[CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="4"]Malakand, now
[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/COLOR]
Plans and projects still need to be worked out to address many issues facing the division

By Tahir Ali
[/CENTER]
Despite federal and provincial governments and international community’s efforts to revive agriculture and tourism in Malakand Division, some problems are impeding the process.

Soon after the return of displaced persons to the region in 2009, the Provincial Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Settlement Authority (PaRRSA) began planning for early recovery and was about to start reconstruction efforts in the militancy-hit area but unprecedented floods interrupted the process.

"The finances and other resources had to be diverted to flood-affected areas across the country. This diverted the attention and resources of both the government and the international community from conflict-hit areas to start relief work for flood affectees," says Adnan Khan, spokesman of PaRRSA.

But that was not the only problem. Locals think that lack of coordination between stakeholders, security and communication problems, lack of funds, provision of substandard farm inputs, negligence of remote areas in Swat in the distribution of free agricultural inputs and flawed distribution of hotel compensation money also slowed the process.

Various local and international non-governmental organisations are giving cash and technical support to farmers in the region but for absence of necessary coordination with farmer’s bodies and government departments, free farm-inputs and livestock in the militancy/flood-hit are being consumed by undeserving people.

President of model farm services centre Swat, Muhammad Naeem, appreciates the role of NGOs, "They are providing seeds, urea, DAP and agriculture tools and livestock to farmers. But in some cases commodities are being given to those who are neither farmers nor tenants. The agriculture and revenue department, the MFSC and the farmers’ association should be there in the apportionment and supply process of these inputs," he says.

"The problem is that working of NGOs and government officials is restricted to the suburbs of Mingora and the far-flung areas like Kabal and Matta are not getting due support," he adds.

Bakht Biland Khan, general secretary of Kissan Board Swat, says village organisations (VOs) might have been formed and given inputs by NGOs. "I cannot confirm or deny whether any inputs, support and training have been given to VOs in other areas but the VO in my village Dagaia, Kabal has received nothing for the last few months. Also, most VOs were already functioning in villages. VOs comprising of genuine farmers need to be formed," he says.

Other insurgency-hit districts in Malakand division: Dir, Buner, Shangla, etc, also seem to have received scarce attention, resources and projects.

As per the Damaged Need Assessment (DNA), the agriculture, including the livestock and horticulture sectors suffered losses of Rs57.4bn, mostly in the Malakand division. The post-flood damages in agriculture and horticulture stand at Rs4.5bn. The forest sector lost Rs20bn, bulk of it in Malakand. The losses to Swat’s tourism industry stand at Rs731mn in infrastructure and of Rs2.29bn in revenue, according to the USAID.

To a question as to what PaRRSA has done to revive agriculture, livestock and tourism and what precisely are its achievements thus far, Adnan Khan says PaRRSA has done its due, "An Italy-funded Rs800mn Early Recovery of Agriculture and Livelihood Programme (ERALP) is being implemented by PaRRSA in agriculture. It will support 80,000 households and 638,000 beneficiaries in various subsectors of agriculture. 33 percent funds of another $21mn foreign funded project is being spent in the area under which immediate support is being provided in the form of provision of seed, fertilizer, animal feed and rehabilitation of water channels," he says, adding, "Besides, PaRRSA is also implementing some other USAID-funded economic growth projects in Malakand division".

"Another 8,800 households are benefitting from the cash for work activities under ERALP. Support to 22 Trout Fish Farms is being provided with a USAID project of $1.2mn. Under the Livelihood recovery program of $1.8mn, 7200 families have received micro-grants to increase their incomes in both the farm and non-farm sectors," the official adds.

Besides, approval of the following projects is still pending with USAID. As for coordination and support from the federal government, international donors and non-governmental organisations, Khan says "the federal government and international donor community has taken keen interest in addressing needs of the individuals in almost all the sectors, however, the magnanimity of the damages still calls for more support. The international community had made several pledges for different sectors in the area but most are yet to be fulfilled," he informs.

There have been no commitments from the international community for irrigation, livestock, forestry, energy and in mines and mineral sectors. In the agriculture sector, only Rs0.8bn have been provided as against the need of Rs2.2bn for post militancy reconstruction projects.

According to Khan, out of the total $4.3mn USAID-funded project for tourism, $0.56mn has been disbursed so far among 265 Swat hotels. Zahid Khan, President All Swat Hotels Association, believes the programme in its present shape might not serve its purpose. He criticises the survey and categorisation of hotels and says it has led to local rivalries.

"Most of the money is allegedly being consumed in security, transportation, remuneration and other expenses of project staff with little money being left for the affected hoteliers," he claims.

Media advisor of USAID, Shahzad Badar, says categorisation has been made under relevant laws and there was no question of nepotism at the time of gradation of hotels. Though he agrees that the survey might be reviewed if there were still genuine reservations on rating of hotels but fails to reply how much of the money is required to be consumed by the project’s staff and how much will be left to the hotels.

The destroyed or deserted government hotels and motels, like the Malam Jabba PTDC hotel, should not have been left out of the project. Also, hotels seem to have been categorised on the basis of the number of their rooms and status of the building and not on the basis of the losses suffered by each one of them due to militancy and floods. Malakand accounts for 34 percent of plums, 95 percent of walnuts and 82 percent of provincial apple yield. It also accounts for 32, 22, 64 and over 50 percent of the provincial production of maize, wheat, rice and vegetables and fruit respectively.

Development and rehabilitation of agriculture and tourism is important as around 80 percent of the people are dependent on the sectors, directly or indirectly.

Pakistan has received billions of dollars in Coalition Support Fund. The province, being the hardest-hit, deserves most of the funds but under the enhanced partnership agreement, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is to get only 11 percent ($124.3 million off the $1.442 billion funds this year).

"Donors are attaching two more conditions and asking for unnecessary explanations which will certainly cause operational delays. They also want too many things done with meagre funds. Instead of spending on small schemes, funds should be spent on major projects," says an official who does not want to be identified.

[CENTER][SIZE="4"][FONT="Georgia"][COLOR="DarkGreen"][B]Aid for trade
[/B][/COLOR][/FONT][/SIZE]
It is not merely access to foreign markets that the country needs at this point in time

By Hussain H Zaidi[/CENTER]

It is customary for our leaders to maintain that Pakistan needs trade (read increased market access), not aid. Such statements, though politically powerful, are grossly incorrect and misleading for at least two reasons: One, they imply that the country has to choose between foreign aid and better access for its products in export markets and that it should invariably opt for the latter. Two, such statements assume that the country is in a position to reap the benefits of increased market access if and when it is offered.

In fact, Pakistan requires both aid and trade and that aid is necessary for securing any benefits from enhanced market access for exports. Aid for trade, and not merely trade, is what the country needs.

Before we identify areas where aid for trade is needed, a few words about this concept are in order. Globalisation has thrown up immense opportunities for trade promotion, economic growth, and poverty reduction. However, countries differ in their capacity to cash in on these opportunities.

There is a lot of evidence that the capacity to drive benefits from globalisation, particularly trade liberalisation, depends on the level of development. That is why major beneficiaries of globalisation have been developed by countries and relatively advanced developing economies. On the other hand, countries short of capacity in terms of information, human resources, infrastructure, technology, policies or institutions find it difficult to integrate themselves successfully into international trade and economy and compete with other countries.

The very concept of aid for trade is based on the realisation that countries need to build up their capacity to become effective players on global or regional economic scene and overcome the costs of trade liberalisation. In the words of the World Trade Organization’s task force on the subject, "Aid for trade is about assisting developing countries to increase exports of goods and services, to integrate into the multilateral trading system, and to benefit from liberalised trade and increased market access."

Coming back to Pakistan, the country is a founding member of the WTO as well as a signatory to several regional and bilateral regional trading arrangements (RTAs). In the wake of its membership of WTO and RTAs, the country has significantly liberalised its trade regime and secured better market access for its exports. However, it has not been able to reap benefits of multilateral or regional integration and seen its trade balance deteriorate with the passage of time.

The major reason for this is the increasing supply-side constraints and lack of competitiveness. This is borne out by the country’s ranking on the global competitiveness index (GCI) of the World Economic Forum (WEF). In 2007-08, Pakistan’s GCI position was 92nd, which fell to 101 in 2009-10 and further to 123 among 139 nations for 2010-11.

Some details are as follows: About institutions, the country’s ranking fell from 81st in 2007-08 to 104th in 2009-2010; on infrastructure, from 72nd to 89th; on macro-economic stability from 101 to 114; on health and primary education from 115th to 113th; on labour market efficiency from 113th to 124th; on technological readiness from 89th to 104th; and on innovation from 69th to 79th. The only indicator on which GCI ranking has slightly improved, though still low, is higher education (from 116th to 118th).

There are several areas in which Pakistan needs aid for trade. To begin with, trade related technical assistance is needed to formulate the right trade strategies and negotiate and implement multilateral, regional or bilateral trade agreements. Present-day trade agreements are very comprehensive and cover a wide range of subjects, including investment, intellectual property rights, dispute settlement, services, economic cooperation, health and safety standards and competition policies. Negotiating and implementing such comprehensive agreements requires capacity building of the institutions concerned.

Secondly, progress in information and communication technology has connected domestic markets to the international economy. Accordingly, trade related physical and commercial infrastructure has become a major element of competitiveness of nations. Conversely, countries like Pakistan which lack quality infrastructure find it difficult to compete internationally. The country must improve physical and commercial infrastructure, for which foreign aid is needed.

Thirdly, place, the performance of a country in terms of exports depends on its industrial performance. Pakistan exports low technology and low value-added products, such as textiles, garments, leather articles and sports goods and is effectively excluded from global value chains. The export base is narrow and the textiles sector, the linchpin of the country’s exports, is marred by low productivity, obsolete machinery, lack of innovation, and deficiency of skilled labour force.

Besides, the share of textiles in global trade is stuck around 6 percent for many years, which means Pakistan’s export pattern is quite opposite to the world’s and it should diversify its export portfolio. The main reason for such export profile is the industrial profile of Pakistan, which is characterised by low productivity and lack of innovation and diversification. Again, foreign technical assistance can be of great help in putting domestic industry on the right track.

The country needs trade related adjustment assistance to help meet the costs associated with trade liberalisation. Globalisation has enormously benefited consumers by enabling them to have access to cheaper goods than they had previously. But it has also exposed domestic firms to tough competition with foreign businesses. In a show of strength, inefficient firms are doomed to be driven out of the market.

The importance of being efficient has put cost controls at a premium. In their bid to bring down their cost of production, firms are forced to eliminate several positions and even re-locate to a foreign land, as some textiles manufacturers have located themselves to Bangladesh.

Obviously, there are some winners and losers in this process. The main losers are the blue-collard workers, who are either thrown out of job or forced to work at lower wages.

There is the need to undertake programmes for re-adjustment of displaced workers. However, the problem in case of countries like Pakistan is that they lack the funds as well as institutional mechanism for re-adjustment of displaced workers. Vulnerable as Pakistan’s economy is to foreign competition, it is ill-equipped to deal with this flipside of globalisation and thus needs foreign assistance. Failure to re-adjust displaced workers is not only an economic but also a social problem. It results not only in loss of income but also in loss of prestige and self-respect.

Links should be strengthened between trade and human development. Trade can serve as an engine of human development by accelerating growth, generating jobs and incomes and reducing poverty.

On its part, human capital development increases worker’s productive capacity. Since workers are the most valuable asset of a firm, human capital development can be a very effective means of improved trade performance. Human development is an area where Pakistan lags far behind many of its competitors. A major reason for this is low budgetary allocation for health and education. Foreign assistance can be of great use in increasing human development related public spending.

[email]hussainhzaidi@gmail.com[/email]

[CENTER][COLOR="DarkGreen"][B][FONT="Georgia"][SIZE="4"]The price we pay[/SIZE][/FONT][/B][/COLOR]

What exactly is the amount we pay for political interference in the free market?

By Syed Bakhtiyar Kazmi[/CENTER]

The philosophies behind liberalism and democracy, in my opinion at least, are contradictory if not conflicting. Liberalism is about the individual and related economic freedom whereas democracy empowers the masses for the good of the people.

Notwithstanding my personal views on democracy, which are controversial to say the least, the fact that the masses will logically agree on the best course of action is an enigma. The individual, driven by man’s natural tendency towards greed, focuses on the profit motive and self preservation alone, inadvertently giving birth to Adam Smith’s famous "invisible hand".

Collectively, most individuals again pursuing their own objectives are enticed and swayed by the "free rider" option resulting in less than optimum governance decisions. It should then not come as a surprise that those in majority and, therefore, in power under the democratic system pursue their own objectives.

Here lies the conflict. The individual, richer and smarter than the masses, cannot be left to his "designs". Consequently, regulation will creep in and to date an appropriately regulated free market remains a paradox.

Consider the stock market, during a boom in a rising market the masses make money and proudly brag about their brilliant investment decisions. The stock markets, however, are not impervious to universal laws, what goes up must come down. The rioting starts as soon as the market crashes.

The free riders blame the selfish greedy rich individual for "looting" their money and the government for its inefficiency to contain them, the result more regulation. Logically, the government should neither be blamed nor coerced into taking action in a free market which is based on selfish profit motives anyway.

If profits arise due to brilliant decisions, losses occur due to stupid ones; in any case the onus lays on the individual not the government. The consequences of increased regulation are far-reaching, the market dries up and potential funding for future direct investment becomes dearer. The flight of foreign interest in the domestic stock market brings recession home, resulting in spiralling inflation and scarcity countrywide. What exactly then is the price we pay for political interference in the free market.

The disaster originating from the Western economies not only exposed the inadequacies of economics as a subject it probably damaged capitalism irrevocably. Direct government ownership in private banks and corporations reeks of communism, which ever way you look at it. Going forward, the decision making within such corporations will be at best bureaucratic and at worst, most likely, fraught with political interference.

The primary difference between a public sector corporation and a private entity is selfish objectives which in the private sector are limited to only profits; in the public sector life becomes complicated. To elaborate, when a public sector corporation loses money the tax payers pay for it; not the decision-makers responsible for such losses. What would then motivate him to take decisions in the best interest of the business? The best and most honest corporate executives will probably be tempted by the "dark side" when exposed to public management of business. Inefficient management and draining of resources will have a cost. What exactly then is the price that the western economies and therefore the third world will pay for such government support?

Price is directly related to scarcity. This is a universal fact which is neither denied by the capitalists nor the socialists. Scarcity in turn is the by-product of demand and supply. If demand exceeds supply the price will go up and vice versa. Scarcity is very well explained by the famous "water" example. If I was not health conscious, water is relatively free and, today at least, easily available in Islamabad. I would definitely, therefore, have good laughs if some lunatic tried to sell me a bottle of water in Islamabad for a million rupees. However, three days into the Thar Desert without water, I would probably thank him and remain eternally grateful for selling me that same bottle for a million.

The problem is that he probably will not sell it now at that price. His selfish interest will motivate him to charge a higher price and given perfect information I will end up parting with my entire material wealth as payment for that one bottle of water. The free market supporters should find nothing wrong with this exchange while the moralists and the socialists will be appalled by this callous behaviour and the "criminal" will probably end up in jail for charging an unreasonable price.

But what is a reasonable price in this case. The "criminal" took a risk to look for a customer in the Thar Desert and probably put in a lot of time and effort in the process. What is the reward that will commensurate his risks? What if the reward super imposed by regulation is not sufficient in his opinion to roam around the Thar Desert looking for the odd customer? Who will under this eventuality be responsible for the desert trotter’s fatality?

The string of questions and probabilities for this hypothetical situation are innumerable once you mentally digest that there can be idiots who continue to get lost in the Thar Desert and, hence, there exists a market for a water bottle in the worst terrain in Pakistan.

What will the price be if there are three idiots dying in the Thar Desert and the "criminal" has one water battle which is not divisible? Probably, the richest of them will live to talk about his experience and blame the criminal for having a heart of stone. How much would the moralists price the bottle at if the richest of the three was 90 years old and the youngest was a poor labourer? Imagine how the price will plummet if there were two people selling water bottles.

What exactly then is the price of a bottle of water? Simply, the price depends upon scarcity. The real price is, therefore, the price at which demand equates supply. Supply, however, is dependent upon initiative by entrepreneurs willing to be inconvenienced which is a direct offshoot of the profit motive. Accordingly, it is evident that any interference regarding fairness of price can result in unwarranted dire consequences.

So what then is the price we should pay for sugar in Pakistan once the international price sky-rockets? There apparently is no simple answer. It would appear reasonable that sugar barons should not be allowed to fleece the poor masses and the price should be determined keeping in view a reasonable profit over costs. What is a reasonable profit will remain a contentious issue. On this principle will we be willing to pay the same price when international prices crash? I venture not since that will again identify the sugar barons as heartless capitalists.

Hoarding is in all likelihood an unwanted consequence of price regulation. The worst scenario would be if sugar actually gets smuggled across the border due to regulated prices in the country. The industrialist is expected to take all steps for their selfish profit motives, the invisible hand. Let’s assume hypothetically only for argument’s sake that the sugar manufacturers can pack up their business and leave for greener pastures immediately. In both these scenarios, sugar will be in short supply in the country and will need to be imported. What then will be the price we pay for sugar?

Personally, I have a sweet tooth. However, I am told that sugar is more a luxury and consumed excessively can result in numerous ailments. It, therefore, will appear reasonable to pay the market price for sugar to satisfy my luxurious wants.

Alternatively, I could curtail my desire thereby reducing demand which would consequently bring prices down to a level satisfactory for me to again placate my sweet tooth. We live in a country where examples are quoted about governments sent packing for minuscule increase in wheat prices, however that really did not improve the supply-demand nexus. The regulated price for wheat has resulted in more hardships than may have occurred in a free market.

While there is a case for supporting the segment of population struggling under the poverty line, price regulation is definitely not the solution. Subsidies should only be targeted at the population which is to be supported rather than an across the board price curtailment. What exactly is the desired regulatory framework in this case needs careful assessment.

Consider gas rationing prevalent in winters in the country. Assume that in the worst case scenario gas supply remains constant while the population continues to increase. With scarce resources how do you decide who gets gas?

From a political standpoint, if industry is starved to placate the masses then there will be a consequent shortfall in supply of numerous commodities, notwithstanding unemployment. If our resources do not allow for imports, we will end up curtailing all our wants. How will the rioting masses be pacified when everything is in short supply and prices skyrocket? Should gas supply, therefore, not be based on price? Again, a methodology to sustain the poorest of the society will need to be identified.

One can only sympathise with the decision-makers charged with the responsibility to find a solution to this riddle of scarcity and pricing. Communism failed for this very reason and in the current world situation this may also be the waterloo for capitalism. One, however, assumes that decisions are consciously taken keeping in view current and future requirements of the country devoid of political pressures. The think tank charged with this responsibility probably needs a marketing arm to politically sell the suggested solution to the general public. We need to be aware of the consequences of the price we pay.

The author is a Chartered Accountant in Islamabad

[CENTER][SIZE="5"][COLOR="DarkGreen"][B]Living in fear[/B][/COLOR][/SIZE]

In a society where reason and truth is overpowered by reactionary responses, precautions become all the more important

By Dr Noman Ahmed[/CENTER]

Since the first week of January the country has been rocked by a spate of incidents likely to change societal trends. The murder of Salman Taseer and the resulting situation is probably the most noticeable happening.

Vocal liberals did not mince words in their support of the principled stand taken by the slain governor about a blasphemy case. The response of religious parties and their allied support groups successfully demonstrated their street power through rallies and public meetings.

The leadership of these parties pressed upon the government not to change blasphemy laws. Key functionaries of the government have made it very clear through their statements and actions that no change in the status quo is being contemplated by the treasury benches at the moment.

Several issues emanate from the present situation. The most important of them is the sensitization of masses and enhancing their awareness levels to prevent any inadvertent action that can lead them into a difficult situation. Let us look at the yearly cycle of religious events and their impact on the public space.

Celebrating the events, streets and roads are all decorated. The type of society that we are, no attempt is made by the organizers of events and civic authorities to abide by the rules and regulations of organising an event. What usually happens is that, after the event is over, banners inscribed with sacred writings become worn out and eventually discolour. At times, they also fall down on the ground and taken away by scavengers and sweepers, who in many cases belong to the minority community.

There is every possibility that illiterate or semi literate workers end up becoming accused of improperly handling sacred inscriptions. Worst still, many sweepers set the locally collected garbage on fire. The local municipal authorities must be entrusted with the responsibility of giving detailed orientation to prevent any mishap due to improper handling of sacred material.

People, usually the youth, can be found distributing hand bills about sensitive matters. These handbills carry sacred names and inscriptions upon them. Many people do not handle this material properly.

Many newspapers and magazines also regularly publish articles and holy inscriptions almost on a daily basis. These papers are bundled and sold through the supply chain of junk dealers and suppliers. One can find local shops and outlets such as tandoors (bread-making outlets), grocery and milk shops use newspapers and magazine pages.

In many cases, handlers of such material are not aware about the issue. In today’s context, the danger is that a worker can be charged with blasphemy without the incumbent even aware about what actually happened.

Holy books and inscriptions that become old and faded are usually stored in containers occasionally fitted in mosques. The material should be safely disposed of according to the principles and precepts provided in religion.

Religious scholars and municipal officials should devise a proper way of safely storing all such material which is periodically generated. Wall-chalking must also be monitored by civic authorities and concerned agencies. Walls must be kept clean and clear of graffiti and chalking.

Prevention is always better than cure. And the best way to survive in a society where reason and truth is overpowered by reactionary responses, such precautions become all the more important.

[B]28.04.2013[/B]
[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Building a new Afghanistan[/SIZE]
[I]The success of Brussels talks depend on how regional players act to bridge trust deficit for ending border insurgency and a post-withdrawal stable Afghanistan.[/I]
Dr Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi[/CENTER][/B]

The US Secretary of State, John Kerry, is using his personal good friendly terms with the Pakistani and Afghan administration to bring a political solution to a border-military conflict between the two neighbouring countries. The three main ‘Ks’ — Kerry, Kayani and Karzai — were in Brussels to sort out a difficult Pak-Afghan relationship and put it on a peaceful path.

This will have three-pronged advantages: the trust deficit between Afghanistan and Pakistan will be repaired; Pakistan will contribute to the reconstruction and development of Afghanistan in the post-2014 scenario; and the détente between the two countries will provide a conducive atmosphere for the US/Nato forces withdrawal from the region. If Brussels talks succeed, it will not only bring an end to border insurgency but will also produce a more stable Afghanistan.

John Kerry is trying to play the role of Richard Holbrooke, who remained in the hub of regional affairs by his integrated military-civilian-diplomatic strategy. This can be witnessed from the fact that General Kayani is from military; President Hamid Karzai is a civilian president and Pakistan’s foreign secretary Jalil Abbas Gillani is foreign secretary from the diplomatic corp. As Pakistan has always adopted a blend of defense and foreign policies, both men from Pakistan are representing such a fine merge called ‘DefReign’ policy.

Hamid Karzai’s frustration regarding border tension is understandable. However, India which has already invested billions in the Afghan government would continue to extend its prowess in an effort to encircle Pakistan. General Kayani will not let the far more powerful India encircle Pakistan by expanding its presence in Afghanistan unchallenged. This would mean Pakistan’s soft belly (Afghanistan) must be kept free of any anti-Pakistan elements.

However, in the entire scenario of triangular talk between the US, Afghanistan and Pakistan, one may not forget the Taliban phenomenon. The Taliban-US peace talks have already begun in Doha, Qatar. The withdrawal of the US forces from Afghanistan depends on making peace with the Taliban. This would leave a self-sustaining Afghan government and army to take over the responsibilities of security, governance and development in the post-2014 Afghanistan. However, regional security is essential if Afghanistan is to survive.

Unfortunately, the peace talks between the Taliban and the US have not been contributed by Pakistan. Islamabad has always been in the hub of the Afghan affairs. No one can deny the fact that Pakistan was the frontline ally of the West during the soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Similarly, Pakistan provided vital logistical and intelligence support to the US and its Nato allies during their attack on Afghanistan in 2001. Now without Pakistan in the peace talks between vital stakeholders (Taliban and the US in Doha), the natural phenomenon of a successful diplomacy will not be fulfilled. Thus Pakistan is a very important country in peace building process in Afghanistan. Ignoring such an important country will be tantamount to a fragile peace in the region. Brussels talks partially filled the gap.

There is no denying the fact that the war/civil war in Afghanistan has also affected its neighbouring countries. This has induced not only their influence in Afghanistan via ethnic affinity, economic investment/aid and clandestine activities, but also material and monetary assistance to political and militant groups. Although International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) for Afghanistan is working closely with the neighbours of Afghanistan for their positive role in the reconstruction and development of the country, hopes for profound cooperation are not very healthy.

This is a dangerous development as policies of regional countries, including Pakistan, are the cornerstone for a “New Afghanistan” that will be free of civil war and ethnic hatred. Neighbours of Afghanistan remained part of the problem in the past. It is time to make them part of the solution and win them over as partners in cooperative effort in Afghanistan.

Similarly, there is a dire need of the involvement of other stakeholders in the Doha process. Afghanistan has been ruined more by its neighbouring countries’ undue interference in its internal affairs than by its indigenous people. Hence, on the Geneva Accords model, all the neighbouring countries including the Kabul regime must be invited to Doha. This indeed will contribute to a peaceful and sturdy outcome of the negotiations process. The peace talks must not be bilateral. For fruitful and result-oriented talks, the approach must be multilateral. Hence, Pakistan, Iran, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Russia, and the UN must be accommodated in the Doha process for a durable peace in the region.

A general parliamentary election with a sense of insecurity is looming in Pakistan, which, if it came off peacefully and cleanly, could serve as a turning point in Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan. With the rise of the Pakistan People’s Party or the Pakistan Muslim League-N, the policy will take the heat as it will still be based on status quo. During their rule-terms in the past, they always towed their governments’ policies with the establishment. But if the Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) comes into power, it will be held off. Imran Khan, in his recent election speeches, is continuously campaigning on winning in Afghanistan a ‘war of negotiations at home’. He is more interested in having serious political talks with the Taliban for a long-lasting peace in the Pak-Afghan border region which is also the epicenter of disturbance in the settled areas of Pakistan. He condemns proxy-insurgent or militant war against established states. If there is going to be any major shifts in Afghan strategy, Imran Khan wants to initiate them.

Afghanistan is passing through a critical transformational period. At such a crucial juncture, the three ‘Ks’ meeting at Brussels is a milestone for a resilient peace in the region. Pakistan is the first country which handed over the demanded prisoners to Kabul though the two countries have yet to sign a treaty of extradition in this regard and strengthen bilateral ties.

Islamabad is also serious and appreciative of the Afghan Taliban to start negotiations with the government and bring stability in Afghanistan. During negotiations at Brussels, General Kayani also invited Afghan Defense Minister, Bismillah Khan, to Pakistan so that both sides could look for ways that could help the neighbouring countries to improve their mutual relations and take measures for building trust at high level.

The stronger focus on a regional approach is a consequence of the failed strategy of the allies in Afghanistan. The regional approach is a crucial element for peace in Afghanistan. Any filling of trust gap via regional approach will be an addition to not only reconstruction and development of Afghanistan, but this will also bring peace in Pakistan in the long run. Needless to say, it will provide a conducive atmosphere for the withdrawal of the US/Nato troops from Afghanistan.
[I]
The writer teaches at the Department of International Relations, University of Peshawar [/I]syedshaheed@hotmail.co.uk

[B]28.04.2013
[/B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Empowering youth[/SIZE]
[I]The PTI’s youth policy has taken a rather unusual
mandate upon itself and digressed, in theory, from the political
tradition of merely using energies of youth as a tool.[/I]
By Iqbal Haider Butt
[/CENTER][/B]
Along with the party manifesto, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) is out again with the first ever youth policy of any political party in Pakistan. It was initially launched during a youth convention in Lahore in early November last year. The narrative and complete policy document has not publicly appeared so far, but the initial power point presentation (PPT) would continue serving as what the party proclaims as its youth policy.

The PTI is credited with vividly zooming in on youth in recent times, which coincides with realisation of a youth bulge as a distinct group in Pakistan. In mid-2012, the active youth cohorts (between 15 to 29 years) in the country were estimated to make 30.4 per cent of the total Pakistani population while the number of people less than 29 years of age had amounted to 65.1 per cent.

The renewed focus of the PTI on the youth historically comes in the line of mass youth actions during the Pakistan movement, Bengali nationalist movement, rightist and leftist youth upsurge in the late 60s including the augmentation of the PPP, the rise of youthful APMSO turning into a full-fledged party the MQM in the 80s and the political campaigning of urban youth in 2009 to restore judiciary in the Musharraf era. In all these instances except for the latter, the youth were serving greater party aims, ideological loyalties or ‘national interests’ and mostly had shown street power of their mother political parties.

The PTI’s youth policy has taken a rather unusual mandate upon itself and digressed in theory from the political tradition of merely using energies of youth as a tool. In its own words, it: “does not believe in one-off ‘gimmicks’ – it endeavours to permanently empower the youth of Pakistan.” Here the political aspires to entering into the technical. Otherwise, the public policy arena has been mostly out of the politicians’ domain; partly because of the undemocratic nature of policy making that keeps politicians away from policy making. This has generally been deemed the purview of specialists and bureaucrats — the non-elected/non-political line of the government machinery.

The PTI policy attaches high hopes with youth as the only power to crush the status quo and vows to empower them politically and economically. It is further committed to allocation of 25 per cent parliamentary tickets at national and provincial level to the youth. It also promises, in case of making the government, to set up a Youth Parliament to groom future leadership and establish an autonomous and independently funded institute, entitled “National Youth Foundation,” to be housed within the Federal Ministry of Human Resource. Uniform education curriculum throughout Pakistan has also been assured and a Town/Tehsil level body, Jawan Markaz, planned to implement youth initiatives at the grassroots level.

All sounds good. Nevertheless, theoretically speaking, there are three main problem areas that would put designers of the PTI youth policy into difficult situations while defending it: (i) how well the ‘youth’ has been defined?; (ii) whether it realises the group diversity of Pakistani youth?; (iii) why it has omitted social empowerment of youth; in that, it totally ignores the half of the youth population — the girls?

According to the PTI policy, the functional definition of youth is all those persons falling between the ages of 18 to 35. One wonders if it is a well-thought out definition in line with prevalent national and international classification of youth. From 1979 up to 2009, age bracket of 15 to 29 was nationally adopted in Pakistan through different national youth policy drafts and ultimately approved as such when the first (and last) national youth policy was enacted. The United Nations system goes even lower to 15 to 24 years. The above two definitions are informed by the argument that the youth is ‘a period of transformation from family dependent childhood to independent adulthood’ and is a ‘transition phase between a world of rather secure and standard biological development to a world of choice and/or risk’.

The definitional issue is intrinsically linked with practical youth needs in different age cohorts. In the absence of a rationale given for this policy deviation — worst that it’s also the case for the whole document — the PTI youth policy would somehow loose its presumed seriousness among specialists and raise questions over its formulation process.

The diversity of Pakistani youth in the PTI policy is also obscure. It projects less regard for practical youth needs in different youth cohorts; male and female; tribal, rural and urban; illiterate and literate, and a variety of vulnerable groups like from the minority, religious seminary, jail inmates, transgender, refugee and extremely poor categories. One should have some clues over which kind of youth is the recipient of the PTI policy formulations and what strategies/resources are reserved for these different groups.

The PTI youth policy designers would further be profoundly confronted with dismissal by both youth development practitioners and the political opponents on the omission of social empowerment issues of the youth. There is no substance whatsoever in the document on needs of the female youth, on their reproductive health rights, on the very question of the population sector that have not only founded the basis of youth rights worldwide but also are hitting Pakistan badly and quickly devouring its resources. It is also silent about the terrorism and peace issues and about the wave of extremism and intolerance preying youth in the country. Such a lapse would paint the PTI as a conservative and male-chauvinistic group which has yet to clear its ideological positions.

Another practical and constitutional problem is that no one in the core group of the policy designers bothered to be considerate of the constitutional position on youth affairs. After passing of the 18th Amendment, the youth affairs had been made a subject of the provinces. But the policy is totally forgetful of the tier — the provincial one — now constitutionally responsible for governing youth affairs in the country. It has continuously placed its proposed bodies in the Centre or at the Town/Tehsil levels.

To establish the proposed Youth Foundation and the Parliament in the public sector, the Pakistani constitution will have to be amended. One wonders if the PTI really wants to revoke the 18th Amendment and the provincial autonomy or can afford making such policy errors. In good faith, it apparently seems this line of factual errors has been made by enthusiasts and without proper review by constitutional and political analysts within the party.

Like other generalists, the PTI policy also shares this popular imagination that education sector per se is a youth development issue. The practitioners would rather tell that education for youth development is about quality of education not the education sector as a whole. It pertains to what skill-sets and competencies the education may provide to students irrespective of public or private and religious or mainstream schooling systems. This is also about the uniform standardizing of education.

Nevertheless, despite many flawed conceptions about youth development in Pakistan, the PTI policy sounds strong when it comes to implementing youth initiatives on the Town/Tehsil level. Its proposed idea of Jawan Markaz (Youth Centres) shows the fondness of its authors for youth mobilisation. We have yet to know about the mechanism that the PTI might adopt to institute such a body. But that’s also the case for most of the assertions made in the document.

One can understand that the policy has been made in haste amidst electoral business and by activists who also had little time to go through similar literature produced in Pakistan. If not extensively, at least, they should have browsed contents of the youth policy drafts currently under approval process by the provincial governments of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Sindh, or the Punjab Youth Policy which was approved by the government in May 2012.

However, one has to commend the PTI for bringing out its youth policy and taking the political actors and its cadre into the technical realm. The present PTI youth policy might not win it a good track record at policy making but with improved input and expanding the debate in regular times after the elections 2013, the party may clarify its youth development conceptions.

By that time, a generalised rhetoric in service of the youth may do and youth continue showing street power of the mother political party — the PTI!
[I]
The writer is a Youth Development Expert. He can be reached at [/I]ihbutt@gmail.com.

[B]28.04.2013
[/B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Trafficking in mess[/SIZE]
[I]Unless stringent measures are taken to enforce traffic laws and
regulations, the chaotic traffic conditions would continue to prevail.[/I]
By Huzaima Bukhari & Dr. Ikramul Haq[/CENTER][/B]

Traffic congestions in major cities of Pakistan — especially Karachi and Lahore — are worsening day by day. We, in fact, qualify as chronic violators of traffic rules and regulations and, therefore, despite reasonably wide roads, are creators of mess and traffic jams all around.

Those who are recruited to enforce rules pertaining to vehicular movement on the roads are proving to be silent spectators of the mayhem that has gripped the major cities of this country. What makes things worse is the general atmosphere of mistrust between traffic police/wardens and the commuters because of which, neither the public wants to abide by the rules nor are the enforcers interested in guiding or nabbing the violators amongst the public.

Take the example of Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) recently acquired by Lahore. Even a modern day facility (commonly called Metro Bus), during its first few days of operations, had been portraying the worst scenario of pandemonium due to lack of discipline and enforcement. Why should such a situation prevail everywhere on our roads is the million dollar question that is being addressed briefly in this article.

They say that if you want to enforce the law, you must be well-versed in them. Thus, a judge can only make a justified decision despite lack of assistance by officers of the court, provided he is well cognizant with all the related legal provisions. Similarly, anyone in authority can only assert his power if he himself is not dependent on others to guide him about the rules of business. Students will always be more attentive towards a teacher who is well-versed in his subject rather than one who has superficial knowledge. In a nutshell, the one in command must be thoroughly proficient before he can expect obedience or allegiance from others. Various duties that are expected of competent traffic wardens include:

Considering the fact that driving licences are issued indiscriminately and without even proper tests, it can safely be assumed that majority of the drivers (cars, trucks, motorcycles, cycles, and now donkey carts) have no knowledge about traffic regulations. Therefore, guiding them becomes the foremost duty provided wardens are themselves aware of all the rules.

Advising motorists on where and when they may park their vehicles. In a case where a motorist commits an offence a notice stating the amount of fine, could be issued that can be affixed to a parked vehicle or issued to the person alleged to have committed the offence.

Keeping accurate records of offences for the purpose of court proceedings and to attend court and give evidence as to the offences. They are required from time to time to write clear and concise reports on aspects of their work for the information of superior officers.

Authorising removal of unlawfully parked vehicles to a compound, where impounded vehicles can be recovered by the owners on payment of removal and storage fees.

Wearing their uniforms at all times while on duty and must of necessity be available to carry out their duties in all weather conditions.

Career counsels say that in addition to the learned skills, traffic wardens need to be observant, alert, and able to think and act quickly. Be in good health and physically fit. They need to be capable of dealing calmly with motorists who are upset or aggressive. Tact and patience are needed, and a sense of humour is definitely required to sublime an otherwise explosive situation. The ability to work alone, without close supervision, is important.

Can we say with complete confidence that the police in Pakistan, especially our illustrious traffic wardens in Punjab, are well-versed in their knowledge about the job they are supposed to do? Looking at the way they handle the city’s ever-growing vehicular traffic, it hardly appears so although it is claimed on the website ([url]http://www.ctplahore.gop.pk/about/intro.asp[/url]) of City Traffic Police: “The Traffic wardens are committed to excellence in Traffic Management, highest standards of integrity and courtesy.” Perhaps this excellence is restricted to only those areas that are frequented by the ruling elite because situation in the remaining parts of the city, speak otherwise.

The current position of traffic wardens vis-à-vis traffic management and control can be summarized as under:

Leaving aside a few select arteries, traffic is generally chaotic.

Where signals work correctly, there is less traffic mess compared to where the wardens are in control.

It has been observed that many times, wardens allow commuters to break the law especially when they let drivers go from the wrong side on right hand turns from points as Jail Road, Ferozepur Road towards the Canal Road.

They fail to check or nab drivers making wrong U turns around signals and when it is explicitly pointed out to them, they shun your plea thus endorsing the one who is violating the law.

Many are just interested in stopping and booking innocent motorcyclists for no reason while those in land cruisers, luxury vehicles or ones with official number plates comfortably breach the law.

Heavy Traffic Vehicles (carrying cargo, fuel, steel etc) openly defy law concerning their movement during day time but our ‘highly professional’ wardens do not consider this as infringement worth paying attention to.

Their ‘professionalism’ reaches its peak especially during school/office rush hours where their mission statements and shared vision seem forgotten slogans.

Earlier, any violator of traffic rules was difficult to nab because the city police was not well-equipped but what excuse do they have now when they possess heavy weight motor cycles, cars and radio sets? It seems that people have become more defiant and our enforcement squad, more lax than before.

Unless stringent measures are not taken to promulgate and enforce traffic laws and regulations correctly, the chaotic traffic condition would continue to prevail, with accidents occurring and pedestrians vulnerable to vehicular harassment. Media should be engaged to educate the public about traffic rules, licences need to be prudently given after requisite tests and authority and respect of traffic wardens/police should be emphasised upon. Simultaneously, if the claim about the present traffic enforcement force being highly educated and well-groomed is correct then these qualities should reflect in them and they themselves must be well-versed with traffic rules.

[I]The writers, tax advisers and author of many books, are Adjunct Faculty at Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS).[/I]

[B]28.04.2013
[/B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Stock taking[/SIZE]
[I]Tightening of stock market rules is call of the day as unilateral delisting has shattered investors’ confidence.[/I]
By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed[/CENTER][/B]

The stock market of a country is ideally a barometer of its economic prowess and provides its businesses and investors an opportunity to raise funds and get returns on their investments. The market is highly volatile in countries like Pakistan where negative sentiments can be harmful and may evade investors’ confidence overnight.

The country’s stock market was doing well recently despite all the negative perceptions about the country but there were certain reasons to it. For example, the exemption granted to strategic investors from declaring the source of the income they are investing in the market has done wonders. This has made the stock market an ideal destination for investors who now invest their money here for longer periods.

However, it does not mean only the investment coming this way is providing stability to the market. The presence of well-performing companies representing different sectors in the stock is also a major reason for its improved performance.

Despite all this, a negative development has taken place which may shatter investors’ confidence in the near future. Over the last three years, more than 70 companies have opted for voluntary delisting scheme and left the stock market. This number is an addition to those few which were punished by KSE for being defaulters and unable to abide by the rules of the market.

Those who left voluntarily bought back shares from the minority shareholders at a premium price. The small-time investors were satisfied with whatever they got in this case but started to panic when big companies such as Tawakkal, Valika, Ittefaq and others started to follow the trail.

The biggest blow has come this year with the decision of Unilever to delist from the market and buy back all the minority shares. They offered Rs 9,700 per share to the shareholders and later on agreed to pay Rs 15,000 per share when KSE intervened and asked it to do that. This benefited the shareholders in terms of the price they got for their shares but the whole exercise has led to creation of a serious debate.

There are questions whether the listed companies shall be allowed to delist so easily, are they delisting for genuine reasons or in a bid to avoid compliance with strict rules of financial reporting for listed companies, and who decides the buyback in case there is an agreement between majority and minority shareholders? Besides, there are calls for improving delisting rules in the country and making them investor-friendly as is the case in many other countries.

A look into the country’s laws on delisting reveals the delisting procedure in Pakistan is very lenient; it does not protect minority shareholder’s rights. Most countries require an ownership level of at least 90 per cent or 95 per cent by an acquirer before the minority shareholders can be squeezed out without their vote.

Many of these countries require an independent appraiser to determine the fair price for the shares of the minority shareholders. Some countries even allow the minority shareholders themselves to determine the price. Finally, most countries require either prior court approval of the price paid to minority shareholders, or permit the minority shareholders to challenge the final price in a court.

India has a great law with majorities needing the permission of 67 per cent of minorities and then a negotiation between the parties. In Germany, the acquirer must hold at least 95 per cent of the shares and the remaining shareholders must receive reasonable cash compensation. But in case of Pakistan, only 75 per cent shares are required to pass a delisting resolution. In case of Unilever, the controlling shareholder already owned 75 per cent of the company’s shares and did not feel the need to seek the minority shareholders’ assent.

The New York-based Acacia Partners, minority shareholder of Unilever Pakistan, has raised concerns over this listing and written to the SECP as well. Talking to TNS from New York, Girish Bhakoo, a representative of Acacia Partners, says “in effect, if the regulators approve the transaction at the offered price, they are saying to all minority shareholders that any company can disappear from the stock exchanges whenever it chooses.”

He observes delistings like this are unheard of in the West for leading companies to go to their owners and take the shares away from them. “They tend to happen only around takeovers and there is a natural negotiation and highly developed laws in the West for such possibilities.” Acacia is a major player in Pakistani stock market having 4.1 per cent shareholding in Unilever Pakistan.

Girish adds though they would earn $25 million from the revised price offered for their 4.5 lakh shares in the company, they have never wanted to offload them. “We own these assets because they’re precious. The penetration of these products is very low in Pakistan — we can own this for decades. The products for women’s hair and for the skin of men and women are only going to grow and grow. Unilever will have a big share of these for many decades. The margins in these products are absolutely beautiful and we worship such businesses.”

Girish is clear that even if he has been given the extra $25 million, he cannot find another such asset in a country with population around 200 million. “It is not easily replaceable.” Putting things in simple words, he questions: “Would you use your savings to purchase a home from which you could be evicted at any time at the market-price by the largest land owner in the neighborhood?”

Some brokers at the stock market were approached for comments and all of them termed Unilever’s decision a blow to the financial market. They said there is no way to challenge this move of the company in the court as it has been made in accordance with the existing laws governing the stock market.

It is imperative that these rules are made stricter, otherwise local and international investments coming to Pakistani financial markets will suffer.

[email]shahzada.irfan@gmail.com[/email]

[B]28.04.2013
[/B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Mayday call[/SIZE]
[I]The Occupational Safety and Health situation in Pakistan is in a shambles due to poor legislation, illiteracy and inadequate medical facilities.[/I]
By Muhammad Rafique[/CENTER][/B]

Diseases and accidents at workplaces remain one of the most appalling tragedies of modern industrial age and a sheer form of economic waste. The incidences of occupational diseases and injuries are still very high all around the world. Hundreds of millions of workers suffer annually from workplace accidents and occupational exposure to hazardous substances worldwide.

The Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) situation in many developing countries like Pakistan is even graver due to a number of factors like poor legislation and implementation, illiteracy, lack of education, inadequate medical facilities, lack of reliable information and data of fatal accidents and injuries suffered by workers each year.

The OSH Country Profile of Pakistan 2003, prepared by the International Labour Organization (ILO), reveals that over 7,000 fatal accidents occur annually with estimated 25,000 work related mortalities and 5,000 more deaths by dangerous substances. Legal provisions on OSH stands at 10 per cent while fatality/disability compensation at the rate of 2.3 per cent.

The OSH refers to the health, safety and welfare of working class; it contributes to protect not only workers but also their co-workers, family members, employers, customers and others who might have effects of workplace environment. Absence of OSH practices at workplaces also negatively impact the production process and survival of the affected workers and their families. Thus it is the moral, ethical and legal obligation of the owners of industrial and commercial establishments to protect lives and health of their employees.

Constitution of Pakistan guarantees the fundamental rights of all citizens, as article 37(e) of the Constitution makes provisions for secure and humane work conditions and also prohibits not to employ women and children at the workplaces unsuited to their age or sex.

The OSH related legal frameworks and structures relating to preventive, punitive and compensatory effects of laws are not capable to protect workers’ safety and health. While going through the legislation in Pakistan on OSH, it is found that it lacks in many ways. For example Factories Act 1934 is not applicable to the enterprises employing less than ten workers. It does not give coverage to the workers in the agriculture sector, informal/home-based and seasonal workers.

Internationally devised and recognised OSH standards and systems are well defined and being practised in developed countries — ISO certifications encompasses all aspects of OSH provisions. However, these are practically dysfunctional due to lack of systematic transparency and accountability in Pakistan. Ali Enterprises Karachi is such an example. It owned certification from a reputed foreign firm but had no mechanism to deal with fire or emergency exits. The incident claimed lives of hundreds of the poor and deprived workers, exposing the reputation and standardization of the certifications.

Functions of the labour inspection explained under the ILO’s Convention No. 81 is: ‘enforcement of legal provisions related to conditions of work and the protection of workers including working hours, wages, safety, health and welfare. It also refers to providing technical advice about effective means to comply with the law and to identify legal gaps as well. Labour inspection in Pakistan is just a bureaucratic exercise due to bad governance, corruption, lack of capacity and resources.

Provincial labour departments do not take into account the responsibility of educating both workers and employers regarding their rights and obligations. Majority of the workforce in Pakistan is illiterate and not trained in occupational safety and health. Moreover, OSH is not included in any curricula in Pakistan. The number of occupational health physicians and nurses is far less compared to the total workforce in Pakistan. This means that occupational health system is not established in the country.

Pakistan, like many other developing countries, is undergoing a transitional phase in its economy. Globalisation of the world trade is bringing new challenges in the field of occupational safety and health. The state owned enterprises are being privatised. Despite the slow growth in the formal industrial sector during the last few years, the informal and service sectors are growing at a rapid pace. The mounting inflation, high rate of population growth and unemployment are forcing the children and women into the job market. Most of the workforce is not prepared to cope with the hazards posed by the modern technologies and processes. The legislation concerning occupational safety and health needs to be updated. The country lacks the basic infrastructure and qualified personnel for providing occupational safety and health services to the workforce.

The governance regime of Pakistan has been citizens’ exclusionary in nature, not ensuring them access to constitutional rights and entitlements, particularly ignoring the working class — Labour Policy 2010 is yet to be implemented, labour inspection and protection policies are under progress since 2006, no tripartite consultations have been made since 2001, Pakistan Labour Gazette is suspended since 2000. Labour inspection has practically been suspended in Punjab and Sindh.

National and provincial policy making bodies have no interest or political will to fill gaps in coordination mechanisms and legislation created after 18th Constitutional Amendment; while the bureaucratic bodies are tactically hindering and delaying the process of legislation to protect their vested interests.

[I]The writer is senior research associate at Pakistan Institute of Labour Education and Research (PILER).
[/I]

[B]28.04.2013[/B]
[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Masters and serfs[/SIZE]
[I]Lust for wealth and a race for perks, privileges and
protocol are synonymous with political culture of subcontinent.[/I]
By Alauddin Masood
[/CENTER][/B]
Amongst officials, the black sheep become henchmen of political leaders. Some leaders also remain comfortable in the company of sycophants, who keep portraying dwarfs as tall and weak as strong personalities. These courtiers constantly extol their patrons’ services.... not for the nation and the country but for the leader’s kin, friends, admirers, cronies, aides, guards, etc. Throughout they remain engaged in reaping benefits from the leader’s official position.

Initially, the leaders can distinguish between the reality and fiction, but after sometime they start believing in whatever the sycophants say day in and day out in praise of their patrons, forgetting the religious dictates about sycophancy. According to a saying of the Fourth Caliph of Islam Hazrat Ali, ‘Fill the mouths of sycophants with dirt’. Very soon, these leaders start considering themselves as the chosen ones to guide and lead the community, being paragons of wisdom, sagacity and highly competent in human management and statecraft. With high position come perks and privileges as windfall benefits and also the potential to bestow favours on near and dear ones.

Yielding to requests of the sycophants and demands of imaginary fans, ultimately, the leaders start conceiving plans to grab top political slots. To achieve this goal, they consider no price too great! However, when they emerge as leaders of some consequence, they start behaving as super human-beings. They consider themselves to be not only above the rest, but also above the laws, rules and regulations of the land. They treat their fellow citizens as lesser souls destined to serve them, obey their orders and commands and vote for them in elections. Persons who try to hinder or obstruct the leader in some of his misdoings or refuse to obey his command were destined to face their wrath. This is the norm in the entire region, called the South Asia Subcontinent.

Recently, in Mumbai (India), an assistant sub-inspector was summoned to the Maharashtra Assembly and thrashed by 15 MLAs because he dared to stop an MLA from over-speeding. The policeman was so brutally beaten up by the lawmakers that he was taken out in a stretcher and hospitalised, reveals Robert Clements in an article “Master and servant” (Pakistan Observer: April 17). Such incidents keep happening in this region every now and then.

When the scribe thought to carry in this column some instances from the Land of the Pure, he had not to dig deep into records. Immediately, he came across a photograph — rather a picture of horror — published by a section of the press on April 20, depicting the pitiable condition of a former policeman, Ali Hassan, who was brutally tortured and crippled by an influential politician of Hyderabad (Sindh) on March 24, 2008. A cursory look at the photograph shows that both the eyes of Ali Hassan have been gouged out, both of his hands have been damaged and his legs have broken due to torture by the politician.

Ali Hassan and his children have not yet lost hope and they are still waiting for justice though during the last more than four years nobody seems to have taken notice of the pitiable condition of Ali Hassan, who was once a well-built and healthy policeman, a semblance of which is still visible in the photograph. It is a pity that the Sindh Police did not swing into action to provide justice to one of its Jawans. Inaction by the law sleuths and their inability to nab the perpetrator of this crime might have dampened the spirit of the police force, who would never dare to question any lawmaker on his misdoings.

But, such incidents are inevitable when policemen become henchmen of the political persons or a segment of them is recruited on the basis of political affiliations or recommendations. One should not, therefore, be surprised if the police in this country has a history of favouring the elites. For instance, it failed to arrest former President Pervez Musharraf on April 18, and earlier MNA Anjum Aqeel and real estate tycoon Riaz Malik and his son despite court orders. Eager to satisfy those in power, it arrested CJP Chaudhry without written orders and manhandled him.

This is not the solitary case of barbarism. The case of Waheeda Shah of Sindh slapping a polling station presiding officer repeatedly, and Madhiana of Sargodha brutally torturing a teacher and breaking his legs is still fresh in our minds. This shows that the intoxication of power is more dangerous than that of the booze!

On paper, all are equal before the law, but in practice things become different when political persons start inducting henchmen, friends, admirers and sycophants in the police force or they get police and commandos for protocol and security duties. When they get policemen at their beck and call, these political persons start summoning people to settle personal scores. Ultimately, it establishes a master-serf relationship between the political persons and the state minions. The master orders his serf what to beat up a rival, to take possession of prized pieces of land or get odd jobs done. In return, the master rewards his serfs with favours — plum jobs, increase in salary, perks and allowances, accelerated promotions, allotment of residential/commercial plots on ownership basis.

“Sir Ji, you’ve done a lot for others. You must think about the rainy days and do something for your kids,” submit close aides and sycophants. On prodding from these “well-wishers,” the political persons end up substantially increasing their salaries, perks and privileges. In some cases, the increase is given with retrospective effect in utter disregard to the pathetic economic condition of the state, which is heavily indebted and is confronted with stagflation due to corruption and bad governance.

The lust and greed of political persons for wealth and a race among them for increasing their perks, privileges, protocol and security reminds one of a story “The King of the Pond:” The pond was a clean, neat and nice little reservoir of warm water where turtles lived happily until the ruling turtle Tome decided to expand his kingdom. “I’m ruler of all that I see, but I don’t see enough. With this stone for a throne, I look down on my pond but I cannot look down on places beyond. This throne ought to be higher!” He ordered a dozen of turtles to come forward. Using them, he built a new throne, making each turtle stand on another one’s back and piling them all up in a stack. And then Tome climbed up the pile. He could see up to two kilometres. “What a wonderful sight! I’m the ruler of all that I see. I’m the king of a cow, a mule, a cat, a house and a blueberry bush.”

Tome sat up there high, repeatedly saying “A great king am I.” By noon time, Tome heard a faint sigh and then a little turtle from the pack of his throne submitting: I’ve pains in my back, shoulders and legs. How much must we stand here, your majesty?” King Tome yelled back: “You stay in your place while I sit here and rule. I’m king of a cow, a mule, a cat, a house and a bush, but that isn’t enough. I’ll do better than that! My throne shall be higher. So pile-up 200 more turtles. Turtles came from all over the pond and climbed up the stack. Now, Tome could see 50 kilometres from his throne in the sky! “Hooray! shouted Tome. “I’m the king of the trees, the birds, the bees, the butterflies and the air. What a wonderful throne? Oh, mighty me! I’m the ruler of all that I see!”

From below came a groan again. And the little turtle said: “We are feeling pain. We know, up on top you are having great views, but down here we, too, should have rights. We can’t stand this load. Our shells will crack. Besides, we are starving and need food.” “You shut up!” yelled Tome. You’ve no right to talk to the mighty Tome. I rule from the high clouds over land and sea, and there is nothing higher than me!” But, suddenly, he saw the moon rising up over his head. “What’s that thing that dares to be higher than Tome? I shall not allow it. I’ll call more turtles and stack them to heaven. I need about ten thousand turtles.” But, as Tome lifted his hand to order, the little turtle below the stack decided that he’d enough and he burped. His burp shook the throne and ended Tome’s rule as he fell off in the pond to join the rest of his genre.

If the rat-race for more perks and privileges does not come to an end, one cannot rule out, at some time in the future, the development in this country of a situation not different from the one that finally prevailed in the realm of the turtle king Tome, The Great. This brings to the fore the need for redressing the situation immediately.
[I]
Alauddin Masood is a freelance columnist based at Islamabad.[/I]

E-mail: [email]alauddinmasood@gmail.com[/email]