Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many.

Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times

He created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodden minority and established a cultural and national home for it. For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their ligitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concrete demands. He said, “Think 100 times before you take a decision, But once that decision is taken, stand by it as one man.”

After 1937 Elections, the Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning the League's offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a political entity from the portals of power.

In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah's dynamic leadership, was reorganized, transformed into a mass organization, and made the spokesman of Indian Muslims as never before.

Above all, in that momentous years were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, the crystallization of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable. The practical manifestation of the policy of the Congress which took office in July, 1937, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as "second class" citizens.

The Congress provincial governments, it may be remembered, had embarked upon a policy and launched a PROGRAMME in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe.

This blatantly aggressive Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize them on all-India platform, and make them a power to be reckoned with.

Extremely frustrating as the situation was, the only consultation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama Iqbal (1877-1938), the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to charter the course of Indian politics from behind the scene.

As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls (their) "unreflective silence", and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time.

Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent India's Constitution) says, "searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism".

In addition, not only had they developed" the will to live as a "nation", had also endowed them with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation.

These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favor of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

Jinnah agreed with the belief of Iqbal that Muslims and Hindus were distinct nations, with unbridgeable differences—a view later known as the Two Nation Theory. Jinnah declared that a united India would lead to the marginalization of Muslims, and eventually civil war between Hindus and Muslims.

In the session in Lahore in 1940, the Pakistan resolution was adopted as the main goal of the party. The resolution was rejected outright by the Congress, and criticized by many Muslim leaders like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Syed Ab’ul Ala Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami.

Jinnah gave a precise definition of the term ‘Pakistan’ in 1941 at Lahore in which he stated: “Some confusion prevails in the minds of some individuals in regard to the use of the word ‘Pakistan’. This word has become synonymous with the Lahore resolution owing to the fact that it is a convenient and compendious method of describing [it]….” He said, “Pakistan not only means freedom and independence but the Muslim Ideology which has to be preserved, which has come to us as a precious gift and treasure and which, we hope other will share with us.”

For this reason the British and Indian newspapers generally have adopted the word ‘Pakistan’ to describe the Moslem demand as embodied in the Lahore resolution Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch “Direct Action” on August 16 to “achieve Pakistan”.

"We are a nation", they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- "We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation". The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics.

On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter and malicious.

Jinnah founded Dawn in 1941, a major newspaper that helped him propagate the League’s point of views. During the mission of British minister Stafford Cripps, Jinnah demanded parity between the number of Congress and League ministers, the League’s exclusive right to appoint Muslims and a right for Muslim-majority provinces to secede, leading to the breakdown of talks.

While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopalacharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah-Gandhi talks in September, 1944), represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan.

Jinnah supported the British effort in World War II, and opposed the Quit India movement. During this period, the League formed provincial governments and entered the central government. The League’s influence increased in the Punjab after the death of Unionist leader Sikander Hyat Khan in 1942. Gandhi held talks fourteen times with Jinnah in Bombay in 1944, about a united front—while talks failed, Gandhi’s overtures to Jinnah increased the latter’s standing with Muslims.

The Cripps offer was rejected because it did not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a "moth-eaten, mutilated" Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible.

Cabinet Mission, the most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

These negotiations began with the arrival, in March 1946, of a three-member British Cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, a constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government.

But, because the Congress-League gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission's (and the Viceroy's) prolonged efforts, the Mission had to make its own proposals in May, 1946. Known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, these proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defense and communications and three autonomous groups of provinces.

Two of these groups were to have Muslim majorities in the north-west and the north-east of the subcontinent, while the third one, comprising the Indian mainland, was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate statesman that he was, Jinnah saw his chance. He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as "the foundation of Pakistan", and induced the Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he did much against the calculations of the Congress and to its utter dismay.

Tragically though, the League's acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance, designed to swamp the League into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan.

Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launch direct action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. Partition Plan by the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent.

The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast running out. Realizing the gravity of the situation, his Majesty's Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June (1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947.

The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute- the Congress the League and the Akali Dal (representing the Sikhs).

On October 11, 1947, in an address to Civil, Naval, Military and Air Force Officers of Pakistan Government, Karachi, he said:
“We should have a State in which we could live and breathe as free men and which we could develop according to our own lights and culture and where principles of Islamic social justice could find free play”. He further said, “Expect the best, Prepare for the worst.”


It was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948:

"The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can". In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote richard Symons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survivial".

He died on 11 September, 1948. How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former Secretary of State for India, when he said, "Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan".

The Aga Khan considered him "the greatest man he ever met", Beverley Nichols, the author of `Verdict on India', called him "the most important man in Asia", and Dr. Kailashnath Katju, the West Bengal Governor in 1948, thought of him as "an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world". While Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League, called him "one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world",
‘Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Muhammad Ali Jinnah did all three.’ – Stanley Wolpert.

Source: Jwt

Let us Return to Quaid-e-Azam’s Pakistan The Insight of Jinnah’s Vision

Almost all historians and intellectuals believe that present Pakistan is not the same Pakistan which Quaid-e-Azam visualised and created in 1947. We have drifted away from the vision and teachings of the founder and father of Pakistan and as a result Pakistan is facing grave multiple political, social, economic and constitutional crisis. This is high time to return to Quaid-e-Azam’s Pakistan if we wish to survive as a nation in the world.

Quaid-e-Azam created Pakistan on the basis of Two-Nation Theory. When Ghandi wrote to Jinnah in a letter that, “You do not claim to be a separate nation by right of conquest, but by reason of acceptance of Islam. Will the two nations become one nation if the whole of India accepted Islam.” Jinnah responded to Ghandi in his letter.

“We maintain that Muslims and Hindus are two major nations by any definition or test as a nation. We are a nation of hundred million, and what is more, we are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral codes, customs and calendar, history and traditions, aptitudes and ambitious. In short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation.” [Jinnah Gandhi Talks: Central Office All India Muslim League, 1946]

The two nation theory on which Jinnah founded his argument does not require any explanation. Beverly Nichols author of “The Verdict on India” who interviewed Jinnah wrote that Jinnah said, “Muslim case could be put in five words. The Muslims are a nation, by reason of their history, their heroes, their art, their architecture, their music, their laws and jurisprudence being different from those of the Hindus. Beverly questioned further whether he was thinking in terms of religion his reply was “Partly but by no means exclusively.” [M. Munir: From Jinnah to Zia, p.19]

Quaid-e-Azam while addressing the students of Aligarh on February 5, 1938 said, “….set you free from reactionary elements of Muslims….has freed you from the undesirable elements of Moulvis and maulanas.”

Choudhary Muhammad Ali the first Secretary General Government of Pakistan and close associate of Quaid-e-Azam says, “Jinnah never posed as a man of religion and was totally averse to any form of self exhibitionism or to a histrionic exploitation of religious sentiments. [Ch Muhammad Ali: The Emergence of Pakistan, p.38]

Prof. Saeed Shafqat writes.
“The Lahore Resolution passed on March 24, 1940 is the foundation text for the establishment of Pakistan, but it does not use the name, nor does it make any reference to Islam or a Muslim homeland.” [Saeed Shafqat, New Perspectives on Pakistan, p.6]

Iskinder Mirza narrated:
“Before we all left Dehli, I said to Quaid-e-Azam one day, sir we are all agreed to go to Pakistan; but what kind of polity are you going to have? Are you going to have an Islamic State? Nonsense, he replied. I am going to have a modern state. [Wali Khan: Facts are Facts, p.158]

Addressing at the Delhi convention in 1946 where all elected parliamentarians of All India Muslim League were present, Quaid-e-Azam said:

“What are we fighting for? What are we aiming at? It is not theocracy or a theocratic state. Religion is there, and religion is dear to us. All the worldly goods are nothing to us when we talk of religion; but there are other things which are very vital for our social life, our economic life; but without political power, how can you defend your faith and your economic life.” [Sharifuddin Pirzada: The Foundations of Pakistan, p.477]

Quaid-e-Azam was great leader of the Muslims of India so he praised Islam in his several speeches but he never mixed religion in politics throughout in his political life. As a Governor-General of Pakistan Quaid-e-Azam did not take a single decision of religious nature. All his major policy decisions and actions were of secular nature. He included Hindu, Mandal and an Ahemdi Zafarullah in his cabinet and not any religious leader. Quaid-e-Azam visualised a liberal, modern, democratic state based on universal Islamic principles. Quaid-e-Azam in his historic policy speech of August 11, 1947 said:

“You are free, you are free to go to your temples, and you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in the state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the state.”

Renowned Pakistani scholar and analyst Prof. Hassan Askari has very ably summarised the vision of Quaid-e-Azam. He writes:
“Today’s Pakistan has drifted far away from Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s vision of homeland and a nation-state for the Muslims of British India. He visualised Pakistan as a modern democratic state that derived its ethical inspirations from the teachings and principles of Islam rather than a religion based state that uses the state apparatus to enforce Islam.” [Hassan Askari Rizvi: The drift and the remedy, Dawn special report, December 25, 2009]

Quaid-e-Azam created Pakistan for the people and not for the elite class. He expressed his vision of Pakistan in clear and loud words, while addressing All India Muslim League session in Dehli on April 24, 1943.

“Here I should like to give a warning to the landlords and capitalists who have flourished at our expense by a system which is so vicious, which is so wicked and which makes them so selfish that it is difficult to reason with them. The exploitation of the masses has gone into their blood. They have forgotten the lesson of Islam. Greed and selfishness have made those people subordinate to the interests of the others in order to fatten themselves…. There are millions of our people who hardly get one meal a day. Is this civilisation? Is this the aim of Pakistan? Do you visualise that millions have been exploited and cannot get one meal a day! If that is the idea of Pakistan, I would not have it.” [Speeches and Statements of Quaid-e-Azam, Bazam-e-Iqbal, Lahore, vol III]

Quaid-e-Azam addressing the All India Muslim League session at Karachi on December 14, 1947 said: “Muslim League has achieved and established Pakistan in a way and in a manner which was no parallel. The Muslims were a crowd, they were demoralised and they had to suffer economically. We have achieved Pakistan, not for the League not for any of our colleagues, but for the masses.” [Speeches and Statements of Quaid-e-Azam, Bazam-e-Iqbal, Lahore, vol IV, p.397]

Pakistan is facing with grave bad government crisis today because the civil servants of Pakistan have forgotten the loud message and advice of the founder of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam as Governor-General of Pakistan addressed the gazetted officers at Chettagong (Bangladesh) on March 25, 1948 and advised them:

“I want you to realise fully the deep implications of the revolutionary change that has taken place. Whatever community, caste or creed you belong to, you are now the servants of Pakistan. Servants can only do their duties and discharge their responsibilities by serving. Those days have gone when the country was ruled by the bureaucracy. It is people’s Government, responsible to the people more or less on democratic lines and parliamentary practices…. You are not rulers. You do not belong to the ruling class; you belong to the servants. Make the people feel that you are their servants and friends, maintain the highest standard of honour, integrity, justice and fair play.” [Jinnah: Speeches and Statements 1947-48, Oxford, p.162]

Quaid-e-Azam wanted that the army must remain out from politics. When a Colonel Akbar surprised the father of the nation by asking question about policy matters at a reception on the first Independence Day of Pakistan at Governor-General House, Karachi, Quaid-e-Azam snubbed him and said:
“Never forget that you are the servants of the state. You do not make policy; it is we the people’s representatives, who decide how the country is to be run. Your job is only to obey the decisions of your civilian masters.” [Qayyum Nizami: Jurnail Aur Siasitdan Tarikh Ke Idalat Meen, p.14]

Quaid-e-Azam addressed the officers of the Staff College, Quetta on June 14, 1948. He read out the prescribed oath on this occasion and said, “Of course, an oath is only a matter of form; what is more important is the true spirit and the heart.” Quaid-e-Azam expected and wished that the army officers would owe allegiance to the constitution and Pakistan in view of oath taken by them. [Jinnah: Speeches and Statements 1947-48, Oxford, p.224]

Quaid-e-Azam was so much concerned about the security of life and property of the citizens and corruption in the society that he emphasised about these issues in his first historical address to the Constituent Assembly as Governor-General on August 11, 1947 in the following strong words:

“You will no doubt agree with me that the first duty of a government is to maintain law and order, so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its subjects are fully protected by the State.

“The second thing that occurs to me is this: One of the biggest curses from which India is suffering – I do not say that other countries are free from it, but, I think, our condition is much worse – is bribery and corruption. That really is a poison. We must put that down with an iron hand and I hope that you will take adequate measures as soon as it is possible for this Assembly to do so.

“Black-marketing is another curse. Well, I know that black-marketeers are frequently caught and punished. Judicial sentences are passed or sometimes fines only are imposed. Now you have to tackle this monster which today is a colossal crime against society, in our distressed conditions, when we constantly face shortage of food and other essential commodities of life. A citizen who does black-marketing commits, I think, a greater crime than the biggest and most grievous of crimes. These black-marketeers are really knowing, intelligent and ordinarily responsible people, and when they indulge in black-marketing, I think they ought to be very severely punished, because they undermine the entire system of control and regulation of foodstuffs and essential commodities, and cause wholesale starvation and want and even death.”

This should be the sacred mission of the youth of Pakistan to return to Quaid’s vision to avoid total collapse and disintegration of Pakistan.

The writer is a renowned columnist.
Email:qayyumnizami@gmail.com
Source: JWT

While as usual, the nation is observing. It was in November 2009 that the famous Muslim seminary of Deoband hosted an international conference attended by more than ten thousand scholars. As reported in the press, this grand congregation was highly inspiring for its half a million participants who felt their faith reinvigorated by its proceedings. The deliberations of the conference received extensive coverage in almost all the newspapers.

A resolution passed on that occasion was also published in the press. According to it, all the scholars attending the conference unanimously agreed that Banday Matram is an idolatrous song and should not, therefore, be sung by the Muslim children. As a background, it should be remembered that in several Indian states, Banday Matram is sung as a national anthem in the schools. The lesson of worshipping Mother India, being given through this song is triggering a hostile reaction from the Indian Muslims. But for fear of the extremist Hindu organizations, the Indian government is acting like a silent spectator. Thus, only a day after the adoption of the above mentioned resolution, by the Muslim delegates, the Hindu extremist parties intoxicated with their pride of being in majority, began venting out their fury against it. For instance, while commenting on the edict of the Muslim scholars belonging to Jamiyat Ulamae Hind that Banday Matram is an un-Islamic and paganish song and should not be sung by the Muslims, the Shev Sena Chief Udhay Singh Thakray stated that it was totally unacceptable. He urged the opponents of Banday Matram to leave India and go to Pakistan. He further remarked that if such edicts continued to be issued, there would be no future for India. He categorically warned that there was no place in India for those traitors who refused to salute Mother India. (This news story was published on November 5, 2009.

While going through the statement of the Shiv Sena Chief, I recalled several things, but the most important among them was an article published in Gandhi Ji’s magazine in 1920s. The article said that as the Indian Muslims had converted to Islam after abandoning Hinduism, they could be dealt with, in two different ways. First of all, they should be forced to return to their earlier religion Hinduism, but if they are not willing to give up their religion, they should be dumped into the Indian Ocean. While writing these lines, it came to my mind that our young generation is neither aware of the background of Banday Matram, nor does it know about its venomous elements. The fact is that Banday Matram was taken from a novel named “Anand Math” written by the famous Bengali novelist Bankam Chandra Chaterji. The children of the Black goddess mentioned in this novel have only one objective in their life, that is, the elimination and extermination of the Muslims from India. Driven by this religious fanaticism, they sing this song while setting fire to the settlements of the Muslims and subjecting them to ruthless plundering and massacre. Banday Matram literally means “long live the mothers”. Professor Khalid Bin Saeed has translated it as “Hail Mother.”

It is evident that Banday Matram reflected Hindu mentality and even today, it is doing the same. Thus, during the Pakistan movement, it was treated as one of the hot issues. This issue became all the more sensitive and complicated when after the 1937 elections, the Indian National Congress formed its governments in seven provinces and issued orders that the children studying in the schools of all these provinces must sing Banday Matram as their national anthem. This Congress rule that lasted for one and a half year was sufficient to expose the obnoxious designs of the Hindus. It proved to be an important milestone and turning point in the Pakistan movement.

Thus, during the annual session of the Muslim League held in Lucknow in 1937, a resolution was adopted bitterly denouncing the attempts to enforce and impose Banday Matram on the Muslims of India. During the same session, Quaid-e-Azam described Banday Matram as an anti-Muslim and idolatrous song. It is quite obvious that only a person having a profound understanding of the true spirit of Islam could use the word idolatrous for this song. It is noteworthy that in the year 2009, ten thousand Muslim scholars attending an international conference held under the auspices of Jamiyat Ulama-e-Hind are describing Banday Matram as idolatrous. Seventy-two years ago, the same word was used for it by Quaid-e-Azam on October 15, 1937. Later, on January 30, 1938, addressing a meeting of the provincial Muslim League, in Delhi. The Quaid described Banday Matram as an idolatrous song and expressed his anger at the fact that this “anti-Islamic song” was being sung during the sessions of the provincial assemblies as an anthem. In the same speech, he remarked that he was horrified to think about the future. He urged the Muslims to understand the nefarious designs of the Hindus and added, “I am ringing the danger bells.”

These were the days when Allama Iqbal was sick and Sayyed Nazir Niazi, a close relative of his teacher Molvi Meer Hasan, used to visit him almost daily. At page 135 of his book “Iqbal Kay Huzoor” Sayyed Nazir Niazi writes that one day, while he was with Iqbal, he (Iqbal) told him to read the newspaper. Iqbal was immensely pleased when I read out to him Quaid-e-Azam’s speech at the Muslim league’s session in Delhi. Iqbal remarked that he had been delighted by two things: 1. Jinnah’s description of Banday Matram as idolatrous and 2. His description of the Hindhi, Hindu, Hindustani movement as an attack on the Islamic civilization.”

It is a long story extending over a period of several decades. To make it short, you must have realized it by now that during the Pakistan movement,

The Quaid had publicly described Banday Matram as an idolatrous song and extremist Hindu movements as an attack on the Muslim civilization.

Till his death in 1938, Iqbal had exactly the same views about these factors which became the motives for the creation of Pakistan. Even today, such factors are causing fear for the Indian Muslims. There has been no change in the Hindu mentality even 62 years after partition. The extremist element has now been added to it, to a horrifying degree. On one hand, the Indian government and Indian leadership have deliberately embarked on the policy of wiping out Pakistan from the map of the world. Pakistan has been deprived of the water of its share. After East Pakistan, the flames of insurgency are being flared up in Balochistan and Waziristan. Attempts are being made to swallow up occupied Kashmir. On the other hand, extremist Hindu parties are bitterly against the very existence and survival of the Muslims.

I wish to tell all such people that if they dislike the creation of Pakistan, which has given them so much respect and so many resources; and if they blame the Quaid and Iqbal for lack of vision and regard creation of Pakistan as a mistake of such leaders, then this country is not meant for them.

In these dismal circumstances, perhaps, the most shocking phenomenon is the fact that inside Pakistan, there is an active group of writers and intellectuals who are openly making the propaganda that the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan were grave mistakes of the then Muslim leadership. A pseudo-historian belonging to the same group remarked only a few days ago that Pakistan was created on wrong footings. On one hand, such writers attack Quaid-e-Azam and on the other hand, by undermining the foundations of Pakistan, they are lending a helping hand to the Indian leaders for the fulfillment of their dream of a greater India. Unfortunately, they enjoy the support of some of our columnists and intellectuals, who in their blind love for secularism, have been unable to understand the real designs and hidden motives of these people. Through their writings and speeches in the educational institutions, they are misleading our youngsters and are criticizing the reasons that justified the creation of Pakistan. But unfortunately, the pro-Pakistan lobby is watching the whole scenario only as a silent spectator.

Dr. Safdar Mahmood
Source: JWT

Father Of the Nation Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Father of the Nation Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times. What, however, makes him so remarkable is the fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally well-defined nations and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodden minority and established a cultural and national home for it. Quaid-e-Azam had provided political leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but later, since 1947, as the only prominent leader. For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their legitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concrete demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the dominant segment of India's population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honourable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenix like.

As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from "unreflective silence" (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time.

The way Jinnah manoeuvred to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves. A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely misunderstood.

Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, said on Quaid's death: "Mr Jinnah was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action, By Mr. Jinnah's passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide". Such was Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements.

JWT Desk

How has Quaid-e-Azam Consolidated Pakistan after its emergence? (Pak Affairs, CSS-2010)

The emergence of Pakistan after a long and arduous freedom struggle was in fact a great victory of the democratic idea of life. Quaid-e-Azam won Pakistan for his people with unflinching spirit and people's trust in his sincere and dauntless leadership.

“My thoughts are with those valiant fighters in our cause, who readily sacrificed all they had, including their lives to make Pakistan possible”
(Quaid-e-Azam, 1947)

It was a matter of grave misfortune for a man who dedicated all his life to transform the dream of Iqbal into a reality died shortly after its realisation. The freedom movement drained even the last ounce of energy out of him. Due to precarious health, he could not dedicate all his time to build the fabric of infant state.

But in more than a year, in face of enormous problems, he did a lot for the consolidation of Pakistan.

The real assessment of the steps that Quaid-e-Azam took for the consolidation of Pakistan can only be made by analysing the political, economic and social problems that the newly born state had to face at that time.

Problems
Administration
1. A part of the government's record had been destroyed during migration.
2. Personnel for government were yet to be assembled from various provinces.
3. Lack of trained staff in government departments.
4. Disorganisation in communal system.
5. Security concerns from Eastern border.
6. Riots in Punjab.
7. Rehabilitation of Refugees.

But in spite of all these problems, Quaid-e-Azam, even within a short span of time did a lot for the consolidation of the state and extracted it out of unthinkable difficulties.

Quaid's steps for the consolidation of Pakistan

1. Revival of the doomed spirit
Quaid-e-Azam realised that the morale of the public was at the lowest ebb on account of the prevailing problems. He, therefore, decided to rehabilitate and restore the public confidence through his speeches. His words made a profound impression on the public and mitigated the existing despair and tension.

His first step was to address the government servants in Karachi in 11th Oct 1947. He said,

“This is a challenge to our very existence and if we are to survive as a nation, we shall have to feel the problems with redoubted zeal and energy. Our masses are today disorganized. Their morale is exceedingly low and we shall have to do something to pull them out of this state and galvanize them into activity. All throw additional responsibility on government servants, to whom our people are looking for guidance.”

Removal of military from Waziristan and tribal areas:
The decision took by Quaid-e-Azam immediately after the inception of Pakistan about the reduction of military forces from Waziristan and tribal areas was amply justified by the events.

This step earned a considerable good will in the tribal region. Instead of heavy military expenditure, Quaid-e-Azam concentrated on economic ameliorations, spread of education and medical relief.

Steps to mitigate tensions with India.
Transfer of Karachi to government of Pakistan.
Formation of first cabinet.
Establishment of State Bank of Pakistan.
Establishment of the federal court.
Membership of UNO.
Relations with Islamic world.

Establishment of first cabinet
The first of cabinet was a creation of Quaid-e-Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan was nominated as the Prime Minister of Pakistan in view of his position in the Muslim league.

Administration
1. Control of British Balochistan.
2. Separation of Karachi from Sindh.
3. Declared Karachi as capital.
4. Reorganisation of Civil Service and creation of post of Secretary General.

Addressing the civil servants, he said;

“Make the people feel that you are their servants and friends. Maintain the highest standard of honour dignity, justice and fair play. If you do that, people will have confidence and trust in you and they will look upon you as friends and well wishes.”

5. Establishment of Police System.
6. Establishment of Federal Court, to deal with the important matter. The federal court later became the Supreme Court of Pakistan.
7. Adoption of Indian independence act 1947:
Pakistan had no constitution and this act was adopted to run the affairs of the state.
Foreign Affairs
1. Appointment of Malik Feroz Noon as his special envoy to Middle East.
2. Made Pakistan member of UN.
3. Establishment of relations with common wealth countries and appointed high commission to the common wealth countries.
4. Tried to normalise relations with India.

Economic Achievements
1. Establishment of “Pakistan Fund”.
2. New coins and currency notes were issued which replaced the old wins and currency notes of British India.
3. State Bank of Pakistan was established.

Eradication of Corruption
In his first speech in constituent assembly, he said,

“With must put the corruption down with an iron hand and I hope that you will take adequate measures soon, as it is possible for this.”

Defence
He emphasized on the need of modern equipment for the defence of the country. He said,

“The weak and defenceless in this imperfect world invites aggression from others. The best way in which we can serve the cause of peace is removing the temptation of being weak and therefore being attacked. The temptation can be removed only, if we make ourselves strong that nobody dare entertain aggressive design against us.”

His efforts to unite people, steps for the rehabilitation of refugees, endeavour to settle internal disputes, speaks volumes of his sagacity and iron will against the hazards.

Education
“The Muslims could not give power attention to education, due to foreign occupation on the sub continent. Therefore, Muslims were backward in education. If we need actual progress, we must formulate proper educational policies, and prog-rammes, which should be according to our culture and history and must be development oriented.”

Quaid-e-Azam while addressing “All Pakistan Educational Conference.” (Nov 27, 1947)

Dr Quratul Ain Malik (CSP)

Maulana Muhammad Ali is reported to have said at the end of his life: "I learnt Islam from Abul Kalam Azad and Iqbal --- one pulls me in one direction, and the other points to the opposite way". Ultimately he gravitated towards the viewpoint of the poet, but the man who did most to give a concrete shape to the political vision of Iqbal was another Muhammad Ali, whose transformation, through a painful process, from being an accredited "Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity" to the most thorough going championship of Muslim separatism completely altered the course of Indian history.

One important role which Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah played in the politics of India was for the achievement of the Hindus and Muslims unity by bringing about some understanding between the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League. In fact, for more than two decades Quaid-e-Azam was known for this role than for any other. It will be recalled that Gopal Krishna Gokhale expressed the view that Jinnah had true stuff in him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudices which would make him as the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu called him 'An Ambassador of Unity' and wrote that Jinnah stood approved and confirmed by his countrymen not merely as an ambassador but as an embodied symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity. Similarly, Jawahar Lal Nehru wrote in 1936 that Quaid had been largely responsible in the past for bringing the Muslim League close to the Congress.

Few Indians remember that People Jinnah Hall was built to honour the fearless leadership of Bombay's most inspiring ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. Jinnah continued to work for the unity with the Hindus and until he was convinced early in 1940 that the Hindu leaders were not at all ready for any kind of understanding.

Quaid-e-Azam went to England for law education at the early age of 16 and stayed there for about four years. At that time liberalism was very much in the air in England and Quaid-e-Azam, who frequently visited the British Parliament, showed particular interest in the speeches of liberal leader like W.E. Gladstone and John Morley. Amongst the prominent Indians with whom he developed close relations in the early years of his political career were Surrendranath Banerje, Dadabhai Naoroji and Gokhale. Jinnah described Banerje as his leader. Surely, his association with such liberal leaders could not have generated any communal feelings in him.

Similarly, Jawahar Lal Nehru wrote in 1936 that Quaid had been largely responsible in the past for bringing the Muslim League nearer to the Congress

.

Quaid was first elected to Imperial Council from a constituency reserved for the Muslims of Bombay and he first established his reputation as a legislator by piloting the Muslim Wolf Validating Bill. But it should be noted that at that time he was a member of Congress and not of Muslim League.

In fact, as the Agha Khan pointed out, “when in 1906 the Muslim leaders asked the Governor General, Lord Minto, for separate voting registers, Jinnah was the only well-known Muslim who came out in bitter hostility towards all that me and my friends had done and were trying to do".

During the next few years, Quaid’s thinking did not undergo any change, for at the 1910 session of the Congress, he was the "Prime mover" of the resolution deprecating the application or extension of the principle of separate representation to local bodies. Quaid was also a member of the Congress delegation that was to wait upon the Governor General to place before him the Congress viewpoint about separate electorates.

Quaid’s association with the Muslim League began as late as December 1912 but he joined the League in 1913 on the condition that loyalty to the Muslim League and the Muslim interests would in no way and at no time imply even the shadow of disloyalty to the larger national cause to which his life was dedicated, i.e. freedom of India. Owing to his liberal views, Quaid thought that he was ideally suited to bring about unity between the Hindu and the Muslim. He worked to bring about an understanding between the Congress and the League at a conference of Hindu-Muslim leaders at Allahabad in January 1911. He is reported to be present as a sort of "cross bencher" at this conference. Unfortunately, nothing resulted from it. Muslim leaders, however, remained anxious for an understanding between the two communities.

When the partition of Bengal was undone, more and more Muslim leaders began to realise that an understanding with the Hindus was very much in the interest of the Muslims. He also believed that the union of the two communities in India is absolutely necessary for the purpose of India. Therefore, even after Quaid had joined the League in the autumn of 1913, his activities continued on the non-communal lines.

It is necessary to note that his contribution at the League session held in December 1913 was to move a resolution for the reconstitution of the Council of the Secretary of State of India and to intervene in the debate on the resolution for separate representation in the local bodies by urging that the consideration of the resolution should be postponed for a year. The Congress fully understood Quaid's position and in 1914 included him in the delegation which was sent to London to ask for the reconstitution of the Secretary of the State Council.

For bringing about Hindu-Muslim unity, he found this opportunity late in 1915, when it became known that the Congress would hold its annual session at Bombay in December. Quaid then played a leading role in persuading the League leaders to hold the annual session of the League also at Bombay at the same time. The League leaders agreed and largely at the initiative of Jinnah, a special effort was made to create an atmosphere of cordiality between the two communities by inviting several prominent Congress leaders to the League session.

Quaid's most valuable contribution to this session was his resolution that a committee be formed to finalise a scheme for reforms and that the said committee is authorised to confer with political and other organisations on committee if any, appointed by such organisations as they deemed fit. The resolution was approved by the session and the Congress reciprocated by naming a committee to confer with the League's committee.

In December 1916 the Muslim League and the Congress held their annual sessions simultaneously at Lucknow and approved of the joint scheme prepared by their committees which later became famous as “Lucknow Pact”. In Indian dismal constitutional history, it represents the only period when Hindus and Muslims came to agreed conclusions about their future.

Though the poet was not satisfied with the Muslim viewpoint yet Quaid felt satisfied with it because it had brought about the understanding for which he had been so anxious. Had his efforts to deal directly with Montagu not been sabotaged by the government of India and its Black Rowlatt Acts, the years of tragedy that were to ensure in the wake of the war need not have derailed the process of responsible transfer of power set so patiently in motion by Britain's two greatest liberal secretaries of state John Morley and Edwin Montagu.

In March 1919, Quaid resigned from the Imperial Legislative Council as a protest against the passing of Rowlatt Act. He, however, was not in sympathy with the methods advocated by Mahatma Gandhi to deal with the new situation and had his first public difference with him over the change of the constitution of the Home Rule League. He resigned from the League now renamed Swaraj Sabha.

Quaid was a member of the Congress and he had been working for Hindu-Muslim unity. But this dual membership ended in December 1920. On the occasion of its special session at Nagpur the Congress adopted a new creed which permitted the use of unconstitutional means and decided to resort to non-violent, non-cooperative for the attainment of self-rule.

He was not opposed to agitation or even putting more pressure on the government, but disturbed the destructive methods which did not take account of human nature and which might slip out of control at any time.

He was convinced and did not hesitate to tell Gandhi directly that your way is the wrong way: mine is the right way---The constitutional way is the right way. He warned them openly of the futility of their battle plan, told them honestly of the havoc he correctly anticipated would be unleashed by and against the suddenly politicised masses. But this voice of practical statesmanship was no heeded and Jinnah walked away not only out of the Congress session but from the Congress party as well. Safely removed from the fray, he watched as violence and stupidity stirred up dark clouds of public rage and official repression.

He however, continued his efforts to achieve some understanding between the Hindu and Muslim leaders. Early in 1922, he played a leading role in convening all parties' conference which asked for a roundtable meeting between the government and the Congress on Khilafat, self government and other issues. The revival of Hindu Mahasaba, however, forced him to make the League more active so that it could become a representative body of the Muslims. But his passion for Hindu-Muslim unity did not subside.

Speaking at the annual session of the League in May 1924, Jinnah repeated his usual argument, "---- we must not forget that one essential requisite condition to achieve Swaraj is political unity between the Hindus and the Mohamedans; for the advent of foreign rule and its continuance in India, is primarily due to the fact that the people of India, particularly the Hindus and Mohamedans are not united and do not sufficiently trust each other. I am almost inclined to say that India will get Dominion Responsible Government the day the Hindus and Mohammadans are united. Sawaraj is an almost interchangeable term with Hindu-Muslim unity.”

In December 1924, at the Bombay session of the League, Quaid and other Muslim leaders tried to recreate the atmosphere of 1915. Prominent Hindu leaders were invited to this session. But the Hindu leaders did not make any move to win the confidence of the Muslims and in 1926, Quaid had to complain that the Congress position with regard to the Muslim demands was far from reassuring.


Even so, at the League session held in December, he moved a resolution which inter alia, provided for the appointment of a committee to formulate a scheme, so far as possible, in consultation with a committee or committees that may be appointed by other political organisations for the submission to the Royal Commission when it is appointed. In moving this resolution, he said:

"We desire nothing but justice and fairness and I assure you that if we, the two communities, can settle our differences, it will be more than half the battle for responsible government won.”

In March 1927, Quaid made a new move for bringing about an understanding between the Hindus and the Muslims. He then persuaded a number of Muslim leaders to be flexible on the issue of separate electorates. Meeting at Delhi, the Muslim leaders agreed to a formula which provided for joint electorates on certain conditions. This formula looked so reasonable to the Congress leaders that All India Congress Committee which met in May, approved it and later in the year the plenary session of the Congress ratified it.

Quaid's efforts for Hindu-Muslim unity had not received the response which they deserved but he preserved. Soon the appointment of the Simon Commission provided him an opportunity for making another bid for the success of his mission. He joined hands with Congress in boycotting the commission and tolerated a complete split within the Muslim League to be able to follow a common policy with the Indian National Congress.

But the constitution framed by the committee appointed by the non co-operating parties (known as the Nehru Report) was not satisfactory from Quaid's viewpoint. In a bid to make the report acceptable to the Muslims, Jinnah proposed certain amendments to it at the Convention of the parties which were held at Calcutta in December 1928.

yasir_gallant@yahoo.com
Muhammad Yasir Kayani
Source: JWT

Father of the Nation Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times. What, however, makes him so remarkable is the fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally well-defined nations and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodden minority and established a cultural and national home for it. Quaid-e-Azam had provided political leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but later, since 1947, as the only prominent leader. For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their legitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concrete demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the dominant segment of India's population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honourable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenix like.

As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from "unreflective silence" (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time.

The way Jinnah manoeuvred to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves. A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely misunderstood.

Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, said on Quaid's death: "Mr Jinnah was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action, By Mr. Jinnah's passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide". Such was Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements.

JWT Desk

1883: Admitted to the Sindh Madrasatul Islam.

January 30, 1892: Sails for England.

1895: Called to the Bar from Lincoln's Inn. London, UK.

1897: Enrolls as Advocate (OS) at the Bombay High Court.

May 4 November 3, 1900: Acted as Third Presidency Magistrate.

March 10, 1904: Elected Member, Bombay Municipal Corporation. Resigns March 1905.

December 1904: Attends a session of the Indian National Congress, in Bombay, for the first time.

December 1906: Elected as a delegate to the Congress party. His first public speech at a Congress session, supporting the resolution on 'Validation of Wakf alal-aulad' on December 27.

January 8, 1907: Elected Vice-President, Indian Mussalman Association, Calcutta.

August 2, 1909: Moves resolution calling on British rulers to consult Muslim leaders.

January 4, 1910: Elected to the Imperial Legislative Council.

February 25, 1910: Clashes with the Viceroy, Lord Minto, over South African cruelty to Indian labourers.

March 17, 1911: Introduces Wakf alal-aulad Validation Bill.

March 19, 1912: Supports G.K. Gokhale's Elementary Education Bill.

December 31, 1912: Calls on the AIML to confer with Congress to negotiate a Hindu-Muslim settlement.

October 10, 1913: Enrolls as a member of the AIML.

May 1914: Nominated chief spokesman of the Congress delegation to London.

August 7-12, 1916: Defends Bal Gangadhar Tilak in the District Magistrate's Court, Poona, against charges of sedition.

December 30-31: Presides over the AIML
1916: Session in Lucknow which approves the Congress—League Lucknow Pact.

July 29, 1917: Presides over a Home Rule League meeting in Bombay, with Mrs Anne Besant and Tilak participating in it.

April 19, 1918: Marries Ruttenbai, daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit.

December 11, 1918: Disrupts meeting in honour of Lord Willingdon on his departure.

March 28, 1919: Resigns from the Imperial Legislative Council in protest against the Rowlatt Act.

August 14-15, 1919: Birth of Dina Jinnah in London.

December 31, 1919: Elected permanent President of AIML.

October 25, 1920: Resigns from the Home Rule League (HRL), due to change in creed by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, whom he himself had inducted into HRL.

December 28, 1920: Leaves Congress in disgust during the Nagpur Session, protesting against Gandhi's Non-Cooperation Resolution.

January 26, 1921: Protests inclusion of his name in list of politicians opposed to Non-cooperation.

April 20, 1921: Resigns from the Chairmanship of the Board of Directors of the Bombay Chronicle.

February 1922: Organises the Independent Party in the Indian Legislative Assembly, comprising 17 members.

March 31, 1923: Revives AIML after its eclipse by the Khilafat Conference.

November 14, 1923: Elected unopposed to the Indian Legislative Assembly.

February 18, 1924: Supports a resolution on grant of full self-governing dominion status to India, moved by Bepin Chandra Pal.

March 6,1924: Demands 'Indiani-sation' of the British Indian army.

March 24-25, 1924: Re-elected President of AIML whose members endorse his policies.

December 3, 1924: Submits a Minority Report on Reforms, opposing diarchy and calling for provincial autonomy.

February 17, 1925: Supports a resolution for establishment of a Supreme Court in India.

February 18, 1925: Supports a resolution for establishment of a Military College in India.

March 18, 1926: Pleads for extension of reforms to the NWFP.

February 18, 1927: Demands steps to make up the paucity of Sikh representation in government services.

March 20, 1927: Presides over an informal conference of Muslim leaders and finalises the Delhi Muslim Proposals.

May 16, 1927: AICC accepts Delhi Muslim Proposals at Bombay.

December 30, 1927: AICC ratifies acceptance of Delhi Muslim Proposals.

December 28-29, 1928: Jinnah's 'minimum six Muslim demands' are steamrolled by the All Parties National Convention, at Calcutta, Called by Congress to
approve the Nehru Report.

February 20, 1929: Death of Ruttie Jinnah in Bombay.

March 28, 1929: Presents 'Fourteen Points' at Delhi*.

November 30, 1929: Visits Gandhi at Sabarmati Ashram along with Vithalbhai Patel, to arrange a Viceroy–*Gandhi meeting on the proposed Round Table Conference.

November 12, 1930: Participates in the First Round Table Conference in London.

January 12, 1931: Pleads for separation of Sind from the Bombay Presidency.

June–November 1931: Decides to settle in London. Resigns from the Assembly. Attends Second Round Table Conference in London.

1932-35: Practices law in England, but keeps in touch with leading Indian Muslim leaders.

April 1934: Re-elected President of the re*united Muslim League, at a joint session of the two factions, at Delhi. Condemns the constitutional scheme with the exception of the Communal Award*

October 11, 1934: Returns unopposed to the Assembly, from the Bombay Muslim Constituency.

February 4-7, 1935: Jinnah's three amendments in the Joint Parliamentary Committee Report are accepted by the Assembly, thereby ensuring retention of the Communal Award.

February-March 1935: Jinnah-Rajendra Prasad talks held to find a substitute for the Communal Award; talks failed to yield any concrete results.

February-March 1936: Visits Lahore to seek a solution to the Shahidganj Mosque dispute.

April 1, 1936: On the inauguration of the new province of Sind, states, 'I sincerely hope that the two sister communities will wholeheartedly cooperate in the service of the province'.

April 9, 1936: Inaugurates the Jamiat-ul-*Ulema-i-Hind Conference, at Delhi.

April 11-12, 1936: Attends the AIML session in Bombay. Lays down AIML's policy on the new constitution.

May 21, 1936: Sets up a 56-member Central Parliamentary Board to contest the upcoming provincial elections on an AIML ticker.

October 11, 1936: Launches election campaign in Lahore.

January 3, 1937: Referring to Nehru's 'two forces' (the Government and the Congress) dictum, at a mammoth public meeting in Calcutta, states, 'there is a third party in this country and that is Muslim India.

June 21 1937: In a letter, Iqbal suggests, in a letter to Jinnah that the only solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem is the division of India along the line of the Muslim majority provinces.

July 7, 1937: On the Congress decision to work the 1935 reforms, hopes that it would cooperate 'with the Muslim party in the legislatures', emphasizing that 'the need of India is to create a unified front'.

July 28, 1937: AIML-Congress negotiations in the UP finally break down, with the Congress insisting on the AIML's merger into the Congress.

September 16, 1937: Moves three amendments to the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Bill which are adopted by the Central Assembly.

October 13-18 , 1937: Accorded a rousing reception by 20,000 persons on arrival at Lucknow. Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, Fazlul Haq and Sir Mohammad
Saadullah Khan, the Premiers of Punjab, Bengal and Assam respectively, along with their followers, join the League. The green Islamic flag with crescent and star is hoisted over the League pandal for the first time. In his presidential address, Jinnah criticises Congress for imposing Hindi, Bande Mataram and the Congress flag as the national language, national song and national flag, and asserts that 'the majority community have already shown that Hindustan is for the Hindus'.

October 19 , 1937: In a letter Gandhi characterises Jinnah's Presidential address in Lucknow as 'a declaration of war'.

October 26-27, 1937: Accorded a rousing welcome in Patna where he succeeds in getting all the Muslim parties to merge or coalesce with AIML.

December 26-28, 1937: Addresses mammoth public meetings at Howrah Maidan and Mohammad Ali Park, Calcutta. Presides over the first session of the All India Muslim Students Federation (AIMSF) at Calcutta.

February 18, 1938: On his call, Muslims throughout India observe Shahidganj Day.

April 4 , 1938: AIML representatives in the Central Assembly decide to form an AIML party in the legislature.

April 17-18, 1938: Presiding over the AIML special session in Calcutta, asserts that 'the Muslim League claims the status of complete equality with Congress, or any other organisation'.

April 28, 1938: Gandhi-Jinnah talks on the communal question start in Bombay.

May 11, 1938: Meets with Subhas Chandra Bose, President of the Indian
National Congress, in Bombay, to resolve the Hindu-Muslim question.

October 8-10, 1938: Presides over the Sindh Muslim League Conference at Karachi which calls for separate Hindu and Muslim federations.

November 18, 1938: On his call, Muslims commemorate 'Kemal Day' throughout India on the demise of Mustapha Kemal Pasha of Turkey.

December 2, 1938: Elected President for the following year unanimously by the AIML Council.

December 26-29, 1938: Presides over the 26th annual session of the AIML at Patna. Criticises the federal scheme, Congress ministries and the Congress high command. Addresses the AIMSF Conference.

February 8, 1939: At his call, Muslims observe 'Palestine Day'.

March 16, 1939: Sends copies of the Pirpur Report and the Shareef Report to the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow.

May 6, 1939: Declares in Bombay that the government should not settle the Federal issue with Congress alone.

July 30, 1939: In a statement, urges the Viceroy and HMG not to impose the Federal Scheme upon an unwilling India.

September 8, 1939: After meeting the Viceroy, states that 'to win the war, Government should take Muslims into confidence'.

October 5, 1939: Meets with the Viceroy, along with Gandhi.

October 18, 1939: In a statement, HMG agrees to review the Act of 1935.

November 1, 1939: Confers with the Viceroy on a modus vivendi at the Centre, along with Gandhi and Rajendra Prasad.

November 3, 1939: Spells our Muslim demands for cooperation in the war effort in a letter to the Viceroy.

December 13, 1939: Demands the appointment of a Royal Commission to investigate Muslim grievances in Congress provinces.

December 22, 1939: AIML celebrates a 'Day of Deliverance' on the resignation of Congress ministries.

January 19, 1940: Jinnah's article in Time and Tide (London) explains the AIML stand.

March 22-24, 1940: Presides over the historic AIML session in Lahore, calling for the partition of India.

April 19 , 1940: At his call, Muslims celebrate the 'Day of Declaration', to confirm the Lahore Resolution.

November 1, 1940: Declares that the observance of Muslim Countries Day on
November 1 was meant to strengthen bonds of brotherhood between Indian Muslims and other Muslim countries.

November 14, 1940: Inaugurates the Delhi MSF Conference in Delhi.

March 10, 1941: Presiding over the Aligarh Students Union, states, 'Aligarh is the arsenal of Muslim India and you are its soldiers'.

March 23, 1941: Calls on Muslims to celebrate Lahore Resolution Day.

March 25, 1941: Pleads for Pakistan in a meeting with Sir Stafford Cripps.

April 12-15, 1941: Presides over the 28th session of the AIML in Madras. Amendment passed in the AIML Constitution, making the Lahore Resolution its
supreme objective.

April 18, 1941: Meets with leaders of the Justice Party, Madras. Explores possibility of cooperation for attainment of common interests.

July 22, 1941: Disapproves expansion of the Viceroy's Executive Council and the National Defence Council.

July 30, 1941: Threatens disciplinary action against six AIML members who joined the viceroy's expanded Executive Council and the National Defence Council.

September 11, 1941: Presides over the AIML Working Committee meeting, which welcomes the resignation of the Premiers of Punjab, Bengal and Assam from the National Defence Council.

October 11, 1941: Dawn, an English weekly, founded in Delhi, to espouse the Muslim cause in India.

December 26, 1941: Presides over the fifth annual session of the AIMSF, at Nagpur.

January 2, 1942: In an interview, warns HMG against a departure from the
August 8, 1940, Declaration.

February 15, 1942: Criticises the Hay Ministry of Bengal in his presidential address to the Bengal Provincial Muslim League Conference at Sirajganj.

March 6, 1942: In a telegram to the British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, states that any constitution without the AIML's approval would be unacceptable.

April 3-6, 1942: Presiding over the 29th session of the AIML at Allahabad, declares that whatever proposals Sir Stafford Cripps might make, AIML would not accept anything less than Pakistan.

April 13, 1942: Explains, at a press conference, why the AIML had to reject the Cripps Proposals offered by the HMG.

August 8, 1942: Characterises the Congress Working Committee's 'Quit India' resolution as a repetition of its old plan of establishing 'Hindu raj or a Hindu majority government.

October 4, 1942: In reply to Dr Ziauddin Ahmad, refuses to receive the honorary degree, saying, 'I have lived as plain Mr Jinnah and I hope to die as plain Mr Jinnah.

June 4, 1943: At a press conference in Karachi, states that the AICC resolution of August 8, 1942, was 'a declaration of war' against the Muslim League.

July 3-4, 1943: Attended the Balochistan Muslim League Conference in Quetta.

July 20, 1943: An assassination attempt by Rafiq Sabir, a Khaksar fails due to his [the Quaid's] alertness.

August 23, 1943: Writes to Lord Linlithgow on political conditions in Kashmir.

December 20-26: Presides over the 31st session of the AIML in Karachi.
States that 'Karachi will be the gateway for Pakistan'. Declares the Quran to be 'the sheet anchor of Muslim India'.

March 10, 1944: In a speech in Ali-garh, calls for raising the status of women.

April 18, 1944: Receives the CR formula on partition from Rajagopalachari.

April 27, 1944: Jinnah-Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana talks in Lahore end in failure.

April 30, 1944: Punjab Muslim League Conference in Sialkot repudiates Tiwana.

September 9-27, 1944: Gandhi-Jinnah talks in Bombay break down. Correspondence released.

January 22, 1945: Repudiates Liaquat-Desai talks on formation of a reconstituted Viceroy's Council.

June 25-July 14, 1945: Attends Simla Conference. States that opposition to AIMLs right to nominate all the Muslims on the Viceroy's Council led to the failure of the Conference.

July 16, 1945: Appeals for funds to contest elections.

August 6, 1945: First contribution to the Muslim League Election Fund is presented at Bombay. States, 'Give me silver bullets and I will do the job'.

August-September 1945: In response to his appeal several top ranking Congress and Unionist' stalwarts join the Muslim League.

October 12, 1945: In a statement, supports Indonesia's struggle for independence.

December 4, 1945: Elected to the Central Legislative Assembly.

January 11, 1946: Muslims observe Victory Day, to celebrate the Muslim League's one hundred per cent success in central assembly elections.

February 24 1946: In a telegram, congratulates Punjab Muslims and PML President, Nawab of Mamdot, on ML's success in provincial polls.

April 4, 1946: Meets the Cabinet delegation.

April 7-9, 1946: Presides over the Muslim Legislators' Convention, at Delhi, where the Lahore Resolution (1940) is amended to call for 'a sovereign independent state', comprising six provinces in north-west and north-east India.

May 12, 1946: Sends to the Cabinet delegation, AIML constitutional proposals.

May 19, 1946: Cabinet Mission Plan announced.

June 4-6, 1946: AIML Council accepts May 19 Cabinet Mission Plan.

June 29, 1946: AIML Council withdraws acceptance due to Jawaharlal Nehru's
July 10 Bombay Press Conference statement that Congress was not bound by any clause of the Cabinet Mission Plan, specially with regard to the grouping of provinces, and decides upon Direct Action to wrest Pakistan.

August 15, 1946: Meets Jawaharlal Nehru in Bombay on formation of the Interim Government.

August 16, 1946: AIML observes Direct Action Day. Great Calcutta killings begin.

September 2, 1946: An all-Congress Interim Government sworn in Muslim India observes 'Black Day' and hoists black flags everywhere.

September 29, 1946: The Nawab of Bhopal induces Gandhi to accept the AIML as representative of all Indian Muslims.

October 25, 1946: The AIML, led by Liaquat Ali Khan, joins the Interim Government.

November 1946: Killings in Bihar State resulting in the death of 30,000 Muslims with 15,000 made homeless.

December 9, 1946: AIML boycotts the Constituent Assembly called in New Delhi.

December 19, 1946: Jinnah meets Mufti Aminul Husayni and Egyptian leaders in Cairo.

January-February 28, 1947: Muslim League Civil Disobedience Movement initiated in Punjab against the Tiwana Ministry.

February 20, 1947: The Muslim League launches a Civil Disobedience Movement against the Khan Sahib Ministry in the NWFP.

March 4, 1947: Master Tara Singh's speech sparks riots in Punjab.

April 5, 1947: First meeting with the new Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten.

April 15, 1947: Jinnah-Gandhi joint appeal issued for peace.

April 20, 1947: Denounces, in a statement, the proposed dissection of Bengal and Punjab, and considers it a 'grave error'.

June 2, 1947: Along with Liaquat and Nishtar, attends leaders' conference, presided over by the Viceroy. HMG's Plan for partition circulated.

June 3, 1947: Partition Plan announced. Acceptance of the Mountbatten Plan is broadcast.

June 9-10, 1947: AIML Council endorses June 3 Partition Plan.

June 25, 1947: Issues statement appealing to the Shahi Jirga, Balochistan, and non-official members of the Quetta Municipality to vote for Pakistan.

June 26, 1947: Issues statement appealing to the Muslims of Sylhet to vote for Pakistan.

July 5, 1947: Liaquat Ali Khan informs Lord Mountbatten that Jinnah would be Governor-General of Pakistan.

July 26, 1947: Formation of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly.

August 11, 1947: First Session of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. Elected President. Outlines policies and principles to govern Pakistan.

August 12, 1947: Liaquat Ali Khan moves resolution that Jinnah be known as Quaid-e-Azam (Leader of the Nation).

August 14, 1947: Transfer-of-Power ceremonies held. Mountbatten transfers power to the Constituent Assembly on behalf of HMG.

August 15, 1947: Sworn in as Governor-General of Pakistan. Appoints the first cabinet, headed by Liaquat Ali Khan.

August 28, 1947: Participates in the Lahore Conference of Governors General and Prime Ministers.

August 31, 1947: In a talk broadcast from Lahore, states 'The Boundary Award may be unjust but it is binding on us'.

October 11, 1947: Addresses joint meeting of civil and armed forces officers.

November 1, 1947: Discusses the Kashmir issue with Lord Mountbatten.

December 8, 1947: Protests against the UN decision to partition Palestine, in a letter to Truman.

December14-15, 1947: Presides over the last meeting of the AIML Council at Karachi, which decides to split the AIML into two independent and separate bodies. With this, his tenure as AIML president comes to an end.

January 25, 1948: Addressing the Karachi Bar Association states that Islamic principles are as applicable to our lives today as they were 1,300 years ago.

January 30, 1948: Sends a condolence message on Gandhi's assassination.

February 1948: In a talk broadcast to the US, states that the Pakistan constitution would be 'a democratic type, embodying the essential principle of Islam', but 'is not going to be a theocratic state'.

March 21, 1948: Addresses mammoth public meeting in Dacca. Declares that Urdu would be the State language of Pakistan.

March 26, 1948: Addresses a civic reception at Chittagong; recommends social justice and Islamic Socialism.

April 27, 1948: Addresses members of the Karachi Chamber of Commerce.

June 14, 1948: Addresses Staff College, Quetta.

July 1, 1948: Performs the opening ceremony of the State Bank of Pakistan, the last public function he attends. Calls for evolving banking practices compatible with Islamic ideals of social and economic life.

July 14, 1948: Moves to Ziarat for health reasons.

August 13, 1948: Moves back to Quetta to convalesce.

August 14, 1948: Issues Independence Day message.

September 1, 1948: His health deteriorates.

September 11, 1948: Dies in Karachi.

September 12, 1948: State funeral.

Zahid Ashraf
Source: JWT

The convention rejected Quaid-e-Azam's amendments. Indeed one Hindu leader even said that he represented nobody. Quaid understood that his last self-imposed mission of Hindu-Muslim unity had been a complete failure. Disillusioned with the narrow communal approach of the Hindu leadership to the constitutional question, Quaid assessed the situation as "parting of the ways" and so it proved to be.

This marked a major point of departure in Jinnah's life, an even sharper veering off from the road of Congress and all it represented than Nagpur had been eight years earlier. He had delivered his Swan song to Indian Nationalism. The dream stirred by Dadabhai's ringing voice in Westminister's commons, nurtured by Morley and Pheroz Shah, enriched by Gokhale and Montagu, all those long last liberal giants were dead. Nor would the ocean now dividing him from Congress ever be bridged. A few months later, Quaid formulated his Fourteen Points in which he lucidly summed up the Muslim demands. These were neither the voice of despair nor a challenge but nevertheless the first inkling we have of Quaid’s ultimate decision that if he could not unite Hindus and Muslims, he would not at least unite Muslims* and if necessary unite them against Hindus.

At the first Round Table Conference held in London in the winter of 1930-31, Quaid clearly explained what he wanted self-government for India and security for the minorities. But the Indian delegates could not reach to any understanding either at this conference or at the second conference which was held in late 1931. In the result, the communal issue had ultimately to be decided by the Prime Minister who gave his award in 1932.

Sickened by the Hindu sentiment, the Hindu mind, the Hindu attitude on the one hand and the Muslim leaders who were either the flunkeys of the British Government or the camp followers of the Congress on the other, he decided to settle down in England and practise law before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

After the constitutional proposals had been published in the form of a White Paper and almost all Indian leaders had found them most unsatisfactory, Quaid again pleaded for unity. Speaking at the Council of the League in April 1934, he said:

“India looks forward to a real, solid, united front. Can we even at this eleventh hour bury the hatchet, and forget the past in the presence of imminent danger and close our ranks to get sufficient strength to resist what is being hatched, at Downing Street and in Delhi.”

It is up to the leaders to put their hands together and nothing will give me greater happiness than to bring about complete cooperation and friendship between Hindus and Muslims. But the Congress and the League could not agree on any modifications that could be suggested to the constitutional proposals.

It was during Quaid's stay in England that he met Allama Iqbal during the Round Table Conference session. In due course, the poet philosopher came to exercise a decisive influence on the thinking of the statesman and converted him to the idea of Muslim homeland in the Subcontinent. His views "Jinnah later acknowledged, were substantively in consonance with my own and had finally led me to the same conclusions as a result of careful examination and study of the constitutional problems facing India".

Elections to the Central and Provisional Assemblies were held in the winter of 1936-37 under the 1935 Act. At the time of election campaign, it seemed almost certain that the Congress and the League were going to cooperate in working the Act. The election manifestoes of the two parties were similar. But on the eve of elections, Nehru remarked that there were only two parties in the country -- The British Government and the Indian Congress. Quaid was amazed at this statement and immediately replied: "There is a third party, namely, The Muslims".

Shortly after the elections, the results were known. Quaid once again offered to cooperate with the Congress by saying: "We are free and ready to cooperate with any group or party if the basic principles are determined by common consent. In March 1937, when the Congress decided to accept office, Quaid strongly urged for the Congress-League cooperation. But the Congress refused to form coalition government with the League and laid down such terms for cooperation which amounted to the absorption of the Muslim League into Congress.

The Congress found the intoxication of power a bit too exhilarating. Its ministries adopted measures which the Muslims found offensive from the point of view of their religion and culture. For instance, the idolatrous Bande Matram song was sung before the Assembly proceedings began. In the United Provinces, special efforts were made to popularise Hindi at the expanse of Urdu.

The Muslims also resented the decisions of the Congress Government to hoist the Congress flag on public buildings. It was in March 1937 that Dr. Allama Iqbal had written to Quaid: "From the Muslim point of view the cultural problem is of much greater consequence to most Indian Muslims. At any rate it is not less important than the economic problem". But it seems that it was the Congress rule in the provinces more than anything else which convinced Quaid that the Muslims had special interests of their own and these must be safeguarded.

These developments were reviewed by Quaid at the Lucknow Session of the League which was held in October 1937. Quaid then laid special stress on the need to strengthen the League. This was necessary, he said, for reaching a settlement with the Congress. He also emphasised that for all practical purposes, the Congress was a Hindu party and it could not look after the special interests of the Muslims. "On the very threshold of what little power and responsibility is given, the majority community has clearly shown their hand: That Hindustan is for Hindus."

But Quaid's sole purpose in having a powerful League was to suggest to the Congress leaders that they should settle the Hindu-Muslim problem on some reasonable term. Accordingly, in November 1937, he appealed to the Congress leadership to settle 'with the League the various issues which then confronted to India. Quaid also regretted Gandhi's interpretation of his Lucknow speech as" a declaration of war" which he had made purely in self defence. He assured Gandhi that he was still working for a Hindu-Muslim settlement. Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Gandhi exchanged several letters.

Quaid also negotiated with Nehru and later with the new Congress President, Subhas Chandra Bose, but no settlement could be reached because the Congress leaders were not ready to accept the Muslim viewpoint that Muslims had special interest and that League could be regarded as the spokesman of the Muslims. But Quaid did not give up his efforts to bring about an understanding between the Congress and the League. In January 1934, when he visited Allahabad, he appealed to the Congress leaders to cooperate with the League and settle the Hindu-Muslim problem so that India could advance politically.

Later in September, in a speech at dinner of old boys of Osmania University, he said, “---Within the honest meaning of the term, I still remain a nationalist. I have always believed in a Hindu-Muslim pact. But such a pact can be an honourable one and not a pact which will mean the destruction of one and the survival of the other".
In March 1940, he finally made up his mind to demand the division of the Subcontinent and the establishment of an independent Muslim state.
By the end of 1939, Quaid-e-Azam appears to have finally made up his mind to put forward the demand for an independent and sovereign Muslim state. The experience of the tyranny, oppression and injustice of the Congress rule during the last two-and-a-half years, the highly favourable response to the call for the observance of the "Day of Deliverance" on the exit of Congress ministries and the success of the League candidates at the by-elections reflecting the immensely growing popularity of the Muslim League, convinced him that Muslim India was ready to support this demand without stint.

In March 1940, he finally made up his mind to demand the division of the Subcontinent and the establishment of an independent Muslim state.

Quaid's Lahore address lowered the final curtain on any prospects for a single united independent India. Those who understand him enough to know that once his mind was made up, he never reverted to any earlier position realised, how momentous a pronouncement their Quaid-i-Azam had just made.

There was no turning back. The ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity had totally transformed himself into Pakistan's great leader. The ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity had ceased to think in terms of composing differences. He had taken the view that these differences should be recognised as hard facts and the Hindus and Muslims settle down their respective homelands to construct their politics on lines best suited to their own genius and traditions.

What made Quaid decide to abandon hope of reconciliation with the Congress? No single incident perhaps but the cumulative weight of countless petty insults slights and disagreements added to the pressure of time and age.

Congress insults stupidity, genuine and imagined anti-Muslim feelings, fears, shattered dreams, passions turned to ashes, pride---all contributed to the change in Quaid.

Muhammad Yasir Kayani
Source: JWT

During the days of struggle, when Quaid-e-Azam was so pre-occupied with the political problem on numerous occasions he advised the Muslims to take to commerce, industry, technical education if they had a wish to prosper.

A British Journalist Beverley Nichols interviewed Quaid-e-Azam in December, 1943, the first question he asked after hearing an exposition of the concept of Pakistan was, about the economic aspect of Pakistan “Are the Muslims likely to be richer or poorer under in Pakistan?” Quaid-e-Azam said, “The Muslims are tough, people, lean and hardy. If Pakistan means that they will have to be a tougher, and for which they will not complain. But why should it mean that? What conceivable reason is there to suppose that the gift of nationality is going to be an economic liability?

When Pakistan came in to being, Quaid-e-Azam said, “Without economic progress, freedom is worth nothing because one cannot turn freedom to full advantage.” It may be well to remember that it was Quaid-e-Azam's persuasion which brought many Muslim industrialists from foreign lands to establish industries in Pakistan. Today they are settled and reaping the benefits which have occurred to them in our own free land, and they are also making notable contribution to the building up of our economy".

When we take considerable the economic views of Quaid-e-Azam, certain questions come to lips after their appearance in our mental horizon. What were his views, regarding the development of industry and commerce? Was he a supporter of the western economic theory and practice, or did he advocate the adoption of socialisation based on the Islamic concepts of equality and social justice?

"Quaid-e-Azam was the first to proclaim that Pakistan would, be based on the foundations of social justice and Islamic socialism which emphasised equality and brotherhood of man.”

Therefore, he aspired to do away with the obvious manifestations of gross social' inequality through making Pakistan a welfare state. He did not want Pakistan to become a paradise of capitalists and land lords. He was indeed aware that Islam regarded private ownership as a sacred trust. However, he was also conscious that according to Islam, the social rank of an individual was not determined by the amount of wealth he owned, but by the kind of life he lived and his character and value system lie adopted. Islam recognised the worth of the individual but at the same time, Islam disciplined the man to give away his all to the service of God and man. It was precisely for this reason that he had rejected the Western economic theory and practice.

Quaid-e-Azam fully realised that there was no room for capitalism in Islamic society. Accordingly, he was opposed to the adoption of western capitalist, economic system in Pakistan. In his speech at the opening ceremony of the State Bank of Pakistan on 1st July, 1948, he proclaimed. “The economic system of the West has created almost insoluble problems humanity and to many of us it appears that only a miracle can save it from disaster that is now facing the world…. The adoption of western economic theory and practice will not help us in achieving our goal of creating a happy and contented. We must work or destiny in our own way and present to the world an economic system based on true Islamic concepts of equality of manhood and social justice.”

“Similarly, Quaid-e-Azam could not accept the communist ideology, economic theory and practice. While addressing the Punjab Muslim Students Federation at Lahore on l9th March, 1944, he proclaimed. “I warn the communists to keep their hands off Muslims……Islam is their guide and complete code for their life. They do not want any isms.”

It was, undoubtedly, Quaid-e-Azam's conviction that the Muslims had complete and effective ideology of their own and could steer clear of the pit falls of all extremist systems. Capitalism on the one hand and communism on the other. He believed that if the Muslims of Pakistan correctly interpreted by deeds rather than words, the teachings of Islam they could show the world the much needed path to peace, justice and happiness. In fact, he considered this to be the main objectives of Pakistan. Thus, he left us, as a testament the sacred task of evolving in Pakistan a policy and an economy which, besides bringing us peace and happiness, would serve a model to the world.

Quaid-e-Azam was confident of Pakistan's progress because the country had abundant resources of all kinds. In his last massage to the nation, he said “Nature has given you everything, you have got unlimited resources. The foundations of your state have been laid, and it is now for you to build, and build as quickly and as well as you own”?

Quaid-e-Azam's conception of a state was that it was means to an end and not the end in itself, on another occasion he said, “The state exists not for life but for good life. “Quaid-e-*Azam repeatedly said that Pakistan had been created for providing equal opportunities and decent living for the poor people, who compressed a large majority of our population. The idea was that “we should have a state in which we could live and breathe as free men and which we could develop according to our own lights and culture and where principles of Islamic social justice could find free play.”

In general terms, therefore, the social and economic order of Pakistan, according to Quaid-e-Azam was to be based on social justice and Islamic socialism. Its marked features are brotherhood, equality of mankind and equality for opportunities for all.

Economic Policies of Pakistan
Stating Quaid-e-Azam's personal view as to the industrial policy of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam said “Personally I believed that in these modern days essential key industries ought to be controlled and managed by the state. This applies also to certain public utilities. But what is a key of industry and what is a utility service are matters for law makers to say, not for me.”

It is thus clear that Quaid-e-Azam stood for two fundamental principles regarding the economic organisation of the state.... equitable taxation in conformity with principles of social justice and Nationalisation of key industries and public utility services. That the rich should not be allowed to become richer and poor to become poorer is an off repeated clinch, but it is proposition which does not lose its force even by repetition. Obviously Quaid-e-Azam's idea of taxation supports this preposition. He believed in the levelling down of the menacing economic disparities which account for wide-spread distress and misery and more reasonable distribution of economic burdens which have to be borne by all citizens for the common objective of maintenance of the state. This eminently sound, principle together with the idea of nationalisation of key industries and *utility services would undoubtedly lead to the evolution of a socialistic economy which would ensure a balance between the individual's urge for enterprise and acquisition and the good of society as a whole.

Such a consummation is perfecting in accord with the Islamic view of life. Quaid-e-Azam believed in subordinating economic activity to moral ends, for therein lies the ultimate good of mankind and that is the quintessence Islamic teachings. However, the principle laid down by Quaid-e-Azam was that Pakistan must achieve a balance between private enterprise and state control of industries and public utilities.

Industrialisation of the State
In 1947, there was a complete lack of big industries in Pakistan. Of course none of the underdeveloped countries has many but the lack in her case, was extreme when the subcontinent was partitioned she did not get a single factory. The subcontinent's main manufacturing area all happened to be on the Indian side of the new frontiers….. Leading Hindu politicians and businessmen had said it good inevitably cause her collage”

By industrialisation our state, we shall decrease our dependence on the outside world for necessities of life. We will give more employment to our people and will give also increase the resources of the state.

More manifest was Quaid's personal interest in industry. With the quick industrial development, he believed Pakistan would be less dependent on the outside world, provide more employment and increase its own resources. Speaking at the foundation stone laying ceremony of a Karachi Textile Mills on 26th September, 1947 he said, "If Pakistan is to play its proper role in the world to which its size, manpower and resources entitle it, it must develop industrial potential side by side with its agriculture and give its economy and industrial pace. By industrialisation our state, we shall decrease our dependence on the outside world for necessities of life. We will give more employment to our people and will give also increase the resources of the state.

“Nature has pressed with many good raw materials of industry and it is up to us to utilise them in the best interests of the state and its people.”

His views regarding the consolidation of the state were also dominated by his considerations of industrial progress. He said, “The way in which we could consolidate the state was by industrialising as fast as we could.”
To be continued
Muhammad Yasir Kayani
Source: JWT