[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Security nightmare[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 10th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

A group of individuals representing 10 political parties and brought together by an NGO under the banner of Political Parties’ Joint Committee on Fata Reforms has produced a set of recommendations for the Election Commission of Pakistan to help ensure the next general elections in Fata are more transparent, fair and representative than polls held earlier in the region. To the extent that a voter registration drive and increasing the number of polling stations will prevent the disenfranchisement of voters in an area that historically has seen some of the lowest turnouts in the country, the recommendations are sensible. However, there is a more fundamental area of concern that the recommendations did not touch upon: security. With military operations ongoing in some parts of Fata and militants present in every single tribal agency — though their presence varies in intensity — elections in Fata will be trickier than ever.

Consider the evidence. Maulana Mirajuddin, the MNA representing the Mehsud area of South Waziristan, was killed in May 2010. Over two and a half years later, a by-election is yet to be held. Bara in Khyber is beset by similarly intractable security problems, as is Orakzai, where a military operation is ongoing. North Waziristan remains, of course, a security nightmare about which little has been done. But the problem is not just of disenfranchisement of voters: even where elections will be possible, voters’ choice will be severely restricted. The TTP has made clear that secular parties like the ANP and the PPP are major targets of the militants, making it next to impossible for the candidates of those parties to run a proper campaign in what will be the first party-based election in Fata. With both of those parties effectively sidelined if security does not improve — and they do have significant support in the tribal belt — the door will open further for right-wing religious parties, complicating the already immense difficulties in crafting an effective strategy to fight militancy.

Part of the solution may lie in another one of the recommendations of the Fata reforms committee: allowing absentee voting for IDPs. In the vacant seat of South Waziristan in particular, absentee voting along the lines of that permitted in Gilgit-Baltistan and AJK elections would make much sense. If extended to allow Fata’s electorate to cast their votes in settled districts as an alternative, the pressure on parties like the ANP and the PPP could ease somewhat. But such measures will not fundamentally alter the risks candidates will have to confront; in the absence of overall improved security, elections in Fata could be more unrepresentative than ever.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Measles mismanagement[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 10th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Measles deaths are being reported from different parts of Sindh on an almost daily basis, with over 200 fatalities reported so far. It has now emerged that around 400 children have also been affected in several districts of Balochistan, where health authorities say they face a shortage of the measles vaccine. While most of the world, including many countries in our neighbourhood, has seen a reduction in measles cases, Pakistan has witnessed several outbreaks in the recent past. And perhaps the core reason for this is mismanagement by the state. Neither the health authorities in Sindh nor the federal government have accepted responsibility for the late purchase of measles vaccines, which has been blamed for this latest outbreak. The federal Ministry of Inter-Provincial Coordination could not purchase the vaccines on time reportedly due to a delay in the release of funds by the Finance Division, while officials in Sindh say they were denied federal funds. The IPC ministry is supposed to run national health programmes until the provinces fully start managing all health matters by June 30.

Then there are the issues other than bureaucratic wrangling that are affecting the routine immunisation campaign. Medical professionals have expressed serious doubts about government claims of satisfactory immunisation coverage. In Sindh, where the measles epidemic is particularly acute, health workers have not been going into the field regularly to carry out immunisations, while political appointments in the health department, from the top down, have also negatively affected the campaign. The unsatisfactory immunisation coverage, shortage of vaccines and their late procurement all indicate that a lack of planning plagues the health authorities. The routine immunisation programme needs to be overhauled and the leaks plugged. Rather than take reactive steps, provincial health authorities need to ensure funds are available to procure vaccines on time and pay staff, field workers are well-trained and doing their jobs, and campaigns are carried out as per plan and with thoroughness to ensure that outbreaks of measles and other vaccine-preventable illnesses do not become regular occurrences. Work must be done in this regard before health matters are totally devolved.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]The shrinking battlefield[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 10th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Saner counsel has always held that the Pakistan-India dispute over the Siachen glacier, the world’s highest battleground, is resulting in a waste of resources that could be put to much better use. Despite decades having passed, the two countries have been unable to come to a comprehensive agreement on this barren wasteland. Now, however, it seems that the problem may be shrinking — literally. According to a recent study, the Siachen glacier lost 5.9km of its longitudinal length between 1989 and 2009 due to rising temperatures. The study, Climate Data and Modelling Analysis of the Indus Ecoregion, analyses the weather patterns in the region and charts their projected effect. For Siachen, rising temperatures have meant that the glacial ice mass has thinned by 17 per cent. Just as worryingly, the human presence in this region may also be affecting the neighbouring glaciers of Gangotri, Miyar, Milan and Janapa, which feed the Ganges, Chenab and Sutlej rivers — lifelines for millions of people.

It would be pertinent, then, to renew the call for all troops and infrastructure to be removed from the Siachen area. There is too much evidence now for even the most optimistic to deny that this planet is fragile and every country must do what it can to mitigate the effects its population may be having on ecosystems and the environment. That said, Pakistan must also look into the other points of concern the report raises. One of the more worrying is that we have experienced rising minimum and maximum temperatures during both summer and winter, a shift that will affect crop yields and quality. Many countries are trying to ensure that they can adapt as smoothly as possible to changing weather patterns. Pakistan must also do what it can.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Crumbling infrastructure[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 12th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

While potholed roads and decrepit pedestrian bridges are the norm in Karachi, when defects emerge in major bridges or flyovers the risk such structures pose to human life is considerably greater. The Shershah bridge collapse should not be forgotten: five people died when a portion of the newly inaugurated bridge came down in 2007, reportedly due to a design flaw. So we must note with concern that the Jam Sadiq Ali bridge, which connects the Korangi Industrial Area with the rest of Karachi and is used by heavy traffic, is in such bad shape that it may collapse unless immediate repairs are carried out. Karachi’s administrator made this disturbing disclosure on Thursday before the Sindh Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee. The official claimed repair work had been delayed because federal funds meant for Karachi had not been released.

Due to their age and heavy traffic, many of Karachi’s bridges have developed structural defects and are in need of immediate repairs. Yet, as engineers note, a satisfactory monitoring mechanism does not exist to examine potential faults and a lot of the repair work itself is substandard. If defects are not repaired immediately they can cause further problems down the line. It is essential, then, that proper repair work is carried out on the Jam Sadiq bridge and structural analyses of the city’s other bridges and major roads undertaken. While it is true that, given the poor quality of construction material used, many engineers ‘overdesign’ structures to make them sturdier, it does not mean that these should not be regularly checked for faults that may develop. The traffic police also needs to play its role in this regard: most heavy vehicles carry loads beyond their capacity, which not only creates road hazards but also decreases the life of the city’s thoroughfares and bridges.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Collective failure[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 12th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Wake-up calls are rare in a country as violent as Pakistan. But as desensitised to bloodshed as we have become, a single day in which well over 100 people die in several incidents of terrorism and targeted killing across the country is impossible to get through without thinking about where we are headed as a nation. Thursday laid out, in gory detail, the realities that we collectively face today: the range of communities under threat, including Shias, security forces and the police, journalists, religious organisations, Fata’s tribesmen, and those simply caught in the crossfire. How widespread the threat is, from Karachi to Quetta to Swat in a single day. How many causes are being fought for with violence, from sectarian hatred and religious differences to separatism and ethnic or tribal feuds. And, most importantly, how underprepared we remain despite many unfortunate incidents to learn from.

Thursday’s events pointed both to how much we know and to how much we don’t. The motive and actors behind the Swat attack on the Tableeghi Jamaat and the shooting to death in Karachi of a number of labourers from the tribal areas remain unclear, demonstrating how varied the threats are. But the bomb attacks against Hazara Shias in Quetta were simply the deadliest of a string of attacks on the community in and around the city over the past year. And consecutive bomb attacks have taken place before, with those rushing to the scene, including media persons, having been caught in previous incidents of second explosions closely following a first at the same place. Swat still contains a heavy military and police presence that has been there since the 2009 operation. Baloch grievances have been lingering for years and attacks by Baloch nationalists on the Frontier Corps are old news. So while some threats are new and unexplained, others have by now developed a pattern, stem from a known problem or take place in areas that are heavily guarded.

Thursday’s events were enabled, then, by massive failures on the part a range of institutions, from the government and the media to the military, the police and intelligence agencies. No bold political solutions for Balochistan have been worked out. No decisive military action has been launched in North Waziristan. Intelligence gathering is inadequate and poor coordination between intelligence agencies and the police means attacks are rarely prevented. No sustained national consensus has been built against terrorism and violent extremism, for which the media is also to blame. How long can Pakistan survive in the face of such a complete failure to fend off internal threats?


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Third-party probe[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 12th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Traditionally India has used the Simla Agreement to avoid third-party mediation in its disputes with Pakistan. Its rejection of Islamabad’s proposal for a UN probe into the latest clashes across the Line of Control in Kashmir can be seen against this backdrop. But technically New Delhi is not on a strong wicket if it uses the 1972 agreement to bypass the United Nations Military Observer Group for India and Pakistan. Class ii of the Simla Agreement expresses the resolve of the two countries to “settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means mutually agreed upon”. This has allowed India to reject offers by friendly countries to help solve the festering Kashmir issue. UNMOGIP’s role is not political, however, and it is not charged with the task of mediating between Pakistan and India for resolving their differences over the disputed territory. Its role — as its name suggests — is one of an observer whose duty it is to monitor “developments pertaining to the strict observance of the ceasefire of 17 December 1971”.

In the latest clashes across the LoC, both India and Pakistan have lost soldiers. Both sides have not only accused each other of aggression, Indian officials and media have also alleged that Pakistani forces mutilated the bodies of Indian soldiers, which the Pakistan government has denied. Mercifully the two governments have decided not to exacerbate matters, and Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar made clear that the clashes would not be allowed to derail the peace process. There is no doubt this is the correct approach, for the Thimphu spirit must be pursued vigorously to prevent as far as possible LoC violations that can only set back progress. But that doesn’t mean that the facts regarding these recent LoC incidents should not be established. If Pakistan and India cannot establish the truth themselves through cooperation and in an impartial manner, then there is no better forum than the UNMOGIP to do so.

[CENTER][B][SIZE="5"]Capital concerns[/SIZE][/B][/CENTER]

[RIGHT][B]January 13th,2013.[/B][/RIGHT]

TAHIRUL Qadri, the preacher-turned-politician whom few Pakistanis would have recognised a month ago, will set off today from Lahore on his controversial `long march` to Islamabad. Having already held massive rallies in Lahore and Karachi, Mr Qadri`s ability to assemble a large crowd in Islamabad seems a safe bet. Which is why Islamabad, security-conscious at the best of times, is wearing the look of a city about to go into lock down mode. Before that, standing in the way of a large turnout in Islamabad is the Punjab government, which Mr Qadri has accused of blocking transporters from serving the protesters preparing to descend on Islamabad.

However, the Tehrik Minhajul Quran leader has a large following and a sophisticated organisational network in Gujjar Khan just outside Islamabad, which means that while perhaps not in the millions, Mr Qadri will almost certainly be able to assemble a sizeable crowd to march rather be driven in buses, wagons and cars towards Islamabad.

Still difficult to know, though, is what Mr Qadri and his supporters will do once they arrive in Islamabad. The charter of demands that he theatrically pledged yesterday to reveal in stages is as yet unknown, though its contours can be guessed at.

But with the MQM having withdrawn its support, Mr Qadri now stands isolated from the political mainstream, there being a consensus among all parties invested in the democratic process that the poll schedule should not be disrupted. While the PPP led government has shown an admirable, some may argue craven, willingness to talk to Mr Qadri, if his demands amount to the civilian politicians essentially agreeing to their own redundancy, it is difficult to see how a compromise can be reached if Mr Qadri digs in his heels.

True, time and weather may be against the TMQ leader because it will be difficult to keep a vast number of people in protest mode on the streets of Islamabad indefinitely. Also true, there are possibly many back channels that can be activated to persuade Mr Qadri to accept a compromise, or even turn back after having saved face.

Be that as it may, the authorities in Islamabad should prepare for the worst. While Mr Qadri has repeatedly said that the protest will remain peaceful, there is no guarantee that in a charged environment, the protesters will adhere to the promises made on their behalf. In September, on a national holiday called by the government itself to protest an anti-Islam movie, violence threatened togetout of hand in Islamabad. The government should learn from that experience and draft in reinforcements if necessary.


[CENTER][B][SIZE="5"]One small step[/SIZE][/B][/CENTER]

[B][RIGHT]January 13th,2013.[/RIGHT][/B]

FOR Pakistanis, who have twice elected a woman as prime minister, it is hardly surprising to see females in leadership roles. Yet those aware of the complex nature of Saudi Arabian politics and society will agree that the Saudi monarch`s recent decrees appointing women to the consultative Shura Council for the first time are nothing short of revolutionary. The 30 women will be selected, not elected, to the advisory body, which does not have legislative powers. The move seems to be in line with the reform minded Saudi ruler`s overall agenda. The king has said women will be able to vote in the 2015 municipal elections, while women athletes from the desert kingdom competed in the Olympics for the first time in last year`s London games, eliciting howls of protest from conservatives at home.

Though the move is positive, it may face resistance from ultra-conservative elements within the powerful clergy as well as traditionalists within the royal family. Yet while women have gained in many areas under Abdullah`s rule, they still cannot drive in Saudi Arabia or travel freely without the consent of a male relative.

Segregation of the sexes is strictly enforced. Even the women members of the Shura will be separated from their male counterparts. Hence prospects of change must be accompanied with cautious optimism. And expecting the king`s move to lead to full emancipation for women would be far-fetched, though it is a step in the right direction. Saudi Arabia must realise that the world is moving forward and it is impractical to expect archaic mores to fit in with the requirements of the 21st century.

To varying degrees, Muslim nations across the globe have given their women citizens increased rights, though there is still some way to go until equal rights are achieved. What is more, due to the considerable flow of petrodollars the kingdom`s citizens have tasted the fruits of modernity. So no matter how much the traditionalists may want to keep Saudi society frozen in time, a considerable segment of the kingdom`s population, especially its women, will want to create a more equal and open society.


[CENTER][B][SIZE="5"]FIA`s `Red Book`[/SIZE][/B][/CENTER]

[RIGHT][B]January 13th, 2013.[/B][/RIGHT]

EVEN as the country struggles to recover from the latest episode of an endless drama of death, there is yet another reminder of how ill-prepared law-enforcement and intelligence-gathering authorities remain. The Federal Investigation Agency maintains a so called Red Book: documents containing information about high-profile criminals including human traffickers, terrorists and known extremists. The last edition came out in mid 2012 and FIA officials have said that the 2013 edition is in the process of being finalised. Supposedly, it is restricted information although the 2009 edition is available on the FIA`s website. Nevertheless, given that it is supposed to be a handbook for investigators tracking some very dangerous men, it would be natural to assume that this would be a mine of data, constantly updated and meticulously maintained. In actual fact, though, as this newspaper`s investigations have revealed, the Red Book is a fact-file so sketchy as to be laughable. The format is almost childishly simple: a picture or a space for a picture, accompanied with basic data such as the name and parentage of the accused person, the crimes in which he has been nominated, and a list of physical traits.

To get an idea of how basic the information contained therein is, consider that Muhammad Rashid alias Hasan Mota of the Sipah-i-Mohammad Pakistan is described as having an `average` moustache and characterised by speaking `on non-serious matters`. Gul Zareen of the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi can be identified because his `gait is normal`. From one edition to the next, there is little consistency or evidence that the body of information regarding any one particular criminal has been expanded. What this says about the level of efficiency of the law-enforcement a

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Karzai in DC[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 14th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

The most important takeaway to emerge from President Karzai’s visit to Washington was not, in fact, what the American presence in Afghanistan will look like after 2014; that decision still appears to be under negotiation. Far clearer was the reaffirmation — and intensification — of America’s plans to wind down its presence in Afghanistan. Speeding up plans to hand over primary combat responsibility to Afghan troops, President Obama said this would be done by the spring, earlier than planned. By implication, that would allow for accelerating the pace at which American troops are withdrawn as the 2014 deadline approaches. But one thing should be clear to the US, Afghanistan and Pakistan: their interests will be under threat if the speedy transition is not accompanied by a solid effort to reach a political settlement for Afghanistan.

All three countries do seem to recognise this; Presidents Obama and Karzai stressed the reconciliation point and said the Doha talks with the Taliban would be revived, and Pakistan’s release of some Taliban fighters indicates a willingness to actively facilitate the process. But in Pakistan, at least, the security and foreign policy establishments still do not seem to share a common vision, strategy and goals for the Afghan peace process, one that has complex implications for this country. Bringing the Afghan Taliban into the political process could help prevent a return to civil war or to a Taliban-dominated government, either of which could destabilise not just Afghanistan, but the region. But any power-sharing for the Taliban should come with assurances that the Pakistani Taliban and other anti-Pakistan militants will not be given new safe havens across the border. Given the complexities of the issue, and the current US administration’s demonstrated desire for a rapid exit from Afghanistan, Pakistan needs to quickly develop a coherent approach to Afghan reconciliation, one that focuses on ensuring our internal security rather than trying to be a player in post-2014 Afghanistan or fending off perceived external threats.

But Afghanistan’s history has proved that stability in the region is not about Pak-Afghan relations alone. No peace process will be viable unless Afghanistan’s other neighbours also refrain from using the country as a stage on which to further their own interests or project their power vis-à-vis other regional players. That, in turn, will be only possible if the post-2014 set-up has their buy-in. The core group of the US, Afghanistan and Pakistan is making the right move by emphasising Afghan reconciliation. As the end of 2014 approaches, though, that effort will must be widened to ensure a sustainable peace in the region.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A laudable suggestion[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 14th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

In the ever-rising wave of terrorism, individual tragedies are either forgotten or do not get the attention they deserve. Does anybody care, for instance, about the education of children whose parents fall victim to terror? Thousands of civilians have been killed and crippled in the acts of terrorism that have become Pakistan’s scourge. But there is no government plan in action or on the anvil with regard to the victims’ families. Who, we ask, will pay for the education of children whose fathers were blown to bits by terrorists or left maimed and unable to work? In the case of the armed forces, paramilitary units and the police, medical and financial cover is provided by the departments concerned. But in the case of the sons and daughters of those murdered by terrorists, no plan exists. Because of the low standard of education associated with government-run schools, even families not necessarily affluent manage, though with great difficulty, to send their children to private schools. But if a tragedy befalls them, such families have no means with which to manage their children’s education in institutions of their choice. In such a situation, the families may be forced to send children to madressahs most of which do not give a modern education to students.

Against this background, it is encouraging to note that a positive suggestion made by Jamil Yusuf was accepted by representatives of private schools and others at a steering committee meeting of the Sindh government’s education department on Friday. The former chief of the Citizens-Police Liaison Committee suggested that private schools should provide free education to the children rendered orphans because of terrorism. That the government and civil society have taken no notice of this tragedy till now is indeed a matter of shame. The government’s handling of the terrorist threat leaves much to be desired, and for that reason it deserves flak for its acts of omission and commission. But what is absent in the criticism is a sense of anguish for the hardships the bereaved families suffer. We hope private schools will implement the suggestion in all seriousness.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]No incentives for hockey[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 14th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

The Pakistani hockey team’s notable success in international events late last year have infused new life into the national game which, after a glorious past, has struggled to remain afloat. The team’s back-to-back successes in the Champions Trophy at Melbourne and in the Asian Trophy in Doha, where it performed brilliantly, have raised hopes of a hockey revival in the country after nearly a decade of setbacks and losses. The beginning of such a revival of fortunes has indeed come like a breath of fresh air and close on the heels of that debacle at the London Games last July which saw Pakistan finishing a poor seventh in the Olympics. The need of the hour, therefore, is to honour and felicitate the hockey players for their outstanding display and to offer enough incentives for them to remain enthusiastic and focused about future challenges, the toughest among them being the 2014 World Cup.

However, one cannot help but note with regret that neither the government nor the Pakistan Hockey Federation have made any attempt to boost the morale of the victorious team which is keenly awaiting some gesture or announcement from the authorities. The players were left even more dismayed when the Punjab government’s cheques for a hefty amount of prize money bounced. No wonder that a majority of players are once again striving to feature in the Indian Hockey League which offers them lucrative contracts and a wider audience. In 2012 too, the country’s top players opted to play in the World Series Hockey in India, even at the risk of getting life bans from the PHF. It is imperative for the authorities to avoid a similar situation this year and bring the hockey players at par with the cricketers who are amply compen-sated in financial terms after every international assignment.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Proceed with caution[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 15th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

It was one of the most striking representations of how badly the Balochistan government had let its people down. The image of Hazara Shias huddled in the Quetta cold, seated around bodies they had refused to bury for three days, reflected nothing so much as desperation. Who can blame them? It was the desperation of a people whose government had turned a blind eye to the fact that they are systematically being exterminated for practising religious beliefs that a group of violent extremists happen not to agree with. Sadly it took the loss of dozens of lives on Thursday to prompt an official response. But that event united people in protest across the length and breadth of the country, turning this weekend into an inspiring instance of ordinary Pakistanis peacefully — and successfully — exercising their right to hold those they have elected to account.

The imposition of governor rule in Balochistan should also, though, be recognised for what it is: a necessary but unfortunate interruption of a democratically elected set-up. The indifference of this particular government demanded that it be sent home. But rather than implement governor rule for two months, as the president has done, it would have been preferable to quickly elect a new chief minister. And given the delicate juncture Pakistani politics currently stands at, there is a danger that developments in Balochistan might be used to argue for a dismissal of governments in other provinces or at the centre. Refraining from calling in the army, which the protesters had demanded, was the right thing to do. A similarly cautious line has to be drawn before the Balochistan case leads to a domino effect of falling governments and possibly plays into the hands of those who would like to delay elections or otherwise undermine the system.

Second, governor rule is not the answer to Balochistan’s poor governance. In particular, the dissolution of this administration will be pointless unless the next chief minister takes concrete steps to protect Hazara Shias. That would include pressuring the Frontier Corps and intelligence agencies, which never hesitate to pursue Baloch nationalists but have let sectarian extremists get away with mass murder under their noses in Quetta. We know which groups are behind the attacks, where they operate from, who they target and where, and the patterns their attacks follow. There is little question, then, that they have managed to carry out their agenda because of a lack of concern on the part of both the former government and the security establishment. Any future set-up will be just as much a failure if it doesn’t manage to muster that will.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Unstable currency[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 15th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

The stability of a country’s currency depends on the strength of its economy. The currency is reflective of the confidence, or lack of it, of investors in the future of an economy. Given Pakistan’s economic woes stemming from resistance to carrying out tough but necessary financial and governance reforms, it is but natural that the exchange rate should remain under constant pressure. That the rupee has lost 58 per cent of its value — depreciating from 62 to 98 to a dollar — in the last four and a half years, is thus hardly surprising. The foreign exchange reserves with the central bank have fallen sharply below the import cover of less than three months. The external sector is under pressure and the balance of payments position continues to deteriorate on the rising current account gap and heavy debt payments. Even remittances of $48bn by overseas Pakistanis during this period have not propped up the rupee or caused the external sector to look up. Imagine what would have happened to the exchange rate had remittances not increased at the pace they have in all these years. We had a glimpse of this horror film in the latter half of 2008 just before the IMF bailed out the collapsing economy with its $11.3bn loan.

Volatility in exchange rate is not good for the economy. It triggers inflation at the expense of poorer segments of the population, eats into the modest savings of the middle class, scares away domestic and foreign investors as their capital costs rise and profits shrink, encourages ‘dollarisation’ of the economy as people lose faith in their own currency, and leads to the flight of capital. As a consequence, Pakistan has already become a net exporter of capital. Fears abound that we may see a sharp fall in remittances — which have so far kept the country going in the face of drying up foreign capital inflows — unless the economy is fixed. But are we ready to take tough decisions to reverse the process of economic degeneration? The country’s ruling elite hasn’t evinced any such inclination. At least, not so far.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Not fake but stolen[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 15th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Amongst all the challenges that people in high office in Pakistan must contend with, the most irksome is perhaps the growing demand in recent years that rhetoric be underpinned by a degree proving academic credentials. Lawmakers, politicians, bureaucrats, university lecturers and college professors — all have had reason to cringe when a few from amongst their ranks have been exposed for not having the degree they claimed, or for presenting fake degrees when asked. As long as they are willing to resort to unscrupulousness, there may be some hope for such persons: it seems that a couple of thousand genuine, but blank — with space for names waiting to be filled in — degrees have gone missing and may well be up for sale to the highest bidder. On Saturday, Karachi University suffered the loss of around 2,000 documents relating to seven different departments when unknown persons cut through the roof of the institution’s official printing press, the Bureau of Compilation, Composition and Translation. According to the campus security adviser, the certificates were in the process of being printed and through the serial numbers it was discovered that at least two bundles were missing.

The university has taken fire-fighting measures; a case has been registered with the police, and university officials have been directed to blacklist the stolen serial numbers. Even if someone got hold of one and filled in the details, these certificates would not stand up to verification. Neither do they carry the university stamp. Does this incident reflect a general willingness of Pakistanis to resort to shortcuts and unsavoury practices? Or does it reflect a growing schism in the employment and education sectors, where more and more qualifications are required for jobs that are hotly competed for, and the education sector has simply not kept pace in terms of quality and quantity?

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Stem the uncertainty[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 17th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

It took just minutes after the Supreme Court’s Tuesday order in the rental power case for the Karachi Stock Exchange to plummet several hundred points. By the end of the day, Rs130bn of market capitalisation had been wiped out. The rapid reaction clearly didn’t follow a technical examination of the language of the order or an analysis of the probability that Dr Qadri’s pressure would lead to the government’s fall. What it reflected was the real danger of yesterday’s events: the uncertainty into which they have plunged Pakistan. And that uncertainty — if it isn’t quickly resolved by the political parties working together to come up with a viable response to the challenge they’ve been presented with — can become an opportunity for those looking to delay a democratic transition.

At this point there is little question that such an agenda exists. Take a couple of Dr Qadri’s demands. On Wednesday he listed all the documentation about each election candidate that he demands should be evaluated before they can contest polls. Since this will take a long time, he argues, assemblies should be dissolved ahead of schedule, which would allow three months rather than two for election preparation. But what if every candidate’s utility bills and loan statements and tax returns for the last several years cannot be procured and examined in 90 days? Another example: he has demanded that the caretaker prime minister and provincial members of the Election Commission not be selected by the ruling party and the opposition. That would require not just a new formula, but a constitutional amendment. What if one cannot be passed in time? More significant than the specifics of Dr Qadri’s shifting demands, then, is the danger that the ground is being prepared for an extended interim set-up.

Which leaves a lot riding on what the major political parties — and the SC — do next. Yesterday the SC declared it will work without considering events outside its walls. In a country where the apex court’s decisions have significantly impacted politics, whether by design or because other players try to use it to further various agendas, this is a deeply irresponsible point of view, as demonstrated by Tuesday’s panic. As for the politicians, the opposition has proposed an eminently logical solution: the ruling party should announce an election date and begin negotiations with them on a caretaker set-up. This suggests a way forward without bending to any unconstitutional demands. Rather than simply making vague speeches about the importance of upholding democracy, the ruling party would do well to act on this, and soon.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A skipper skipped[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 17th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

This has to be one of the more spectacular climb-downs by even Pakistani standards. Imran Khan, the messiah himself, has been reduced to pondering over a join-the-protest invitation sent across by Dr Tahirul Qadri. The reformer from Canada is running the show from his container in the ‘D’, eying the goal Mr Khan had set for himself before his slowdown. The switch from the slog out on the street to a party with power aspirations has had its ramifications. Imran Khan risks ending up as a non-playing captain as the PTI is threatened by a new set of system reformers. Like Mr Khan, the leader of these new reformers has been visible with his work in the social sector. As the PTI did on Oct 30, 2011, the Minhajul Quran people have shown that they, too, can fill up the grounds. Unlike the PTI, these reformers are already on the march under the ‘change’ slogan which the PTI failed to patent.

Imran Khan has been particularly slow in reading this Qadri googlie. He began by admitting his inability to understand the logic behind Dr Qadri’s call for a long march on Islamabad when an election was approaching. A few days later, among the protesters in Quetta, the PTI chief conceded that the doctor’s demands were not unjustified. Finally, it took the besieging of Islamabad by thousands of Minhajul Quran people for Mr Khan to react to the theft of his own saviour status. A distinguished individual and leader, he could only have come up with a march of his own — with no specific date, his associates, looking half-prepared, hastened to add. For effect he had to go for the president, which was in sync with his old stance. The desperation to remain relevant in the reformist camp was reflected elsewhere, in the doubts Mr Khan expressed about the election commission he had helped form.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Balochistan conundrum[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 17th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Despite governor’s rule being imposed in the province and the provincial government having been suspended, the Balochistan Assembly convened on Tuesday to denounce these actions. The move by the Balochistan Assembly is unlikely to change the constitutional position in the province — the presidential order is very much in line with the constitution and no court is likely to pay heed to the assembly members’ contentions because the Supreme Court has effectively already declared that the provincial government had lost the right to rule. However, what Tuesday’s little show in the assembly has done is underline a more important question: now that governor’s rule has been imposed, what next? For now, no clear roadmap to restoring security in Balochistan has been issued. The governor has given the chief secretary of the province the authority to make the necessary personnel changes in the administrative and police set-up and also to identify the areas in which some kind of targeted clean-up will be required. Some raids have already been conducted and with a more purposeful leadership at the helm — rather than the desultory chief ministership of Aslam Raisani — there is likely to be somewhat better security in place to protect the Hazara Shia community that is under siege and some attempt to go after the individuals involved in the killing and bombing of Hazaras.

Beyond that, though, it is difficult to see what the governor can do. The utter failure of the Raisani government was clear enough and indefensible but the real problem remains unaddressed: the security policy in Balochistan has effectively been dictated by the army-led establishment for years now and space for the civilians has been virtually non-existent. The security forces have their own grievances, in particular the lack of effective anti-terrorism laws and the superior judiciary’s attempts to curb illegal detentions, which have hamstrung the security forces’ attempts to bring further stability to the province — at least as far as the security forces are concerned. From the rampaging anti-Shia killers to a lingering separatist insurgency to the rise of criminality, Balochistan’s security problems are intense — and a solution far from at hand.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Mali close to Civil War[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 18th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

The sudden escalation of fighting in Mali and the involvement of many Nato states, with France leading, has focused world attention on West Africa. It is not just the situation in the former French colony that has prompted Western European reaction; the 41 foreigners taken hostage — and some reportedly killed — by Algerian militants include nationals from a number of European countries. Fierce fighting is taking place in northern Mali, where local militants, joined by sympathisers from other countries, have been challenging Bamako’s writ, running a parallel government, destroying the country’s cultural heritage and terrorising the people. The intensity of French air strikes, followed by a ground assault helped by Malian forces to take rebel-held Diabaly, show the militants’ tenacity and strength. Observers feel Mali could sink into a long civil war or face a Somalia-like break-up, unless French, Malian and regional forces gain a quick victory.

With Al Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb gaining strength, the West African region could become a powerful centre of Islamist insurgency. Those now trekking to Mali are immigrants rendered jobless after the end of the Qadhafi regime, fighters from Algeria and those loyal to Nigeria’s Boko Haram movement. Europe’s concern is that this large minerals-rich region could become a base of operation for Al Qaeda-led militants. The real losers, however, are the Malian people, hundreds of thousands of whom have fled their homes in the northern area to escape Ansar Dine’s atrocities. As the militants’ behaviour elsewhere in the world shows, it is their own people whom they persecute and turn into their enemy because of the harshness of their interpretation of religion. However, depending upon how the French conduct the war, collateral damage from air strikes could turn the people against foreign involvement, leaving them between a rock and a hard place.

[U][CENTER][B][SIZE="5"]A mature response[/SIZE][/B][/CENTER][/U]
[B][RIGHT]January 18th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Uncertainty, anxiety, apprehension and tension — into this destabilising mix of factors roiling the political landscape at the moment, the mainstream opposition parties could have added their own mischief. Instead, led by PML-N supremo Nawaz Sharif, a gathering of opposition leaders issued a ringing endorsement of the democratic process, rejected the crux of Tahirul Qadri’s unconstitutional demands and called for an orderly election process without delay. In doing so, they have helped dispel much of the uncertainty surrounding Mr Qadri’s sit-in near parliament, particularly the possibility that somehow the democratic process itself could be derailed if events snowballed. Self-interest has clearly animated the opposition’s stance on Mr Qadri’s demands but, happily for Pakistan and Pakistanis, it was self-interest of an enlightened kind that was on display on Wednesday in Raiwind. For much as opposition parties would like to be in power — and there’s little to fault in a politician who would rather govern than sit on opposition benches — there appears to be an understanding that forcing a government out through street power today could mean the same thing will happen to today’s opposition when it is elected to govern.

In their mature and sensible response, the opposition leaders have underlined a key gain of the past five years: the rejection of the smash-and-grab power politics of the 1990s that created a vicious cycle in which the sole aim of politicians was to bring their opponents down. In particular, Nawaz Sharif, the biggest political actor to have survived from that period, appears intent on not repeating that key mistake of the past, and has taken much flak for it, often taunted by more aggressive politicians for flying the flag of a ‘friendly opposition’. But when the history of the present transition to democracy is written, it is that very stance of Mr Sharif that may come to be seen as the key reason for the survival of the democratic order during the past five years. While it is true that President Zardari has proved a canny survivor in a way few could have predicted, it is equally true that his survival skills have not truly been tested by the largest opposition party.

Extended this indirect hand of cooperation, the government needs to demonstrate its own maturity and sense. Sending a senior team to negotiate with Mr Qadri yesterday was a pragmatic and necessary decision, as was the choice to downplay the prime minister’s latest troubles with the Supreme Court. The prize — an on-time election and an orderly transition of power — is within grasp. A clear signal on when elections will be held is needed from the president.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Poisoned atmosphere[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 18th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Did the Pakistan Army decapitate the corpse of any Indian soldier or mutilate it without beheading it? Was it one soldier or two? Was a Pakistani or Indian soldier killed first? The India-Pakistan stand-off over Line of Control violations has become an alarming case of a nation missing — or being made to miss — the forest for the trees. Almost always, the only facts journalists have from inaccessible conflict zones is what they get from militaries. And in this case even Indian military sources, as some Indian journalists have pointed out, have provided conflicting reports about what was done to the two Indian soldiers who have died. Yet the alleged beheading has become the focus of Indian outrage. Along with the angry rhetoric, Pakistani hockey players have been sent home, visiting theatre troupes kept from performing and a new visa regime for senior citizens put on hold. Where the media, civil society and politicians should be trying to save the larger goal of peace in the region, they are allowing possible propaganda and an incident that involved far fewer casualties than prior conflicts — even including the three Pakistani soldiers who have died — to possibly derail a hard-won peace process.

Pakistanis know all too well how state propaganda during conflict with India works; we have been misled by it ourselves. The Pakistan-sponsored militancy in India-held Kashmir in the 1990s was sold to us as an indigenous jihad. During Kargil, we were told that mujahideen were fighting the battle. The recklessness of that misadventure only emerged when Pakistani soldiers began dying along the LoC. Meanwhile, the ‘facts’ the military had supplied us with and the jingoism that had been created deceived us in the short term and poisoned perceptions about India in the long term. Wednesday’s ceasefire and the Pakistani foreign minister’s offer of talks with her counterpart have now provided an opportunity to tone down the tension. At this moment of hostility in India, Indian politicians and the media would do well not to take at face value the information they’ve been given and focus on the bigger picture — the importance of not derailing dialogue.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A spectacle ends[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 19th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

What changed four days later? The ECP remained intact. So did the assemblies and the government. The process of appointing a caretaker government remained essentially unchanged. The conditions for individuals contesting polls will continue to be those listed in the constitution already. This being Pakistan, we had plenty of conspiracy theories, from threats from anti-democracy forces to the ruling party trying to set up a political spoiler in Punjab. But did anything useful come of the drama the country has been alternately captivated by and exhausted of these last few days?

For one, both the opposition and the ruling coalition managed to pull some maturity out of their hats. In the final analysis, the opposition didn’t take the opportunity to destabilise the current set-up, instead declaring their stand against unconstitutional moves while still pointing out the many ways in which the administration has failed the people of Pakistan. The ruling party managed an important balancing act, refraining from physically restraining the protesters as they made their way closer to parliament and responding to Dr Qadri with a commission high-profile enough to demonstrate that it took him seriously, but ultimately without allowing any disruptions of the constitution. The familiar accountability-before-elections concept wasn’t allowed to delay a democratic transition — at least not yet — but Dr Qadri’s demands, if implemented, might yet lead to closer scrutiny of election candidates and a weeding out of at least the obviously rotten ones.

And while it may have ended with a whimper, in many ways the protest strengthened the system it was suspected — and not unjustifiably, given Pakistan’s history of establishment interference — of threatening. Tens of thousands of people, some with their children, took out several days from life and work to suffer the Islamabad winter. They may not have fully understood the maulana’s demands any more than the rest of us did, and many, if not most, were simply following the orders of their spiritual leader. But they were also there in a democratic spirit: to register their grievances against an elected government. Many of the problems they listed — corruption, lack of law and order, energy shortages, unemployment — are precisely the kinds of things that a nation has the right to complain about. Dr Qadri’s series of unreasonable deadlines and his shifting agendas may have been irresponsible. But in a country where a mob of a few dozen people cannot express outrage without violence or rioting, the conduct of his followers did stand out as an example of Pakistanis peacefully exercising their democratic right to protest.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A new front?[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 19th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

The killing of MQM provincial lawmaker Manzar Imam in Karachi on Thursday sent a wave of fear across the metropolis as well as other cities in Sindh, as life came to a complete halt, with business and educational activities suspended on Friday. This is the second Muttahida MPA to be killed in this government’s tenure. Earlier, lawmaker Raza Haider was gunned down in 2010. Following that episode the city saw a prolonged orgy of violence in which nearly 100 people, mostly belonging to one ethnic community, were killed. Though there was widespread panic this time around, violence was, fortunately, muted compared to past incidents. The TTP has claimed the killing, while reports indicate that Manzar Imam was on Lashkar-i-Jhangvi’s ‘hit list’.

The legislator’s murder reveals the inability of the law enforcement apparatus to control the relentless plague of targeted killings in the metropolis. If a serving lawmaker travelling with a police escort is not safe from the assassin’s bullet, what is the common citizen to do to protect himself? Secondly, it appears that the TTP is emerging as a major player in Karachi’s toxic, violent power game. The militant group has made its aversion to the MQM quite clear in the recent past, while elsewhere in the country the outfit has also assassinated ANP leaders, the most recent victim being Bashir Bilour. While sectarian, ethnic and political militants have long been active in the city, the TTP’s entry into the game, specifically to target political forces, is a highly disturbing development. There is a dire need for Karachi’s major political forces, including the MQM, PPP and ANP, to set aside their political differences and close ranks to put up a united front against urban religious militancy. All parties are believed to harbour militant wings and to often use these to display street power or win turf wars. However, such a situation is not sustainable. Now confronted with a common, and more ruthless, enemy, political forces with stakes in Karachi need to use the democratic and legal tools at their disposal to prevent the spread of religious militancy in the city.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]War of words[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 19th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

The threat to the system having been averted, presumably it is safe to talk about the linguistic litter Dr Tahirul Qadri’s long march generated. It seems that the good doctor is not bad at all when it comes to cursing his opponents. He continued to be in form after the agreement with the government on Thursday, referring to Interior Minister Rehman Malik as shaitaan or the devil. Dr Qadri had earlier accused Mr Malik of trying to kidnap him from the comfort of his famous container. He could hardly contain himself post-accord and let one fly at Mr Malik, a prominent PPP face that had missed out on Dr Qadri’s hospitality, container-style, for obvious reasons.

With a doctorate of his own from a prestigious Pakistani university, Mr Malik proved himself to be quite Dr Qadri’s equal — if not for the style of oratory then certainly for his choice of words. The minister had clearly been hurt by the snub delivered to his own efforts to stop the march, and in his typically brazen manner let everyone know that he did not really find an ideal host in Dr Qadri. He then went on to follow a familiar course, which saw a whole line of respectable commentators poking fun at Dr Qadri’s appearance, to resort to a play on his name, capping it with a liberal comparison with the Pope. Qadri does rhyme with padri, the Urdu equivalent of priest. Even before the Islamabad march, padri had been frequently used for Dr Qadri, particularly in the context of his interfaith events. But hearing it from supposedly responsible officials such as Rehman Malik and provincial minister Rana Sanaullah, the Christian community was understandably not amused. It has every right to demand a withdrawal of statements in which the word padri was used in a derogatory manner.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Anti-corruption body[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 20th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

Accountability of public officials has been in the news the past week and, as usual, for mostly the wrong reasons. First, the Supreme Court thundered about the lack of progress in prosecuting those involved in the rental power scam. The court’s timing may have left much to be desired but the basic point is correct: little has been done to move forward the investigation and prosecution of key individuals involved. Then, on Friday, an officer of the National Accountability Bureau tasked with investigating the scam was found dead in tragic and mysterious circumstances. Instead of trying to bring clarity to the events that led up to his death, the government appears to be attempting to obfuscate the facts. Bookended by these events was Tahirul Qadri’s sit-in in Islamabad where accountability of public officials was a central theme of the protesters. Again, while the timing of Mr Qadri’s sit-in was acutely questionable and many of Mr Qadri’s demands outside the constitutional framework, he certainly tapped into a vein of deep public discontent with the manner in which the state is being run.

Can this country progress towards an accountability mechanism that genuinely holds public officials to account, instead of the selective and politicised workings of NAB and the Ehtesab Bureau before it? Yes. The long delay in passing legislation to erect a new accountability framework and organisation notwithstanding, the pressure from the public and the media will eventually nudge the government and the opposition into action. When that action comes, however, the manner in which two key issues are addressed will effectively determine the fate of a new accountability mechanism.

First, the chief of any new accountability machinery should be selected through genuine bipartisan consultation. When Fasih Bokhari was appointed as NAB’s chairman, the government did the bare minimum to meet the legislative requirement of consultation with the opposition and then quickly installed its preferred candidate. Accountability is a non-starter as long as the government alone has the authority to appoint the accountability bureau or commission’s chief. Second, the accountability commission that is still in the stage of conceptualisation would need to have genuine financial and administrative independence. Under Gen Musharraf, NAB was made to work under the prime minister, while the present government has put it administratively under the law ministry. And lacking financial independence, NAB was quickly cut to size by the present government when its funding was slashed by 80 per cent. Without financial and administrative independence, the influence of the very people who are to be held accountable cannot be held at bay.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Tough conditions[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 20th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

The IMF has ‘officially’ expressed what appears to be lack of trust in Pakistan by linking any future loan to the “broadest and deepest political support” for upfront macroeconomic reforms and policy changes. Although the Fund has been playing hard to get ever since Islamabad backed out of its commitment to implement reforms stipulated in the prematurely terminated $11.3bn standby arrangement, it is for the first time that it has publicly made a new loan conditional on Pakistan setting its own house in order. A Fund official told the media on conclusion of the post-programme review that if and when Islamabad applies for a new loan, it will be told to take prior actions for macroeconomic stabilisation. This means the government will not be able to use IMF dollars to boost reserves without fulfilling its commitments. The adjustments Pakistan is required to make before the disbursement of new funds include reorganising the power sector, abolishing untargeted subsidies, restructuring public sector businesses, overhauling the tax regime and administration to boost dwindling tax revenues, reforming the bureaucracy, and reducing the budget deficit.

Implementing these actions requires the government to take tough, politically unpopular decisions. But these will have to be taken sooner or later, with or without an IMF loan, to prevent economic collapse. It is a foregone conclusion that the country needs several billion dollars from the Fund to support its balance-of-payments position as foreign exchange reserves fall below the import cover of one and a half months and the rupee continues to weaken. We can still circumvent the debt trap, though, if our leadership develops a broad consensus on the tough actions needed for sustainable economic recovery as listed by the IMF. This would send a positive message to potential investors and help the country attract fresh funds from both domestic and foreign investment, precluding the dire need for yet another IMF loan — at least after a few years if not in the immediate future.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Iraq turmoil[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]
[B][RIGHT]January 20th, 2013[/RIGHT][/B]

There has been a troubling rise in sectarian tensions in Iraq. In the last few weeks, members of the Sunni community have taken to the streets in large numbers to protest what they say is the discriminatory attitude of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s Shia-dominated government. But a number of bombings have also taken place targeting Shia pilgrims. Mr Maliki has made conciliatory gestures, such as releasing prisoners, yet these have not been enough. What is more, opposition to the Maliki government is not limited to Sunnis; influential Shia leader Moqtada al-Sadr has also criticised the Iraqi premier. It is a fact that governance in Iraq is poor and Mr Maliki is accused of displaying autocratic tendencies. Shia-Sunni relations in Iraq have also been exacerbated by the civil war next door in Syria, which has taken on an increasingly sectarian colour. Along with religious tensions, ethnic divisions also exist in Iraq, with fragile Arab-Kurd relations. The Kurds run a practically independent region in northern Iraq.

Communal relations in Iraq have been increasingly volatile ever since the 2003 US invasion and the subsequent fall of Saddam Hussein. A vicious sectarian war was sparked after the bombing of Samarra’s iconic Al-Askari mosque in 2006. Given Iraq’s recent history, statesmanship and better governance are required on Mr Maliki’s part. Instead of alienating communities, the Iraqi leader must work for the benefit of all religious and ethnic groups in his country; a relapse into communal warfare will have far-reaching consequences. Troubling winds are blowing across the Middle East, with religious passions running high in places like Lebanon, Bahrain and eastern Saudi Arabia. If sectarianism is unleashed in Iraq, there is a fair chance the conflict might spread to other states in the region, while the greater Muslim world will not remain immune either.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Safety first[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

[B]January 21st, 2013[/B]

THAT Pakistan is considered amongst the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists is hardly surprising. Journalists have faced threats, they have been harassed and attacked by elements ranging from criminals and terrorists to state institutions and governments. Meanwhile, as the country has been sucked into a vortex of violence, too many journalists have been killed in the line of duty. This month, the country struggled to come to terms with the deaths of some 100 people in twin blasts in Quetta. Amongst them were three journalists, Imran Sheikh, Saifur Rehman and Iqbal Hussain.

Were these journalists’ deaths preventable? Did the men have even basic safety equipment such as flak jackets, and the awareness and training to protect themselves as far as possible? They were killed in the second blast, timed to take place once people had gathered on the site of the first explosion. We also know that in the cut-throat climate of the news industry in Pakistan today and the race to grab viewers and ratings, concern about those in the actual theatre of operations is shrugged off. The unfortunate reality is that news directors from the safety of their offices miles away, urge journalists on the spot to get as close as possible to the venue of attack; if the representatives of one news outlet manages to get a closer look, the rest are sent in too. Sometimes, the journalists themselves press forward in their effort to ensure the best possible coverage. However, wiser counsel dictates that the newsmen show restraint until security personnel have declared the area safe, as was notable in the chaos that ensued after the 7/7 London bombings.

It would be incorrect to say that there is no awareness on part of news organisations. After the attack on GHQ in Rawalpindi some years ago, during which hostages were taken by the extremists, news channels debated how such events should be covered. The matter of journalists’ physical security was also discussed, and there was an attempt to collectively come up with ethical and safety mechanisms. In practice, though, this matter of concern is hardly a priority. The best service that the news business can do now in the memory of journalists killed while on duty is to revisit that safety code for newsmen. The latter must be provided life insurance, made aware of the dangers of their profession and given safety training and gear such as bullet-proof jackets. News organisations cannot improve the country’s security situation; but they can improve the survival chances of their staff.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Test for the ECP[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

[B]January 21st, 2013[/B]

BY-ELECTIONS to seven provincial assembly seats in Punjab and Sindh on Feb 18 are an excellent opportunity for the Election Commission of Pakistan to test-run its plans for holding transparent and by-the-book elections later this year. By-elections are not a sure thing yet – the next session of parliament which begins today could see a general election timetable announced — and by-polls are substantially different in nature from a general election, most obviously in that political governments are still in control of the local administration during the election. But in at least two key areas, the ECP can try and impose greater order and transparency in the electoral process. First, there is the issue of the large amounts of money spent by candidates and their supporters. Present limits on campaign finances are patently unrealistic and the ECP has correctly suggested raising the sums a candidate can spend substantially. But the more competitive the race, the more candidates will be tempted to splash out.

Particularly with the overall electoral outcome mired in deep uncertainty, political parties and their candidates will be tempted to spend outrageous sums. The PPP and PML-N are believed to have already assembled enormous war chests and the ANP, PML-Q and PTI are no slackers when it comes to spending. The more money is spent, the more the electoral process is perverted — and the ECP will need to demonstrate steely resolve in clamping down on campaign spending abuses. Second, the ECP will need to demonstrate it can deal effectively and quickly — though fairly — with polling day transgressions. In a general election, with hundreds of seats contested on a single day, even the best-intentioned election commission can be overwhelmed with complaints of irregularities, some genuine, others instigated by losing candidates unable to accept their defeat. The ECP will need to devise a mechanism whereby it can sift through complaints to quickly deal with the more serious and substantive ones. There is rightly much positive expectation from the ECP today; now is the time for it to test its abilities.

[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Of underground railways[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]

[B]January 21st, 2013[/B]

‘THE Tube’ in London, which was the world’s first underground railway when launched in 1863, has completed 150 years. Over this century and a half, it has continued to expand and modernise, while other European and American cities have followed suit. Today, the Tube may not appear as aesthetically designed as Paris’s, but it remains one of the world’s largest underground railway systems that serves the people of London and millions of tourists efficiently. Many Third World countries, too, have opted for mass transit systems as urban populations swell and conventional and crowded modes of transport become obsolete. In Pakistan, not a single city has a mass transit system, though plans for Karachi and Lahore have existed on paper for decades. Capital Islamabad doesn’t even have a plan. In Karachi, the first Bhutto government announced plans for an underground “spine” from Liaqatabad to Tower in 1977 with room for further expansion. But the project was shelved when the military took over. Since then, many Afro-Asian cities have launched and completed modern rail-based mass transit systems, including Hong Kong, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Kolkata, Delhi, Tehran and Cairo, but the Karachi plan has remained frozen.

The Karachi Circular Railway is mentioned from time to time, and there have been many studies and feasibility reports. But the project never saw the light of day. Now a new Japanese-funded plan has aroused hopes that Pakistan’s biggest city may after all have a mass transit system for a population estimated anywhere between 15 and 20 million. Lahore’s rail-based system, too, has remained a pipedream. But with an eye on the election, Shahbaz Sharif has pursued the Metro Bus Service project with determination. Let us hope this will goad Karachi planners into doing something practical, and the first phase of the KCR’s partly underground system is ready by 2017.