqi. But most importantly, where the Muttahida’s electoral fortunes are concerned, it remains to be seen how successful Farooq Sattar will be in marshalling the political wing and retaining the vote bank. Between now and 2018, much will depend on the MQM’s internal dynamics, especially if the militant wing — still seemingly loyal to Altaf Hussain — decides to mount a challenge to Mr Sattar’s leadership.

Blood transfusion law

EFFORTS to streamline procedures that will reduce the burden on the country’s health delivery system must be commended. On the anvil in KP is a law to ensure safe blood transfusion at hospitals in the province. The proposed legislation, to be called the KP Blood Transfusion Safety Authority Act 2016, envisages the establishment of an authority to oversee this vital medical procedure that can have deadly consequences if undertaken in a slipshod or negligent manner. The blood transfusion safety authority will regulate collection, testing, processing, storage, distribution and provision of blood and its products at public and private hospitals. A draft law is in the process of being vetted by the provincial law department. When enacted, it will require medical professionals and relevant personnel to certify the safety of each transfusion that takes place on their watch. It will also bind hospitals to document transfusions and ensure they are carried out according to the stipulated procedure.

The KP government is taking a sensible approach to addressing a systemic problem that has a bearing on the high prevalence of blood-borne diseases in Pakistan. For instance, the incidence of hepatitis B and C — spread through contact with infected blood, aside from other means of transmission — is truly alarming. According to government statistics, it is estimated that every 13th Pakistani is infected with either the hepatitis B or C virus, adding up to about 15 million people carrying the potentially deadly pathogens. Unsafe blood transfusions also put at risk individuals who require the procedure frequently, such as patients of thalassaemia, a genetic blood disorder not uncommon in Pakistan. Two years ago, 10 thalassaemic children were infected with HIV after receiving infected blood, highlighting the perils of shoddy procedures in this aspect of the health sector. While there has been of late some progress in the country to ensure safe blood transfusions, regulatory systems need further strengthening, particularly outside major urban centres. Coordination among the provinces would also be useful. After all, viruses do not respect provincial boundaries.

Published in Dawn, September 10th, 2016

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To succeed,look at things not as they are,but as they can be.:)

Taxing parliament

THE latest tax directory of parliamentarians still has the same question marks hanging over it. Given the lavish lifestyles they lead, how do so many of our legislators justify their miserly taxes? For example, the combined taxes paid by Nawaz Sharif, Shahbaz Sharif and Hamza Shahbaz Sharif are less than half the tax paid by Jehangir Tareen. Meanwhile, Imran Khan, who has made it his single-minded obsession to accuse all his political opponents of corruption and of accumulating ill-gotten wealth, paid a paltry Rs76,244 in taxes for last year. This would mean his total taxable income last year was just over Rs100,000 per month. One is left wondering how he manages on his income to pay the costs of running his palatial Bani Gala residence.

There is something seriously wrong when an individual’s declared tax liability is less than his or her utility bill. It adds insult to injury when the person in question happens to be a holder of elected office. What makes the situation even more unjust is the fact that these declarations have come at the end of a year in which the government said direct tax collections had declined as a proportion of total revenue, and there has been growing recourse to withholding tax and indirect taxes. This was also the year the government launched what it called a massive documentation drive, angrily denouncing those whom it accused of taking advantage of the architecture of the formal economy, like the financial system, without making any contribution for the maintenance of the system. No wonder successive governments have had such a hard time broadening the tax base and persuading more segments of the population to help share the revenue burden of the state. When the rulers at the top refuse to carry this burden, how can they credibly ask others to do so?

Given the fabulous lifestyles that so many of our legislators lead, and the luxurious vehicles they drive to parliament, their declared incomes are pathetic, to put it mildly. In some cases, they take refuge in the argument that they pay an agriculture income tax to the provincial government, but even with these numbers included many of them land up with taxable incomes less than that of a mid-level salaried individual. Many of them live off incomes that are ascribed to others, or claim large gifts. Fact is our tax code is riddled with too many holes, and there is a manifest lack of will at the top to live by the rules that they make for others. A few years ago, this same group brought untold shame to the country when it was revealed that almost two-thirds of parliamentarians did not even file tax returns. At least that has been rectified now. The next step for the state is to get actual revenue.

‘Ordinance factory’

PRESIDENTIAL ordinances are a parliamentary bugbear and rightly so. While a constitutional device, presidential ordinances are in many ways antithetical to parliamentary democracy — especially when they are deployed as a way to bypass parliament. This week, the opposition in the National Assembly staged a symbolic walkout to protest what it termed the government’s attempt to convert parliament into an ordinance factory. The constitutional scheme is clear. According to Article 89 (1), “The President may, except when the Senate or National Assembly is in session, if satisfied that circumstances exist which render it necessary to take immediate action, make and promulgate an Ordinance, as the circumstances may require.” Further, following the 18th Amendment, the life of an ordinance cannot exceed 120 days, unless parliament gives a one-time-only extension of a further 120 days. For any ordinance to become permanent legislation, it must be passed as an Act of Parliament. The constitutional scheme, then, regards ordinances as the exception, to be used only in special circumstances, and requires all legislation to be laid before parliament. That is how it should be; but the PML-N is continuing a woeful tradition of legislative short cuts.

Therein lies part of the problem: all governments have to some extent resorted to presidential ordinances to avoid the more complicated, sometimes messy, process of guiding legislation through both houses of parliament. And even though presenting an ordinance to parliament is now inevitable, the 120 days of existence an ordinance enjoys tends to create its own pressure for its extension and then conversion into an Act of Parliament. Once something becomes law and the executive begins to implement it, parliament can be seen as disruptive if it acts to reverse the measure. There is no easy solution other than deepening democratic norms. While other parties have had their own flawed approaches to parliament, the PML-N is particularly egregious when it comes to parliamentary practice. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif himself sets a tone of disdain by his rare appearances in parliament and his virtual refusal to submit to parliamentary questioning. But the problem is not limited to him: other than the interior minister and, on rare occasions, the finance minister, no senior PML-N minister has shown much interest in parliament. Presidential ordinances can be a bad thing, but much worse is the PML-N’s attitude towards parliament.

Eidul Azha hygiene

WHILE maintaining cleanliness during Eidul Azha is a yearly challenge, this year authorities must make an extra effort for a countrywide clean-up after the sacrifice due to the prevailing threat of Crimean-Congo haemorrhagic fever. As reported, at least 28 people have died of the ailment in the country so far. While we have been arguing in these columns over the past few weeks for better management of livestock markets and the inflow of beasts into thickly populated areas, now, with Eid just two days away, the focus of both the municipal authorities and general public must shift to the post-sacrifice clean-up effort. While experts have suggested that animals be sacrificed in designated areas, it is highly unlikely that most people — being creatures of habit — will heed this advice; they will probably continue to conduct the sacrifice on the streets and in backyards. Therefore, the authorities must focus their efforts on the removal of offal as soon as possible to prevent the spread of Congo fever and other ailments. It is also recommended the public — especially those handling animals and meat — wear protective gear.

Maintaining hygiene during Eid is particularly problematic in large urban centres such as Karachi and Lahore. In the latter, observers say during the past few years the solid waste management system’s performance has dipped with trash piling up in parts of the city. To prevent the spread of disease, municipal authorities in Lahore must ensure that offal is removed quickly. Karachi’s garbage problem is on a wholly different plane, though matters have improved slightly under Sindh Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah’s watch. Yet a brewing pay dispute between KMC employees and city managers threatens to sabotage the clean-up operation during Eid. This issue must be resolved forthwith and the workers must be paid so that the city does not reek with the stench of rotting offal. The health of millions of people depends on the timely removal of leftovers from the sacrifice.

Source: Editorials
Published in Dawn September 11th, 2016

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