A Review of MQM, its politics in the light of few recent events.

The most serious threat to Pakistan polity since its inception has been from conflictive ethnic militancy.
In Sindh the second generation of Urdu speaking Muhajireens have formed a powerful organization MQM which in the 1988 and 1990 , captured almost all the seats in the national and provincial assembly elections of Hyderabad, sukkur and Karachi besides already having existing absolute majority in the municipal governments of these cities. Both in electoral politics and street agitation MQM has superseded all rival parties such as Jamat e Islami , The Awami national party ANP and Jamiat ulmai Pakistan. MQM Typically is a predominantly urban, class-specific organization hoodwinking many delirious youth mobilized in the name of an imagined ethnicity and motivated by radical ideas.
There are allegation of it being a terrorist organization working for the Indian RAW and in the past the former KGB to destabilize Pakistan. MQM established its rapport by organizing successful free bazaars and eye hospital for the poor. However it earned its notoriety largely because of its militancy, incurring the wrath of various regimes and other ethnic communities in urban and rural Sindh.
MQM is the middle class political organization under the cloak of a secular; however it is just more mundane than its counterparts.
When it first came on the national scene it was hoped that it could become a cross-ethnic and cross-regional party, but its leadership confined itself in the urban Sindh in its fare in nation politics.
MQM has been a party of angry youths which reflects the recent demographic realities in Pakistan and all its leaders at the time of formation were in their twenties. It is the only party which cans mobilize a large number of women besides PPP and in addition and equally significantly it has the largest proportion of educated membership of all the national parties except the JI.
ITS ward committees, mohalla units, regional sectors and overall provincial structures with international network in the UK, the USA and the Arabian Gulf have added to its political muscle
According to its manifesto it is a progressive organization in favor of land reforms, an end to quota system, the preservation of cultural heritage, lowering of the age of voting from 21 to 18, the reorganization of the constituencies and other electoral reforms. It is in favor of local governments and promises egalitarian taxation system, equal opportunities in education and reorganization of the transport system in urban Sindh. It has demanded strict adherence to domicile, making it either a birth right or contingent upon residency for 25 years. It promises priority in jobs for local people enjoying Sindh domicile and demanded more positions for Muhajireens in the municipal, provincial and national services.
It stipulated strict land allotment for the domiciled residents along with the legalization of katchi abadis established before 1978. On occasion MQM has defined Muhajireens as the fifth nationality in Pakistan and urged the cessation of Zulm perpetrated on Muhajir qaaum and the repatriation of stranded Pakistanis from Bangladesh.
(See archives of daily jang from 1988 to 1989 especially in October 1989 when Altaf Hussain established himself as a champion of ideology of Pakistan. He denounced the desecration and burning of Pakistani flag by the activist of Jeye Sindh mahaz .He demanded hanging of the culprits).
MQM through its networking, unending supply of volunteers, funds and mobility created a Muhajir identity, through language and Hijrat to a promised land were the sole determinants to bring together a medley of diversified groups. The leadership has constantly vacillated between different terms in describing the Muhajir identity such as qqaum, qaaumiat and nasal which confuse the listener of its ultimate objective.
(Read Tehreeki Surmaya by QAID E TEHREEK)
On different occasion, he demanded the new province .Especially on 11.04.1995 protesting against the visit of then incumbent prime minister in New York, Altaf Hussain iterated many anti state statements The slogans of ‘lay key rahain agy azadi’ were chanted. See for yourself Head lines of dawn 12 05 1995
Also there were several statements which can be seen in the news papers in which the demand for a separate suba was raised
So, we do not know that whether or not it was a conspiracy against the MQM when the operation clean up was initiated; however few things are worth mentioning .First, Altaf Husain British passport. Then, his visit to India in November 2004 and his famous speech in which he demanded rescue for the oppressed Muhajir nation The video is quite recent and even now when our establishment (I mean those who are supporting Musharaf probably because of him being an ex service man) has a recent attack of amnesia. they can still refresh their memory . Never the less it is still way too easy to present tons of speeches of leaders of MQM throughout the eighties and nineties which shows only one thing .There was indeed a conspiracy to make Karachi the new HONG KONG OR JINNAH PUR. ANY body can go and have a scan of the daily chronicles in the eighties and nineties Truth will be revealed unto him. Also interestingly he will find the statements of two recently demented souls too.

Altaf Hussain is a titular leader – addressed as QAID E TEHREEK-FREQUENTLY uses TRANS CONTINENENTAL SATELITE to address rallies in different countries. Funds were made available for such ostensible arrangement by ‘chanda’ collected from volunteers. However there was much news published in the dailies of many hatchet men abducting, torturing and even eliminating many critics or misled rebels.
Even the recently demented souls can’t deny this. There were many MQM activists who were charged and indicted in courts for these charges. REMEMBER langras, loolas, kanas and commandoos of nineties.
MQM includes unemployed youths, the educated or semi educated recruited from the cadres of various student wings from the different education institutions of urban Sindh. It has fought against the stereotype of Muhajireens as docile and timid, and has used militancy and violence bordering on fascism to demolish such humiliating caricatures.
Altaf has been made into a cult figure (pir). Opposing to him was forcefully eliminated, and myths were published about his supreme authority and personality. He has assumed the authoritarian position of a God father for the Muhajireens and basked in the presence of prime ministers, chief ministers, bureaucrats and parliamentarians who come to his house to pay homage to the Qaid .
Does this thing need references? .However the most important aspect of this phenomenon is the recent visits of American embassy men to ‘nine zero’. May be the enigma of recent wave of amnesia is not an enigma after all.
The press is historically being blackmailed in Karachi including physical reprimand, kidnapping and other terrorist acts performed by well organized groups of armed men Huge posters of Hussain are now across Karachi and Karachi and his ever -available guidance never deprived his gullible followers about the decree of his infallibility as the bacon of light.
Manzal nahi Rahnuma chaihaiy.

Does this thing need references too?

In 1994-95, the MQM was perceived to be on the war path with the authorities and plural communities in Karachi. In 1995 Muhajir Quaami Movement MQM- officially described as terrorist organization- was engaged in multifaceted campaign. In addition to strikes, its militant group would engage security forces in urban guerrilla warfare; they would fight street battles against their rival Haqeeqi; meanwhile its leadership would express interest in a negotiated settlement. There was a 30 month long military operation which cost the nation exchequer more than 10 million rupee a day, only in the operational charges. Karachi was the BEIRUT of Pakistan in the decade of nineties. fom june 1992 until early 1995 4091 murders have been reported in Karachi because of ethnic and sectarian violence along with 3505 dacoities.
See Jang 11 February 1995.
MQM persistent tirades and volatile relations with all other ethnic groups in Sindh only reflect the absence of genuflect on part of its leader Altaf Hussain
Muhajireens by virtue of MQM have entered into a perennial stat e of war against the parallel communities who set aloof to muhajerrin’s grievances ,and have watched them fighting with the State and on occasion amongst their own ranks.
There were EN masse resignations of its assembly men in 1992 Boycott of national elections in 1993. There was12 may 2007and there was 9 April 2008 on the check list.
MQM has an apparent confusion to choose a suitable coalition partner. They always show hostility towards their trading partners, whether it was IDA or PPP in the past Or even the recent romance with Zardari clique (However this time they have found their fitting match) .They have gained little tangible for their supporters. Showing a complete lack of strategy?

The unfathomable personality of Altaf Hussain and A review of Altaf Hussain rise as a national leader.
MQM goes hand in hand. Son to Nazir Hussain, Altaf Hussain was born in Karachi on 17 September 1953. His father was a railway employee with limited economic means. His life had taken a sudden twist when he attended the one year compulsory training in the National cadet Corps NCC , a college based training programme for civilian youths in Pakistan. It was here ,as he mentioned in many of his interviews, that he developed certain attitudes. He was distressed by the way he was treated by non-Muhajir cadets- belonging to so called martial races- who considered Urdu speakers as timid imbeciles. Altaf Hussain was a sensitive youth, he imbued himself in strict disciplinary training based on hierarchy, which was later reflected in the multi-tiered organization of the MQM. Also, he was reportedly manhandled by IJT activists when he was completing his post graduation in pharmacy.Thus, he was infuriated .He deeply resented the ethnic jokes about Muhajireens on vogue at that time.
Thus APMSO emerged from amongst the cadres of former graduates of KARACHI UNIVERSITY as a reaction to unilateralism of Islami Jamiat Talaba IJT.
Campus violence with the IJT as major factor took the lives of 80 students between 1982 and 1988. See Zahid Hussain The campus Mafias, The herald October 1988.
Altaf Hussain saw his meteoric rise in the martial law of Zia Ul Huq. There was fragmentisation of main stream in Pakistan. There was a noticeable growth in Sindhi nationalism. (GM Syed, Mumtaz Bhutto and Qadir Magsi and other endeavors. Many point out foreign collaboration in this frenzy; afghan war was going on at that time) The stigmatization of Urdu speakers by other groups on campuses gave birth to a new sense of Muhajir identity. There were language riots and interethnic competition in the socioeconomic sector which was adding up to the Muhajir consciousness. The arrival of biharis , some of them already been exposed to military activities , provided the most fertile field for the birth of MQM. The situation was most auspicious for such growth. There were many enthusiastic youths smattering in anguish.
Moreover,the MRD was initiated in the summer of 1983 Thus the intelligence agencies were too patronizing anti PPP activists. Muhajireens resented the quota system. The problem of transport (Dominated by Pushtuns, and there was a general complain of rudeness on part of buss conductors and drivers. Also there was apperception of a lack of civic sense on the part of transport mafia) and inter ethnic tension especially after the arrival of afghan Muhajireens also helped APMSO to dominate the campuses and colleges in Karachi .The youth was turning in huge numbers to the ranks of APMSO. Moreover, the new found ideology of Muhajir qaaumiat has already established its supremacy in the Urdu speaking intelligentsia. (Raees Amoorohi and other).
After experiencing a leadership role in student politics, Altaf went to Chicago as a taxi driver. The city of Al Capone and its tough neighbor hardened him. Younus Ahmed in his essay; the rise and fall of Altaf Hussain, the herald 1988, pp 62-64, has pointed out that in his leisure time he read literature on the Nazis. According to him, Hitler and his centrist organization left an undeniable impact on him and taught him how to manipulate a personality cult. Whether this is true or not however the organization and working of MQM is quite similar to Nazi party, it operates on the same principle of real despotism and centered around Altaf Husain in a similar pattern ( Nowadays there are many Goebbels too coming from the ranks of MQM).
Altaf gathered the team of his loyalist and formed MQM in 1984 (If I am not incorrect) There was no scarcity of support and funds. There were incidents too which boosted his cause such as Bushra Zaidi incident and growing sentiments of alienations amongst the Urdu speakers They gathered around him he re-incarnated himself self in the form of a leader who build a new network with strong roots in the urban mohalas and narrow streets of Aziz a bad , Orongi, Baldia, korongi, Nazimabad and other Muhajir settlements.
Hussain allowed no criticism and no competition; any flamboyant speaker other him is viewed as a threat. In the shruffa committee Altaf ensured that his loyalist held all leading positions. amir khan and afaq Ahmed who subsequently fell out with Altaf and went into hiding were initially his close confidants. Raymond Whitaker in his essay on Altaf Hussain named ‘Pakistan Top orator divides Karachi voters ‘’, The Independent 22 October 1990 commented
“It was not until Altaf Hussain began to speak to his 50 000 delirious followers in Hyderi market that one could see why half of Karachi regards him as a saint and the other half remembers Germany in the 1930s.The 37 year old leader of Muhajir Qaaumi Movement had the tinted shades, droopy moustache and podgy good looks the sub-continent favors in its films stars, but graffiti call him Altaf KILLER.”
He further commented
“No politician can match him for his oratory, nor is that the only reason they fear him. The MQM has violent ways with the opponents and dissidents.”
In the eighties and early nineties commanded the organization from 90 Aziz Abad, which worked as the headquarters. However satirically even at the height of his power he kept a car at the ready near his rallies to whisk him away in case of danger. He wore dark glasses day and night allegedly after advice to protect him from evil eye.
After 90 Aziz Abad, the Abbasi Shaheed Hospital in Karachi became the alternative focal point as he frequently sought admission there for treatment. Special prayers, vigils, speeches from his hospital bed despite the excruciating pain he was suffering created the image of an enduring, stead fast and unfailing Quaid. The hospital stay more than for its psychological and symbolical uses provided an effective sanctuary against the law enforcing agencies and militant rivals.
See observer report on Altaf Hussain on 4 April 1990. Some lines are been taken which are as follows
A former New York Taxi driver, newly dubbed as saint, is upsetting the political establishment of Pakistan as he languishes in bed here, surrounded by a posse of young virginal protectresses….He lies muffled up in bed in a humble house in Aziz Abad, a middle class area of Karachi, Pakistan largest and best armed city. Outside in the cordoned-off roads leading to his house , hundred wait, some joining him in his fast………………………………………………………His fast has earned this former pharmacist and taxi driver a new name among his followers- pir sahib, or saint. For the last three days, he has been on a glucose drip to prevent damage to his kidneys.

For more on his life and ideas one can also see his statement given to the local Urdu press while residing there during May to June 1990.
It was very funny when the 39 year old Pir sahib went to London for his medical treatment and joined by two other famous celeberiites .One on his death bed because of alcohol induced cirrhosis Jam Sadiq Ali and the other Pir of Pagara. It is curious that the three spent most of the time together making press appearances and attending special parties hosted for them.
See Daily Jang from May to June 1990.
Altaf downfall started when the then army Chief General Asif Nawaz took serious notice of ongoing lawlessness in Karachi and rural Sindh. The security agencies had published a list of 72 pathiadars who were involved in harboring crime and banditry in Sindh. There were very serious allegations from extortion, running torture cells, abducting and killing servicemen, robbery and even involvement in seditious activities against the nation state of Pakistan.
There were included many names MQM activists and member of national as well as provincial assembly in that list including
Altaf Hussain, Dr. Imran Farooq (MNA),Saleem shezad (MNA), Safdar Baqri (former Minister),Kunwar Naveed, Jawaid Langra , rasheed Ahmed Khan,Ashfaq Chief, Anees Ahmed Qaim Khani (MNA) , Khalid Bin Waleed , Afaq Ahmed, Islam Nami ( Federal Minister for production), Former DIG Aftab Nabi with others.
see Herald September 1992 PP 20-1 Mazhar Abbass article And Now For The Most wanted List.
Altaf Hussain seems to have a early ear to the operation He went to United Kingdom just before the operation on 1st January 1992 and escaped conviction. He applied for political asylum on 8 June 1992.
Despite repeated demands from Pakistani governments U.K government had turned a deaf year to such pleas. MQM Intensified its activities against the government The most troublesome years were between 1994 to 1996 in 1994 the death due to ethnic violence totaled 750 while from the beginning of 1995 up to 15march 1995 The tally had already reached 542. Even Abdul Satar Edhi has to flee Pakistan to save his life. There was Shia- Suuni sectarian violence too in the same period which truly made Karachi an ungovernable territory a virtual living hell at that time amidst a very ruthless security forces operation. Karchi was burning and Altaf Hussain was continuously giving strike calls Only in the first seven months of 1995 he had given more than 22 strikes call. There were loot and burning of property along with killing of hundreds of innocent civilians. However the UK government in 1998 had given the citizen status to Quaid e Tehreek in 1998. This event was jubilated amongst the MQM circle as a significant mile stone in their struggle.





R

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Thanks to Allah almighty who Mould me Human

ETHNIC POLITICS IN SINDH

Back ground.
Sind became a unique province after independence .It was turned into a most ethnically diversified province as it became a sanctuary to millions of Indian Muslims. The great genocide of Muslim -which occurred in 1947, in which reportedly more than ten million people were martyred -left ineffaceable marks on the minds of Muslim refugees. In east Punjab there was a virtual ethnic cleansing, a complete holocaust of Muslim population by the hands of Sikhs under the leadership of Master Tara Singh. People of northern and western provinces thus had deep sympathies with their aggrieved brethrens.
The impact of the migration can be seen by the change of demographic realities in Sind. According to OHK Spate in his book INDIA AND PAKISTAN A GENERAL AND REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY LONDON 1954; ‘Out of 100 million Indian Muslims 65 millions immigrated to Pakistan, making it the greatest movement of human population in the annals of history. The major ethnic groups among the Muslims who suffered the most were Biharis, Bengalis of west Bengal who moved to east Bengal and emigrants from UP, central India and the Hyderabad, who moved to West Pakistan along with the Muslims of east Punjab and Delhi. The urban areas in two provinces became centers of refugee concentration. Lahore, Karachi , Dacca, Rajshahi , Sylhet and Chittagong were the major recipients of muhajireens .There was another wave of immigrants after the two nation states disputed over Junagurh ,Kashmir and Hyderabad. India was happily getting rid of its extra Muslims.’
According to the census of 1951; 49 percent of total population in Karachi was refugee. In Hyderabad, it was 71 percent and in Lahore the refugee population went up to 43 percent of the population.
The western provinces had lost a major portion of their skilled labor and educated class in form of Hindus. However this vacuum was filled by the Urdu speaking muhajireens. The Muslims of UP, CP Madras and Muslim minority province were more educated and politically aware. They were further favored by the official insistence on Urdu as the national language. Thus in the initial years the muhajireens occupied more civil and military administrative posts as compared to other ethnic groups.
Thus, on the national level Punjabi land-owning class, bureaucracy and entrepreneurs joined the muhajireens and became the earliest ruling elite. The process continued and it was only after the loss of East Pakistan when Punjabis, who were favored by their numerical strengths and entrenchment in the system, began to replace the muhajireens in various sectors of national life.
During the same period a fairly large number of Pasthuns, looking for better opportunities, migrated to south and eventually become the blue collar class in Sind. Pasthuns opened hotels to cater for Pasthuns laborers and turned towards transportation. There was a virtual dominance of police and military by the Punjabis and Pasthuns and these men after their termination of military and security career usually moved to urban sindh. Similarly many Balouchis came to Karachi to work as dock-workers or ship breakers. Thus Karachi and sindh became a unique entity as they receive most number of internal immigrants along with the foreigners than any other part of the country so much so that the native sindhi population even Way back in 1981 census was 12 percent Interestingly Karachi has now far more pasthuns than Peshawar, more Balouchis than Balouchistan and a sizable number of Punjabis followed by kashmiries, Afghanis, Bangladeshis, Iranis and others who have found their way into Sind.
The total population of Sind was 1.2 million in 1847, and no major change was registered in 1847.
Its growing agricultural, industrial and commercial significance was the opening of sukkhur barrage in 1932, Karachi’s elevation to national capital in 1947 and demarcation as an exclusive federal territory, besides its development as the nation’s financial centre, combined to produce an unprecedented social mobility.
According to 1901 census the population of Sind stood at 3 071 000 while 30 years later it was 3 336 000 – not a noticeable increase .By 1941 it was doubled totaling 6 128 000 and 30 years later in 1981 it was trebled to 18 966 000.
In 1981 Karachi had a staggering density rate of 1538 followed by Hyderabad with 192 square kilometer as compared to national density ratio of 105 people per kilometer.

As per the census of Pakistan 1998, linguistic distribution of the city is:
Urdu (48.52%), Punjabi (13.94%), Pashto (11.42%) , Sindhi(7.22%), Balouchis (4.34%), Saraiki (2.11%) and Other (12.44%).
(Other languages mainly include Gujarati and Memoni with smaller populations of Dari, Brahui, Makrani, Hindko, Khowar, Burushaski, Arabic, Persian and Bengali).

Economic factors, like demographic figures have also played a crucial role
Karachi is the financial and commercial capital of Pakistan.
In line with its status as a major port and the country's largest metropolis, it accounts for a lion's share of Pakistan's revenue.
According to the Federal Board of Revenue's 2006-2007 year book, tax and customs units in Karachi were responsible for 46.75% of direct taxes, 33.65% of federal excise tax, and 23.38% of domestic sales tax.
Therefore, Karachi generates a significant 53.38% of the total collections of the Federal Board of Revenue (since renamed as the Central Board of Revenue. Karachi's indigenous contribution to national revenue is 25%.
Karachi produces about 30 percent of value added in large scale manufacturing. A substantial chunk of Sind’s GDP is attributed to Karachi
The GDP of Sindh as a percentage of Pakistan’s total GDP has traditionally hovered around 28% to 30%. Karachi’s GDP is around 20% of the total GDP of Pakistan.
A Price water house Coopers study released in 2007, that surveyed the GDP (2005) of the top cities in the world, calculated Karachi’s GDP(PPP) to be $55 billion (projected to be $127 billion in 2020 at a growth rate of 5.8%. It confirmed Karachi’s status as Pakistan’s largest economy, well ahead of the next two biggest cities Lahore and Faisalabad having a reported GDP (PPP) of $28 billion and $10 billion, respectively.
Karachi's high GDP is based on its mega industrial base, with a high dependency also on the financial sector. Textile, Cement, Steel, Heavy machinery, chemicals, food, Banking, Insurance are the major segments contributing to Karachi's GDP.
In February 2007, the World Bank identified Karachi as the most business-friendly city in Pakistan.
Karachi is the nerve center of Pakistan's economy
Most of Pakistan's public and private banks are headquartered on Karachi's I.I. Chandigarh Road, while most major foreign multinational corporations operating in Pakistan have their headquarters in Karachi. It has the largest steel mill. It is the head quarters of navy.

All these factors make Karachi the main embarkation and disembarkation point for millions of Pakistanis travelling or working abroad and have the largest percentage of female workers in the paid workforce in the country.
Thus Karachi being the center point of all business activities and having a very high number of Punjabis and Urdu speakers in educational institutions, civil and military departments, factories, banks, offices police, hospitals and in mills has increased the sense of alienation among a growing sindhi middle class as well as land-owning class who have their apprehensions about being marginalized by a powerful class of business men.
Thus it makes Karachi and sindh most unique in their nature.
Sindhis have fear of cultural loss due to replacement of Sindhi by Urdu .The economic growth, patronizing of Urdu as a national language at the expense of regional languages politicized Sindhi ethnic identity.
Sindhi feel that they are becoming American Indian on their own soil.
(G M Syed in his interview with zafar abbass in august 1989 used this term repeatedly.
Read Herald August 1989 Personality interview).

The state reversed its policy only after 1971. It agitated both Urdu speakers and Sindhis .In 1972, soon after the creation of Bangladesh there were riots over the Urdu-sindhi controversy in Karachi. The first PPP chief minister Mumtaz Ali Bhutto, by his fiery and irresponsible statements, antagonized the Urdu speaking population. Mumtaz Bhutto tried to co-opt and pacify Sindhi nationalist which further infuriated the Urdu peaking population. In the mean time, the arrival of Urdu speaking Biharis further complicated the situation. Although the Biharis were not allowed to enter Pakistan legally, their back door migration continued. An impression was created that Sindhis are being overwhelmed by Urdu speakers, who in extreme case were not prepared to call themselves Sindhi. In this background the emergence of MQM in the mid 1980’s during the countries most oppressive and longest martial law period further accentuated inter-ethnic tensions. The Sindhis have already established a number of organizations like Jayee Sindh and Sindh national alliance while the Punjabis and Pushtuns established the Punjabi-Pukhtun Ithehad Thus the making of the great ethnic clash of eighties and ninties was established.

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Thanks to Allah almighty who Mould me Human

Very well done "Frankenstein of css" good work.

Despite all the historical facts and background of emerging and uprising of MQM, we also consider the causes of birth of this Party.

1. Does it was need of time that when all other political parties were occupied by feudal-lords as you written that middle class, mostly 2nd Generation of migrated Urdu speakers living in urban Sindh created it for their rights

or.

2. Does it was created to divide vote bank of PPP in urban Sindh.
In my opinion point no 2 was the reason of its creation/birth and later they themselves turned against their creators with the agenda as mentioned in point no 1.

Please put some light on causes of birth of MQM

Real problems of Karachi
1. Law and order situation.
2. Lack of infrastructure
3. unemployment
4. Poor health facilities and degenerated educational institutions
5. Patronization of various mafias by establishment
6. History of ethnic violence.
7. Disenfranchised citizen
8. Foreign hand
Well MQM is not the sole menace to peace and prosperity of Karachi It is just a part of the problem. In the recent years Naimat Ullah Khan, Mustafa Kamal have tried their level best to improve the health, education and basic infrastructure; however they both are absolutely right when they show their incapacity amidst myriad administrative and political intricacies regarding the functioning of Karachi. These problems are not there over night. This mess is been accumulated for the last 62 years and the process still continues. The real cause of all these problems is our national selfishness. We are actually not sincere to our self .We blame others but never tried to improve our selves. The dirty politics of power grabbing has lead to the national muddle; the mental confusion. We have lost our ideology and now we don’t know where we are headed.
Army establishment had only one objective in the past. To establish its hegemony over the country. Civil servant had also similar designs. Hence we saw the deplorable politics of fifties, sixties and seventies and eighties and nineties and what to say it is still going on. We have witness despicable malingering in the name of election and the try to use every pawn in the politics to have one’s egocentric design.
The grievances of karachietes are genuine. They have seen ethnic riots of sixties ,when a dictator perceived the educated class a threat to his despotism and tried to marginalize them. The ethnicity has been created, promoted and patronized by various regimes. Each ruler supported one community over the expense of other to have his own designs. The immigrants from the minority provinces were different from the other communities. They are generally meek and did not involve themselves in hard labors. They like white collar jobs and in the past avoided the blue color jobs. The arrival of hardy Pushtuns, strong Punjabis and robust Balouchies had solved the problem of occupying the blue collar jobs.
Karachi is the like a bunch of flowers and each community is necessary for the other, thus making it the Mini Pakistan in true sense. The problem is prevailing mistrust and apprehension among people. Too long they are subjected to politics of hatred .An artificial conflict has been created. The state ,too failed to fulfill its responsibility and its machinery has remained apathic to complain of Karachites . Also, the respective regimes were only interested to accomplish their own designs.
The Urdu speakers are different from the other communities. They traditionally choose office work and are not excited to do menial labor. Thus the impact of quota system was far greater on their psyche of urdu speakers just like what Sikhs of India had experienced in the years of Indra Gandhi. The result of promoting hatred was to cover the trepidation, the feudal lords had. They promoted nationalist politics. (Ask Rasool Baksh Paleejo about the agrarian reforms, very interestingly G M Syed was wholly against the agrarian reforms) Then ,the clashes of Urdu speakers and Pushtuns in the sixties, which were actually perpetrated by rouge elements under the sponsorship of agencies.
According to Feroz Ahmed a leading Sindhi intellectual The Hindi money lenders were a class of exploiters like the Sindhi waderas (They had grabbed almost 2.5 million Acres of land when Pakistan got its independence) and the peasantry sought relief in Pakistan. Tree movement was fought on the principle of Islam, Integrity of ummah and Urdu; however the ideological orientation of power elite has made these principles as hollow slogans. The immigrants from India as well as the native sindhi are not foe to each other. This air of adversity has been created by the clique of sindhi land lords who since the time of Shah Jahan have grabbed the peasantry in the shackles of bonded labor. Mir yousuf Mirak , an aristocratic intellectual in the seventeenth century has wrote Tarikh I Mazhar I Shah jahani to infrom the mughal emperor about the pitiable condition of haris of Sindh. Pir Hissam uddin Rashdi has found it and published it. The sindhi feudal lords are actually warlord they support banditry in their areas but in the recent years have confronted a challenge by the evolution of sindhi middle class coming amongst the hari and murids challenging their hold. They fear the emerging entrepreneurs and powerful urban elite and hence tried to divert the angry and disenchanted youth towards ethnic politics. Just look at the leadership of SNA (Ayub Khurru in past, Hameeda khurru at present, Mumtaz bhutthu :Big land lords) and other nationalist. A province, where there is reportedly more than a million haris, these parties have blamed the urban population for the stagnation of socioeconomic condition of rural sindh. They shun from land reforms and raised issues of language, exploitation of state and the sanctity of land over the lives of people.
The ethnic politics have found blood whenever it needed it. There was Buhra Zaidi case in 1985. A traffic accident caused by a reckless bus driver was turned into a great ethnic clash just because some people want to warm their hand in the inferno of greed. MQM is being MQM because of PUCCA Qila incident, Suhrab goth massacre and irresponsible attitude of security agencies in the operation of 1992. A single transparent judicial commission was the answer of each incident. The culprits if apprehended would never allowed rouge, nefarious and egocentric to have their way. Karachietes cannot forget the incidents of 1990 nor can the rural sindh poeople -The times of Jam Sadiq Ali -The national embarrassment of ransoming Chinese engineers.CIA, Veena Hayat case and many more. So if state would have fulfilled its responsibility would not allow any lawlessness, there would be no sectarian as well as ethnic politics.
How on earth a cynical person could run a mega polis far from the home land on telephone call and able to terminate his equally powerful foes like the co chairman of MQM Azeem Ahmed Tariq a critic the former governor Hakeem Saeed and many political rival is truly incomprehensible. Who is patronizing these activities or the more relevant question would be ; who is the puppeteer of Altaf Hussain the nationalist and others?
Transport mafia is here. Land mafia is here, Tuition mafia, drug mafia,. Mafias all around .
Katchi abbadis , illegal immigrants and poor people deprived of any sanitation thus disenfranchising them from the nation state when they see no way to improve their living standards , no future for their children and no relief provided when the poor soul is in poor health

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Thanks to Allah almighty who Mould me Human

Bibliography
Iftikhar H Malik; State civil society and Bureaucracy in Pakistan
Well I actually tried to abridge the relevant chapters from the book for the rise of MQM and the life of Altaf hussain and also tried to update a few things from the internet






and for my opinion i have given it for the rise of MQM

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Thanks to Allah almighty who Mould me Human

@ Frabkestein of CSS.

Good and valuable research work. we all need to know the true faces of politicians. How about the Bughties? I think you should also write about them and thier efforts to seprate the Blochistan as an independant state.

Regards,

Zobia

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“All significant achievements come from daring, from experiment, from the willingness to risk failure.”