[B]12.02.2013 [/B][B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]New KP governor
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MYSTERY continues to surround the removal of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa governor Masood Kausar — and just as confusing appears to be the appointment of Shaukatullah Khan as the new governor. Sacked on the day he completed two years in office, Mr Kausar had managed to draw the ire of many within the PPP and even the tribal MNAs and senators. The general complaint: Mr Kausar, despite being an old PPP ideologue, did little to ‘help’ his party in the province; his age and health prevented him from being very active; and, as per usual in such situations, he had spent too much time padding his own nest. If the writing was on the wall for Mr Kausar for some time, the timing of his dismissal was unexpected and President Zardari appears to have suddenly yielded to the growing chorus of complaints. Whatever the reasons for his dismissal, Mr Kausar’s governorship is unlikely to be remembered for anything significant, good or bad.

The logic behind Shaukatullah Khan’s appointment appears to be just as opaque. Where Mr Kausar’s nomination was pushed by the ANP, the new governor appears to have been selected by President Zardari without any consultations with provincial allies. This much Mr Khan has going for him: he is astonishingly well-connected through marriage and other ties with many political leaders in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Fata and he appears to be a non-controversial choice. As the first ever civilian governor of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa from Fata — the only previous Fata native who held the governor’s office was a retired general — it would appear that President Zardari is making some attempt to reach out to Fata’s representatives, who were particularly vocal about their unhappiness with Masood Kausar. But to what end? Understanding the tribal mindset and being able to mingle with ease among its people and leaders ahead of a general election — the first ever to be contested in Fata along party lines — could provide a boost to the PPP, but few seasoned observers of Pakhtun politics appear convinced that Governor Khan can make much of a difference.

Unhappily, the problem in Fata goes deeper than the appointment of a single official, however senior, can make a difference to. Integration into Pakistan proper, economic development of the region, improved basic service delivery and security are the fundamental needs of Fata. For that to happen, though, the politicians — tribal, provincial and federal — and the security forces would need to sit down and hammer out a road map, and then focus unrelentingly on its implementation. But then, neither the army nor the president appears particularly interested in doing that.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Mass transit system[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

WHILE the debate on whether it is actually the most cost-effective and environment-friendly solution to the problems of commuters will continue, Lahore’s Metro Bus mass transit system, inaugurated on Sunday, should ease the burden of travel in the city. There is no denying that the project — spanking new as it is at the moment — looks impressive. The 27-kilometre dedicated corridor the 45 new buses are plying follows the main traffic arteries and connects the city from one end to the other, with 8.6km of the route along a bridge over the denser parts of the city. It is to be hoped that the project operators, the Turkish firm Platform, manage to maintain standards in service and schedule and that commuters use the service responsibly. Further, the mass transit system will reduce the number of privately owned and generally recklessly driven wagons and rickshaws that put further pressure on already congested roads.

While the provincial government has been criticised over the cost and modalities of the project, there is no argument that Lahore urgently needed a mass transit system — as do the other major cities in the country. Over the years, as cities have grown, in most places the administration’s role in the transit sector has more or less disappeared and commuters have been left to the mercies of largely privately owned, effectively unregulated public transport. Karachi, where the government once ran commuter trams and a railway, is now overrun with decrepit buses and the more expensive rickshaws. Why can we see no urgency on part of the city administration to remedy this?

Plans for reviving the Karachi Circular Railway have vaguely been being talked about for years, but there has been no forward movement. As for Islamabad and Rawalpindi, the state’s role in providing public transport is so minimal as to be indistinguishable. City administrations need to wake up to the fact that merely building more and more roads is a route to nowhere and environmentally disastrous to boot; the long-term solution to traffic congestion in expanding urban areas lies in mass transit systems and reducing the number of vehicles on the roads.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]State of zoos[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

THE celebration of ‘zoo day’ at the Karachi zoo on Sunday was a welcome change, as most often the news coming out of the facility is not good. A number of recreational and educational activities were organised on the day; children seemed to particularly enjoy the festivities, observing exotic animals up close. Such events are an important source of recreation for a populace starved of leisure activities. However, it is also true that the overall condition of zoos in Pakistan is far from satisfactory. In a society where human lives are not worth much, animal welfare falls much lower on the priority list. For example, at the Karachi zoo, the number of qualified veterinarians and trained handlers is sadly inadequate. Not enough attention is paid to ensure that animals will survive in Karachi’s climatic conditions while the absence of proper caged areas is another matter of concern; concrete enclosures are not suitable substitutes for an animal’s natural habitat. Lahore zoo is relatively better run compared to its Karachi counterpart, yet it also requires investment and expansion in terms of animal welfare. Apart from officially managed facilities, private zoos are a major issue, especially in Karachi. There is no accurate estimate of how many such facilities exist, while they are completely unregulated.

The whole approach towards zoos needs to be re-evaluated. Instead of being mere places for public entertainment, they should be centres of conservation, where people are educated about wildlife and nature. For this our zoos need to be run by professionals trained in conservation and concerned about animal welfare. If our attitude does not change and we cannot ensure the safety and security of animals in Pakistan’s zoos, perhaps it would be a better idea to leave the beasts in their natural habitats instead of caging them and then neglecting them.

[B]13.02.2013[/B] [B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]No place to learn
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THOSE who wield power in Pakistan are hardly concerned about the state of public education because they can afford to send their children to private schools. Those with no choice but to turn to government schools lack the influence to demand change. Hence it is welcome that the Supreme Court has taken notice of ‘ghost’ schools — public ‘schools’ where no teaching takes place but whose teachers draw regular salaries. Hearing a related case on Monday, the apex court ordered the formation of a commission, made up of district and sessions judges, to report on the details of ghost and non-functional schools in the country.

Estimates by NGOs indicate that there are thousands of such schools throughout Pakistan, although the problem is most acute in Sindh. While figures suggest that around 25 million children are out of school nationwide, the neglect of public education is manifesting itself in different ways in the provinces. In Sindh over a third of schools don’t have a building or boundary wall. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, aside from the large-scale destruction of schools by militants, many institutes have closed because teachers prefer to seek better paying jobs in the urban areas. Among Punjab’s main problems is the illegal occupation of schools. Balochistan faces a litany of woes, among them the fact that the majority of teachers in rural areas don’t show up to teach. The core of the problem everywhere is the same: bad governance.

It is difficult to address the inadequacies of the curriculum or pedagogy if the physical infrastructure is poor or no teaching is going on because schools exist only on paper. Efforts were made during Gen Musharraf’s rule to ascertain the situation in public schools, which is when the issue of ghost schools came to the fore. By all accounts, attempts to reduce teacher absenteeism met with resistance as many elected nazims of the time argued that holding teachers accountable would not go down well in their constituencies. The Supreme Court-constituted committee should now focus on checking the misuse of education funds and curbing teacher absenteeism. Ideally, local people must be hired, trained and persuaded to stay in their native areas as it is difficult to convince those based in cities to move to the hinterland. There must also be zero tolerance for political inductions and interference in educational affairs, as political appointees serve the interests of their patrons rather than of education. Denying Pakistan’s children educational opportunities will result in a nation of uneducated millions with no marketable skills, causing further complications such as reduced productivity and social strife. In fact, the disaster is already in the process of unfolding.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Wrong estimate[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

AT the beginning of the current financial year, the government must have hoped that the power sector subsidies for the entire fiscal would not cross the Rs120bn mark. That they did shows that our economic managers made a wrong estimate. But even at that time, the sceptics didn’t agree. How could they? The massive line losses had not reduced; theft had not been controlled; electricity prices were not raised to reflect the actual cost; the energy mix was not changed to cut generation costs; and the inefficiencies of public-sector power producers were not checked. The only way to “contain” the power sector subsidies in line with the budgeted amount was to stop generation. Since the government could not use this option, it has ended up injecting Rs200bn into the power sector in less than seven and a half months. Another Rs50bn will have to be provided to Pakistan State Oil over the next few days to avoid disruption to the fuel supplies meant for thermal power stations.

In its annual report on the state of the economy during the last fiscal, the State Bank had sounded optimistic that power subsidies wouldn’t prove to be a drain on meagre financial resources this year because the government had already paid off the accumulated subsidies of Rs391bn or 1.9 per cent of GDP for the last fiscal against the budgeted amount of Rs147bn. The bank is now required to revise its earlier fiscal deficit forecast of six to seven per cent of GDP for the current year. The government has provided over Rs1.2tr as power subsidies, a lot more than the cost of the Diamer-Bhasha project. Yet we don’t have electricity for our homes, shops and factories and find it difficult to liquidate the circular debt that stood at Rs350bn in August. Our economic managers will continue to face embarrassment unless they start implementing crucial reforms to restructure the entire power sector, or, at least, to budget the subsidies accurately. Until then, we should forget about an early economic recovery and the generation of enough electricity to light up our homes and shops and to operate our factories.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Doctors’ protest[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

THE young doctors’ protest initially was a trade unionist agitation in Punjab — one waged without a proper organisational structure, though. The doctors wanted an increase in their perks and reasonable working hours. The protesters were advised restraint in the interest of patients, and the provincial government, too, drew its share of criticism for failing to intervene promptly. Many of the demands made by the Young Doctors’ Association were genuine — which the stubborn government took its time to concede. Finally, towards the end of 2012, a solution appeared likely and the government agreed to a new service structure, having committed itself to a raise earlier. The government says it is gradually implementing the new package.

Yet the doctors remain on the street, holding a hunger camp in Lahore. The government has been angry or suspicious of the strikers’ aim. Last Sunday it allowed the brutal use of police force in order to contain the protest. This was an ugly development and the consequent scenes at the hospitals shut by the young doctors in reaction were even grimmer. Once again familiar calls to the conscience and for a quick resolution to the problem were made. Yesterday’s trade unionists claim to have taken the next step in their struggle: they say they are now fighting for a better deal for the patients — asking for uninterrupted supply of free medicines, provision of medical tests free of charge, etc. The telling part is that the biggest losers of the campaign are the same people the strikers say they are fighting for. The assault on the protesters’ camp on Sunday is condemnable, but surely there has to be a new, less destructive strategy which rids the doctors of the label of habitual agitators. Egos have to be curbed on both sides, and quickly to prevent more suffering at the hospitals.

14.02.2013

[SIZE="5"][B][CENTER]Talks Overdue[/CENTER][/B][/SIZE]

THE instructions for the government and the opposition couldn’t be simpler. Discuss with each other your preferred candidates for a caretaker prime minister. If you don’t agree, forward two names each to a joint parliamentary committee. If the committee doesn’t agree, let the Election Commission of Pakistan decide. The constitution lays out the process in a series of straightforward steps needed to put a caretaker prime minister in place and get on with the business of contesting elections. So why all the fuss? Why the constant statements to the media, from the president, the prime minister, the information minister, the leader of the opposition, the PML-N chief and whichever other politician — whether belonging to a party represented in parliament or not — who has a moment in front of the cameras? It’s obvious that the best way to solve this issue is behind closed doors. Every time one party mentions a possible candidate and some other group shoots the option down, a potential caretaker prime minister becomes controversial. The same happens when one side proposes judges and generals and another side disagrees.

A similarly unnecessary public spat is under way about announcing the election date, with the government now suggesting dissolving the assemblies near their natural end date in mid-March, when it had earlier, in the immediate aftermath of Dr Qadri’s protest march, suggested mid-February. The opposition, meanwhile, is insisting on an immediate interim set-up, though without committing to the disbanding of the Punjab Assembly before time. This demand is based on the allegation, one for which no evidence has been provided, that the ruling party wants elections delayed. The upshot is that with their public squabbling, the two major parties are playing into the arguments of those who think civilians should not be allowed to govern Pakistan.

It is tempting, when elections are around the corner, to turn up the heat on political rivals and turn every non-issue into an opportunity to score points, which is precisely what the government and the opposition seem to be trying to do. But there was some merit in what Nawaz Sharif said on Tuesday. Whether or not it is necessary to put a caretaker government in place immediately, as he suggested, is up for debate, but he had a point when he said that a deadlock isn’t helping the democratic process. The government and the opposition don’t appear to be talking to each other in any meaningful way, when genuine behind-the-scenes consultation, with eyes on the ultimate prize of a smooth democratic transition, is in their own best interests.

[SIZE="5"][B][CENTER]An opening?[/CENTER][/B][/SIZE]

IN his state of the union message, devoted largely to domestic issues, Barack Obama touched on Iran’s nuclear question. While the American president pledged to do “what is necessary” to prevent Iran from going nuclear, he asked Tehran to realise “it is time for a diplomatic solution”. This is the second major overture from the US directed at the Iranians in the past few days. Vice President Joe Biden hinted at the option of bilateral talks to break the nuclear deadlock at a security conference in Munich recently. Though Iran rejected that offer, citing continuing US sanctions, which are strangulating its economy, the signals coming from Washington may pave the way for fruitful nuclear talks between Iran and the P5+1 in Kazakhstan scheduled for later this month, even though Tehran may have reservations about the parleys.

Offers of talks are always preferable to sabre-rattling. As it is the international community is grappling with another nuclear crisis, with North Korea having tested its latest device despite world condemnation. Of course North Korea and Iran do not fall in the same category. Iran signed the NPT in 1968 and has not denounced it, while Pyongyang renounced the treaty in January 2003. Still, although Iran has consistently denied it is pursuing nuclear weapons, it is difficult to take such statements at face value. After all, Pakistan denied it was pursuing atomic arms for decades before finally going nuclear in 1998. Having said that, the international community has yet to come up with solid evidence confirming that the Iranians are building the bomb. So perhaps the key here for all is to tread carefully. Tehran must be more open about its nuclear programme and allow the IAEA access to all sites where there may be suspicions that a weapons programme is being pursued. The US and its allies, on the other hand, should loosen the harsh sanctions regime which is hurting ordinary Iranians the most. This may convince Tehran that the West seeks to negotiate in good faith. Israel should also be restrained, as the irresponsible war talk coming from Tel Aviv only serves to further poison the atmosphere.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Gilani’s case[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

NOW that the main Swiss-letter saga is over, perhaps it is time to address, as suggested by Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan, one of its incidental consequences: the disqualification of former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani from holding public office for five years. Mr Gilani’s disqualification of course stems from his conviction by the Supreme Court for contempt of court and he was convicted because had refused to dispatch the letter to Switzerland on the grounds that the president enjoyed immunity. Now, the Swiss authorities themselves have confirmed the standard interpretation of presidential immunity — and Mr Gilani stands alone as a direct casualty of the tussle between the judiciary and the PPP over the NRO.

The point here is not that Mr Gilani did not defy the court’s orders — he did. Nor, in the larger scheme of things, with sons and assorted family members already carrying the Gilani family torch, does disqualification hurt the former prime minister politically as it would other public representatives. However, there is a case to be made that disqualification of elected representatives from holding public office should be seen through for only the strongest and most durable of reasons. This is particularly so given the peculiar political history of this country in which disqualification is often wielded as a stick by
anti-democratic forces to disrupt the democratic process. Seen in that light, with the Swiss case issues seemingly settled until at least Mr Zardari remains president, the continuing disqualification of Mr Gilani from elected office appears excessive and harsh. True, for the Supreme Court to reverse course at this stage would involve some delicate legal gymnastics. But much has been possible under the present superior judiciary, and here is an opportunity to stand alongside the elected representatives and to let the people’s vote be heard and registered.

15.02.2013

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Mixed Results[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

ON balance it’s a good thing that, for the moment at least, the Election Commission of Pakistan will stay intact. The desire for free and fair elections is a legitimate one, but context and timing matter too. The process of appointing this ECP has been one of the most neutral in Pakistan’s history. Whether or not it missed some procedural details, the commission that has resulted has the confidence of most political parties and several constitutional experts. And the country is on the verge of its first democratic transition — would it really have been worth it to rock the boat at this point? All in all, there was simply not a good enough reason to try to take the commission apart right now, and in that sense the Supreme Court’s dismissal of Dr Tahirul Qadri’s petition led to the right outcome.

But the basis of the dismissal has been disappointing. For one, it has discriminated against dual citizens, and in the process also set a dangerous precedent. The only thing Pakistan’s constitution denies dual nationals is the right to run for elected office. One public reaction has been to argue that overseas remittances make up a significant portion of the country’s GDP. But even that is a secondary issue; there is nothing in Pakistani law that says dual nationals, whether or not they contribute to Pakistan’s economy, should not be able to appeal to the judiciary. And the court’s argument on this front — that Dr Qadri’s dual nationality prevents him for running for parliament, and therefore from seeking the particular relief he did — simply doesn’t stand up to logical scrutiny. Second, the court questioned Dr Qadri’s intentions in its verbal remarks, if not in the written order. But while his agenda and timing have been suspicious, that doesn’t amount to a legal argument against him. Third, the court argued his petition did not concern fundamental rights, even though it has set a fairly flexible bar for several other cases to meet that standard over the last few years.

The upshot of all this is that the petition’s dismissal has become controversial, when the preferred outcome would have been to dispose of the petition on stronger grounds, or allow the government and opposition to quickly reappoint the ECP, or handle the case in some other way that would have put to bed any possibility of the ECP’s constitution becoming a roadblock on the way to on-time elections. The hope now is that the more detailed order will clarify some of the questions and concerns the short order has raised.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Munter’s View[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE American envoy who perhaps understands Pakistan-US relations better than most but officially did so at a time when Washington was less sympathetic to the Pakistani condition and position is back in the news. Having retired from the US diplomatic service, Cameron Munter has been speaking his mind in recent days and his comments have a refreshing tinge to them. Addressing a Washington think tank on Wednesday, Mr Munter hit out against the “callousness” of the US in refusing to immediately apologise for the deaths of Pakistani troops in the 2011 Salala incident. That refusal led to an escalation in a war of words between Pakistan and the US and the damaging closure of the Isaf supply routes through Pakistan for seven months. Since that chain of events, Pakistani and American officials have been keen to stress that a “new realism” has been injected into ties and both sides have a better understanding of what is and isn’t possible in the bilateral relationship going forward.

Yet, what Mr Munter was highlighting was something more subtle — and surely continuing. The trust deficit that has become a yawning chasm is still tiptoed around, instead of being squarely addressed. If the US military put its foot down and prevented a quick apology for Salala, that stubbornness is rooted in its own complaints about US troops being injured or killed in Afghan Taliban attacks — attacks made possible, in the US military’s formulation, by Pakistani support, direct and indirect, for the Afghan Taliban. But where militaries are meant to be fierce and suspicious, it is the job of diplomats to inject some stability and reasonableness in discourse and find ways to lessen tensions and expand common interests. Particularly with the US presence in Afghanistan to be significantly downgraded and changed in nature over the next couple of years, there is an urgent need to squarely face up to the deep-rooted suspicions on both sides. The US should know that Pakistan worries that on its way out of Afghanistan, it may just aim a kick or two at Pakistan as payback for a decade of being the “ally from hell”.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Pemra’s Valentine[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

WHETHER or not it is only a minority that is protesting against Valentine’s Day celebrations, the impact on the media watchdog in the country has been telling. A day ahead of the event, on Wednesday, the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority asked the television channels to “avoid offending religious sentiments and corrupting the nation’s youth in their Valentine’s Day broadcasts”. The well-meaning regulator explained it was issuing this advice in the wake of complaints — the volume, source and seriousness of which it didn’t reveal. All the polite reminder said was: “Such events have been perceived as a source of depraving, corrupting and injuring the morality of Pakistani youth as well as violating the code of conduct developed by Pemra … All satellite TV channels/FM stations are, therefore, requested to honour viewers’ sentiments/opinion while conceptualising any programme or celebrating any event connected to Valentine’s Day.”

Pemra’s stance shows where the official bias lies. The moral stick which anti-Valentine’s Day groups use for beating their opponents, often literally, is a difficult enough challenge. Official involvement tips the balance — not in favour of those who see red when it comes to the way the extremist-minded operate but of those who object to people trying to exercise their right to say it with flowers. There may be plenty of complaints about the quality of Valentine broadcasts here. They may be a burden on the aesthetics for their gaudy overdose of colour and lack of content. The fare can always improve and the offering be made more nuanced. But it must be improved by professionals, without troubling Pemra whose attempts to control can most effectively be answered by the channels collectively. At the same time, it would be well worth the effort for Pemra’s new chief to stop the regulatory body’s drift towards moral policing.

[B]16.02.2013[/B] [B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Not strong enough
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THURSDAY’S multi-party conference said three things: peace is important; dialogue should be our preferred tool for attaining it; no solution can violate the country’s constitution, laws or sovereignty. But what does a statement that vague — one that doesn’t even mention the possibility of military action — mean in the face of an enemy as unreasonable as the Pakistani Taliban? The varying messages the TTP has sent have not been encouraging. Conditions for talks might have been scaled back to the release of some prisoners and guarantees by select politicians, but those for a ceasefire have included such unacceptable demands as rewriting the constitution and waging war against India. In fact, yesterday, the TTP rejected the ANP-sponsored conference in which the PTI and JI were conspicuous by their absence. The militants continue to pledge allegiance to Al Qaeda, oppose democracy and refuse to stop violence until after dialogue — a position they have backed up by carrying out a slew of attacks, including, possibly, yesterday’s attempt to kill the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief minister. Meanwhile, considering the TTP is an umbrella organisation, it is unclear which of its factions and affiliates agree with Hakeemullah Mehsud’s offer of talks and whether he can guarantee their good behaviour in any deal.

So for starters, it is unfortunate that the Pakistani state has let things get to a point where such terms are being dictated to it by an extremist militant organisation. But now that we have dug ourselves into this hole, a clear and forceful strategy is the only way to get out of it. Multi-party conferences inevitably end up producing sketchy resolutions because strong positions cannot be taken while still getting everyone to agree. Which is precisely why Pakistan needs a lot more than a broad-based conference — or a parliamentary resolution of the kind passed in October 2008 — to tackle the problem. What it needs is a viable and multi-pronged strategy, a concrete plan to support that strategy, and effective civil-military collaboration to devise and implement these.

Instead the military, the government and political parties have all been trying to evade responsibility, failing to realise that by not uniting on a tough position against the Taliban they are headed towards their own demise. Ultimately, though, the buck stops with the administration, not with parties outside parliament or even the opposition. The ruling coalition consists of several secular parties. They need to develop a plan with the military that may include talks but will not hesitate to take military action. The TTP has been audacious with its demands, and there is no reason for the state to demonstrate weakness in return.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Voting rights
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T is a good idea, in principle. But with the elections mere weeks away, how practical is it? On Thursday, a day after rejecting Dr Tahirul Qadri’s petition on the grounds that he is a dual national, the Supreme Court released a set of proposals to ensure that voting rights for overseas Pakistanis are secured in the coming polls. Amongst the suggestions presented was an immediate meeting between the Election Commission of Pakistan and the Ministries of Interior and Overseas Pakistanis to devise a mechanism in this regard, converting Pakistani missions abroad into polling stations, and directing the National Registration and Database Authority to speed up the process of issuing National Identity Cards for Overseas Pakistanis to all those expatriates who do not possess them.

This is all very well, but as the court itself noted, where the practicalities are concerned the task is arduous. The process would have to start with identifying those eligible to vote which, presumably, could be settled by Nadra. After that would come the identification of constituencies, creating a system for votes to physically be cast, making staff available, ensuring the vailability of ballot papers (and making sure they remain confidential) and so on. This constitutes a massive bureaucratic exercise requiring funds that might run into the billions given that the polls include constituencies for not just seats in the National Assembly — of which there are 272 — but also for the provincial assemblies. Together, the number of ballot papers required and the mechanics of allowing expatriate Pakistanis to vote present a formidable picture. It would perhaps be more pragmatic, then, to confine the exercise to settling in principle overseas Pakistanis right to vote, and opening up a debate on the various methods through which this could be made possible. There is nothing to bar legislation on a new system for expatriate voters such as, for example, creating a new constituency for them or making the entire country one constituency in terms of these voters, as was earlier the case for non-Muslim citizens. The coming polls are important; no new arrangement should be ordered that can potentially delay them.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]A first step
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WE welcome the passage of the Sindh Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Bill, 2013 by the provincial assembly on Wednesday, though with cautious optimism. Inspired by the 18th Amendment’s Article 25(a), Sindh is the first province to pass a law making it mandatory for children aged between five and 16 to be in school; last year the National Assembly passed a similar law for the Islamabad Capital Territory. The law calls for various measures to try and improve the dismal state of education in the province, including fines and jail terms for parents who refuse to send their children to school. It is important to have a legal framework in place calling for compulsory education but the real issue is of implementation, as Sindh’s education minister himself pointed out in the house. Most educationists say that people do want their offspring to attend school, yet in the public sector in many places either the physical infrastructure of schools is non-existent or teachers fail to take classes while still drawing salaries. It is these two issues that require the provincial government’s immediate attention. Also, assuming that the new law does result in increased enrolment, does Sindh have the requisite number of schools with adequate facilities or trained teachers to deal with the increased numbers?

Raising literacy levels is a challenging and lengthy task, so we must not be under the illusion that matters will magically change in the next couple of years. The law is just the first step. For example a similar law concerning primary education was passed in Punjab in 1994. It has not resulted in any major changes. Laws themselves will not improve literacy levels; good policies, solid follow-up and constant evaluation are required, guided by the political will to bring about genuine change in the education sector.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (17th Feb 2013)
 

[B](17th Feb 2013)[/B]


[SIZE="2"][B][U][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Still a pipe dream[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


AS the Iran-Pakistan pipeline edges closer to the next step construction of the pipeline on the Pakistani side the federal government has indicated an interest in revising downwards the tariff to be paid to Iran. Given that gas is slated to begin flowing by the end of 2014, the terms of agreement allow for the readjustment of the eventual gas price to be paid if international prices suggest a revision is merited.

The Pakistani case is fairly strong: not only have gas prices declined internationally but they are expected to continue a downward trend as global output rises and demand pressures remain static.

The larger problem is one that the Pakistani government would prefer to avoid stating publicly: with the gap between domestic supply and demand already having grown intolerably large and expected to grow further very rapidly the IP pipeline has already achieved near do-or-die status. With the government`s oil and gas exploration and production policy failing to have attracted the kind of interest the government hoped for last year and other deals for imported gas languishing in various stages of completion, the IP pipeline is the main hope in the near-term to avoid gas starvation.

Given that the pipeline on the Pakistani side is expected to take up to15months to be constructed, the window of opportunity to get the project up and running on time is fast closing. If gas is not flowing by December 2014, the IP pipeline agreement allows for the imposition of stiff penalties on Pakistan for nonexecution money that Pakistan cannot really afford to pay. The timeline is still doable but with a general election on the cards and hard bargaining over the formation of a coalition government expected immediately afterwards, several months could be eaten up. At that point, what is presently doable could become near impossible.

A key impediment could be the money Pakistan has to raise for the construction of the pipeline inside this country. The Iranians have offered $500m of financing, leaving Pakistan to arrange $1bn on its own.

Half the sum Pakistan will have to raise has already been lined up but in the present tough economic climate even the remaining $500m can be tricky to arrange. Witness the recent hit the rupee took after the markets were unnerved by the repayment of a few hundred million dollars to the IMF. It may be a forlorn hope to expect the present government to demonstrate judiciousness and alacrity at this late stage but the stakes are too high to fumble again in the midst of a historic energy crisis.


[B][CENTER][U][SIZE="4"]Election Catch[/SIZE][/U][/CENTER][/B]


THE long-awaited switch by a group of Punjab Assembly legislators from the PPP to the PML-N has finally taken place. Nine members of the provincial assembly left the PPP for PML-N on Friday, joined by another wellknown PPP leader from Lahore who adds greater weight to the already impressive catch. It was further announced that two PML-Q members of the National Assembly and from Punjab have gone over to the PML-N.

This is a real setback to the PML-N`s opponents.

Many of these departures are rooted in the making and breaking of alliances at the local level. Yet the development is also in sync with observations which place the PML-N as a party on the ascent in several parts of the province and hence, in many areas as the first choice of an election aspirant. Given this impression, there may be more desertions.

The other parties are also drawing politicians to their respective folds as the elections draw closer. In recent weeks, the PPP has stolen two PMLN MNAs from Jhelum,which is why its criticism of its MPAs joining PML-N makes little sense.

In today`s cut-throat politics, it may feel it has to hit back which it can only do by successfully wooing some known N-League names to its side. Given its own preferences in recent times including the slogan of the Seraiki province that it has raised, the PPP will find it hard to have good enough candidates in upper Punjab. And these are the areas where it needs to contain the Sharifs most urgently. Under such circumstances, the thinking could be to go over the results of past elections and, on the sheer strength of the votes polled, locate names to take on party deserters under its banner. This is how election politics has worked for long and this is how it remains. In the garb of local-level politicians, these are the same old mercenaries. In changing their camps they are looking for a commander who can best lead them who can best reward them for their services and for their current loyalties. That is the catch.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Missing Persons[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


WITH the missing persons issue refusing to go away, it is encouraging that pressure from sections of the otherwise slow-moving justice system is helping to answer some questions. At a hearing on Thursday regarding the whereabouts of some 300 people, the Peshawar High Court was told that around 100 detainees had recently been shifted to notified internment centres. Defence Secretary Asif Yasin Malik told the court that the cases of 95 other detainees were in the process of being verified. The authorities were spurred into action when, at an earlier hearing, the court had taken exception to what it saw as the slow pace of deciding the fate of detainees.

In this regard, according to provincial home secretary Azam Khan, 35 detainees had been declared `white` by the law-enforcement agencies and set free.

The judicial system must press on with its efforts to locate people thought to be detained by various arms of the security apparatus. It is not just a question of illegal custody, at least in terms of some of the missing. As the experience of the 35 `white` detainees shows, in areas where conflict is under way there is a grave risk of innocent bystanders people who happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time ending up in detention. A sluggish process of coordination among the relevant branches of the law and of verification of the detainees` identities means that several people unnecessarily spend time in custody which, in turn, exacerbates the missing persons` issue. If, therefore, insistent inquiry by the courts can provoke action which the PHC has demonstrated it can then that is a tool the law must employ. The challenge in the north is delineating between militants and ordinary citizens; prompt application of due process can go a long way in this regard.[/SIZE]

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (18th Feb 2013)
 

[SIZE="2"][B](18th Feb 2013)[/B]


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="4"]A laudable step[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


GIVEN the recent spate of alarming developments on the health front, specifically with regard to polio and measles, it is encouraging that the Sindh Assembly has taken a proactive step to improve overall child health in the province. The passage of the Sindh Protection of Breastfeeding and Child Nutrition Act 2013 renders illegal the propagation by anyone, including manufacturers, distributors, health workers and medical practitioners, of any material that encourages bottle-feeding or discourages breast-feeding. Transgressors are liable to imprisonment up to two years and a fine ranging from Rs50,000 to Rs500,000. Under this new law, no product can be promoted as a substitute for mother’s milk, either equivalent to, or superior to it. Moreover, it is now obligatory for manufacturers to display a prominent notice on such products stating that mother’s milk is best for babies and helps in preventing illness.

For a society that tends to cling to tradition, the fact that breast-feeding has fallen out of favour — or else goes hand-in-hand with the ubiquitous “top feed” — among Pakistani mothers is unfortunate. According to Unicef, only 16 per cent of infants are exclusively breast-fed in Pakistan, even though research has long established the many benefits of the practice. Breast-feeding precludes the risks associated with unhygienic handling during preparation of bottle feeds, thereby affording protection against diarrhoea, one of the leading causes of death in infants in Pakistan. Its cost-effectiveness can scarcely be overstated for a populace increasingly burdened by inflation. However, as one is well aware from the experience of health warnings on cigarette packs, changing attitudes takes more than cautionary notes on packaging. If the campaign is to effectively counter bottle formula advertising and its apple-cheeked babies, the media should be co-opted to disseminate messages in support of breast-feeding as a corollary to this laudable first step.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Hazara Killings[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


BARELY a month since the horrific and devastating bomb attack targeting the Shia Hazara community in Quetta, the militants have visited yet more damage and destruction on the besieged community. The gargantuan explosion on Saturday that killed dozens and injured many more is a bloody exclamation mark on the state’s continuing failure to protect a vulnerable people, and this time there is no incompetent political government to pin the blame on. While governor’s rule was never going to be able to immediately stop all violence against the Hazaras, the sheer scale of Saturday’s destruction indicates that even the biggest of attacks continue to be planned and executed with the state still unable to disrupt them. And therein lies a central problem with the very imposition of governor’s rule: it wasn’t put in place as a result of a well-thought-out and properly articulated counterterrorism strategy but because of the emotional and powerful protest by the Hazara community that refused to bury its dead after the Jan 10 attack in Quetta.

With no real strategy in hand at the outset, governor’s rule has in effect been making it up as it goes along. Counterterrorism is not about telling the security, intelligence and governing apparatus that it is free to do its job and will be supported in whatever steps it decides to take — it is, instead, about giving proper guidance and direction to the instruments of counterterrorism policy. There exists in Quetta in the recent past a very relevant example of just what a proper counterterrorism approach looks like: the state’s response to the targeted killing of Punjabi ‘settlers’ by Baloch insurgents that caused an exodus of a large number of Punjabis from the city. Without endorsing the army-led security establishment’s tactics — allegations of ‘kill and dump’ and ‘killing the killers’ policies abound — the approach was to systematically map a threat and then work on eliminating it.

Few will admit it, but the threat to the Hazaras has been treated differently for at least a couple of reasons: one, the community doesn’t have much political, economic or social clout; and two, they aren’t very well regarded by ethnic Baloch, either not just a callous state. Unhappily, until that changes, until the state regards the protection of all lives as an equal priority, the Hazaras will continue to suffer.


[B][U][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Tarred with same brush?[/SIZE][/CENTER][/U][/B]


IT is a move that smells uncomfortably of paranoia of the sort Pakistan is wont to suffer from. But if the raison d’être of a state and government is even remotely understood as catering to the needs of the population, it amounts to cutting off the nose to spite the face. When it was found that Dr Shakil Afridi used a vaccination campaign to mask his efforts in locating Osama bin Laden, the interior ministry reacted by ordering the expulsion of foreign workers of Save the Children. Now, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government has issued a new, cumbersome set of guidelines and restrictions. Henceforth, workers of international and local NGOs wishing to undertake humanitarian relief work in certain areas must apply to the provincial home and tribal affairs department for permission at least six to eight weeks in advance, for scrutiny by the 11th Corps and other state agencies. Foreign workers are required to submit details such as their religion, residential address and contact numbers in their own countries, while Pakistanis must submit their CNICs.

A clue as to why this is so can be found in the realities that prevail across the districts where the restrictions apply. These include Buner, Swat and Malakand — areas where suspected militants and security forces have a considerable presence. By implication, given the government and military thinking post-Bin Laden, every aid worker might be indulging in espionage. But UN agencies, working for ordinary citizens in the country, have expressed serious reservations, and rightly so. These new requirements are likely to have an adverse effect on humanitarian work being undertaken by international organisations and their local partners, curtailing activities and impacting the amount of funds received. The irony is that in these areas that the state calls “sensitive”, the people remain desperately in need of help and rehabilitation which the government is either unable or unwilling to provide — and thus the presence of non-state “helpers”. In the interests of the citizenry on whose behalf the state is resisting the militants, these restrictions must be softened and rationalised if not removed altogether. NGO support is needed where the government has failed.[/SIZE]

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (19th Feb 2013)
 

[SIZE="2"][B](19th Feb 2013)[/B]


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Disturbing questions[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


WITH each attack on Balochistan’s Hazara Shias, it becomes harder to understand why those responsible continue to get away with their agenda of wiping out the community. Who carries out the attacks, and where they are based — in and around Quetta and Mastung, the home base of former chief minister Aslam Raisani — is publicly known. The madressahs that have mushroomed in these areas since the spread of extremist religious ideologies to the province exist in plain sight. And the attacks on Hazaras take place in certain areas and have demonstrated speci-fic patterns. So why the continuing intelligence failure? There are the straightforward explanations: that even if security agencies know which groups are responsible, it is hard to track them as they move around to avoid capture. That it isn’t possible to completely guard all civilian areas against attacks at all times. And that intelligence-sharing between agencies isn’t happening. The military intelligence agencies are better equipped and informed than civilian and police agencies, but poor coordination means that information isn’t used effectively.

But then there are the more sinister explanations, and the longer Hazaras continue to get killed, the more strength these will gain. Baloch nationalists claim that the state is using — and therefore patronising — anti-Shia groups to fight them. According to that narrative, Sunni extremism is foreign to the secular nature of Baloch politics and has been cultivated for a purpose, so that in Balochistan these militants are not the anti-state elements they are elsewhere in the country. Here they are a tool, and in the state’s calculation, using them has the inconvenient but accepted side effect of sectarian conflict. As attacks continue unabated, this theory is gaining currency. Locals point out that the base of anti-Shia ideology in the province is in the former chief minister’s stronghold in an area with a heavy Frontier Corps presence; or that two of the leaders of Lashkar-i-Jhangvi’s Balochistan faction escaped a high-security prison in Quetta’s cantonment area; or that some pro-state Baloch groups have links to Sunni extremism.

Official denials will at this point not be enough. Only tough action to stop the attacks will. In part this is for historical reasons; though there are signs the state may be moving away from its earlier policy of supporting certain militants elsewhere in the country, memories of support for ‘useful’ militants still linger. And in the case of Balochistan, continued failure to do something about an obvious problem is reviving them. Is Balochistan’s sectarian problem an intelligence failure? Or is it deliberate negligence? Unless something changes on the ground, those questions will continue to be asked.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Room for Improvement[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


PERHAPS it speaks to the condition of the once glorious city by the sea that the Karachi Literature Festival is celebrated more for what it represents than what it does. The mere fact that a demoralised Karachi can be in the news for positive reasons, even if only for a weekend each spring, is seen as a boost for its beleaguered denizens. But with the festival now crawling out of its infancy and having established itself as a significant annual event, it is time to focus more on what the KLF does and has achieved over the last weekend. From a purely literary point of view, this year’s event was somewhat of a letdown. Local literary stars were assembled in strength once again and trotted out in many sessions but there is a growing sense of familiarity about them. After all, pick up a newspaper, flip through a magazine or attend any civil society gathering and one or more of them is present. Missing this year, then, was a strong international contingent of writers. Perhaps this has to do with an over-reliance on star-power from across the border, always a risky proposition because Pakistan-India ties get disrupted frequently enough and this makes for many a no-show. Going forward, the KLF may be better served by reaching out more to authors, writers and performers from beyond India.

Also disappointing this year was the tendency towards the overtly and purely political. Given the region that Pakistan exists in and the existential questions being asked about this country’s future, politics is never far from the surface — and can never be really — but the KLF is perhaps one venue better anchored in the literary than in geopolitics. If going big necessarily means veering away from the core of books and literature, then the festival may want to consider reverting to smaller and more thoughtfully planned sessions for its next edition. The KLF has much going for it: to have come out of nowhere and established itself as a big event in a mere four years is incredible. The next step is to build on that admirable success.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Defeat in South Africa[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


THE Test series loss against South Africa has once again exposed the brittleness of Pakistan’s batting and the lack of mental toughness among the players which for long has been the Achilles’ heel of our national team. Although the tourists put up an improved show in the second Test at Cape Town compared to the rout at Johannesburg, where they had capitulated for an all-time low of 49, it was their batting once again that let them down giving the hosts a decisive 2-0 lead in the three-match series. In the final analysis, one is compelled to note that the Pakistan Cricket Board and the team management overlooked several key factors while planning for the extraordinary assignment at hand i.e. going into battle with the top team in world cricket that South Africa is today.

To begin with, the tour itinerary contained basic flaws with only a couple of practice games scheduled in between the Tests that were clearly insufficient and did little to familiarise our players with the bouncy tracks or to acclimatise them to the sultry weather. The weeklong camp in Lahore prior to the series, too, served no purpose since the coaches failed to draw the players out of the hit-and-run Twenty20 mode which eventually proved to be the team’s undoing in the five-day format. Moreover, the absurd choice of replacement players — Tanvir Ahmed and Rahat Ali — backfired as both the players failed to make any impact in the Tests. While Saeed Ajmal’s 10 wickets at Cape Town and fine centuries from Younis Khan and Asad Shafiq have been a few high points for Pakistan on the tour, Misbah-ul-Haq and his men have failed to fire as a unit so far. They must regroup now to win the third Test and avoid a white wash which, unfortunately, looks imminent.[/SIZE]

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (20th Feb 2013)
 

[SIZE="2"][B](20th Feb 2013)[/B]


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Failure to Lead[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


IT is an indication of the state of the nation today that when a politician names the perpetrators of a series of brutal attacks — perpetrators who have already named themselves — it is hailed as an impressive move. Imran Khan has at long last directly spoken out against a militant organisation. But the fact that his remarks stood out from those of other politicians yesterday reflects one of the main reasons why we are where we are today: the cowardice of our civilian leaders. There is no particular bravery or leadership in vaguely condemning sectarian attacks or in saying terrorism is a bad thing; that is the least politicians can possibly get away with in Pakistan today. But how often do our parliamentarians and other political figures — particularly the leaders of religious parties — name and shame those responsible, whether it is the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan or any other militant organisation? Instead, they get together at multiparty conferences and even at this point prioritise talking to militants without making any mention of military action, failing to appreciate two things: that at this point talks will probably not solve the problem, and that in the democratic system they claim to value, any military operation will be a non-starter without their support.

Perhaps they should learn a thing or two from the community leaders, both Shia and Sunni, who have courageously condemned the violence and, without pitting one community against the other, named those carrying it out. The Hazaras have been particularly impressive in their restraint, arguing that the country’s Shias and Sunnis are not at war and that the problem lies with the ideology of the particular militant groups behind the attacks. So far their level-headedness has helped unite the country rather than exacerbate its divisions, but if leaders at the national level do nothing to look beyond political and other fears, the conflict could also spread beyond Karachi and Quetta to several other parts of the country.

Thankfully, the people of Pakistan haven’t given up yet. The bloodshed of the last several years means they have become accustomed — perhaps desensitised — to most of the violence that takes place. But the collective outrage they expressed on Monday across the country and across sects and religions means they can recognise when things have gone too far. And their speaking out has achieved some changes, however insufficient, including the imposition of governor’s rule last month, the prime minister’s call for targeted operations in Quetta and the removals and transfers of some senior police officers. Their protests, and especially the bravery of Hazaras and others protesting in dangerous areas, have put our politicians to shame.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Power Crisis[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


AS if we didn’t know already: a water and power ministry official has warned us that the worst-ever power crisis is due to hit Pakistan this summer. But he, or anybody else for that matter, hasn’t told us as to what the ministry or the government are doing to stave off what is slated to come; therefore, it may just be safe to assume the answer is ‘nothing’. At the core of our growing power troubles lie a confused energy policy and disjointed decision-making, huge subsidies for the wealthy, the weak finances of the government, inefficient and corrupt generation and distribution systems, and bureaucratic inertia stalling a change in the energy mix to boost output and decrease electricity cost. The growth in the demand for electricity has far outpaced the insignificant increase in the supply, despite of an injection of over Rs1.2tr in the power sector during the past five years. And even this amount wasn’t enough for the optimal utilisation of installed capacity. According to a recent report by the State Bank of Pakistan, the peak shortfall for the system of the Pakistan Electric Power Company rose from 2,645MW in 2007 to 8,398MW in 2012. Consequently, the country does not have enough electricity for its homes, shops and factories. The story of gas is not too different either. Heavily subsidised gas is being used to burn gas heaters and geysers rather than to generate power or operate industry. Little wonder, then, that the crippling ‘energy crisis’ has become a looming reality.

There are no quick fixes to Pakistan’s energy problems. The formation of a single ministry in charge of the entire energy sector, the formulation of a long-term integrated policy and complete autonomy to regulators could be the first steps in the long journey, after which could come the privatisation of power and gas utilities to attract private investment and change the energy mix to reduce dependence on expensive oil. Yet before embarking on that road the government must liquidate circular debt, eliminate subsidies for the wealthy and recover unpaid bills for the optimal utilisation of the capacity to minimise shortages next summer — a tall order indeed.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Disappearing forests[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


AS has been the case in numerous other locations in Pakistan, forest cover in Sindh’s Chhor forest has been reduced significantly over the last few decades, and encroachment and state apathy are principally to blame. Although Chhor is a protected forest, its size has been reduced from 3,000 acres to 300 acres over time. Hundreds of acres were reportedly given to the military for a cantonment, while large parts of the forest have been occupied by local people. Forest guards are said to be instrumental in allowing the illegal occupation of forest land. Perhaps that is the root of the problem: what is to be done when the guardians of the forests themselves play a central role in their destruction? The short-term benefits — such as selling timber or exploiting the forest for other commercial purposes — are not worth the disaster that will unfold if forests continue to be denuded. This must especially be communicated to those who live in or near protected forests.

Pakistan has one of the highest deforestation rates in the world, while trees are also mercilessly chopped down in urban areas. Yet this reckless behaviour has consequences: deforestation adds to the intensity of floods and landslides, while (disappearing) mangroves serve as natural buffers against tidal waves and tsunamis. Protecting forests is far more important than generally understood. There is a need to update laws so that stiffer penalties are in place for those who illegally occupy forests or use them for commercial purposes, just one example being the draft of the Sindh Forest Act, 2011, which has been languishing in limbo waiting for passage by the provincial assembly. Some NGOs are doing commendable work to raise awareness about the importance of forests but unless these efforts are supported by the state and communities, it is difficult to see a greener future.
[/SIZE]

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (21st Feb 2013)
 

[B](21st Feb 2013)[/B]


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Crucial questions[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


A SECOND round of tragic but dignified protests across the country this year has come to an end with the Shia Hazaras of Quetta agreeing to bury the victims of Saturday’s bombing and to withdraw their demand that security of Balochistan’s capital be officially handed over to the military. The protests may be over but hard questions still linger — questions that if not answered satisfactorily could lead to another incident that is almost too awful to contemplate: another devastating attack on the Hazaras of Quetta. A spate of arrests has taken place and some alleged Lashkar-i-Jhangvi activists have been killed since the weekend, leading to the first obvious question: who are the people arrested and killed, and why, if they are in fact members of or linked to the LJ, was action not taken before?

It is a fairly common law-enforcement phenomenon in Pakistan that after intense pressure is brought to bear on the security agencies — either because of public demands or the sheer scale of terrorist activity — the security apparatus casts a wide net and hauls up or ends up killing all manner of suspects. Little is ever proven subsequently against the suspects, few details are shared with the public and only the most tenacious of citizens or journalists ever finds out what happens to those suspects, many of whom are eventually released, either because they were falsely implicated or the investigations and prosecutions were bungled. What is all the more remarkable about the latest round of arrests and counterterrorism operations is that the January bombing of the Hazaras did not spur this action, only a second devastating bombing in the space of approximately one month did. Just what will it take for the security apparatus to go after the killers of the Hazaras with the urgency and ferociousness that the situation demands?

Almost as worrying is the absence of any real understanding of the scale of the problem. As the deposed IG of Balochistan explained earlier this week, the attacks in Quetta are often planned outside the city, in other parts of the province. And preliminary intelligence reports on Saturday’s bombing suggest that at least the material for the bomb came from another province. Include the possibility of the porous borders of Balochistan also playing some role and the targeting of the Hazaras becomes an intra-provincial as well as an inter-provincial and cross-border problem. That means coordinating across a range of state intelligence and security agencies to track down the network of killers and dismantle it. Does anyone in the state apparatus have the understanding, let alone the will, to make that happen?


[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Chance for cooperation[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


PAKISTAN has long been privately and publicly complaining about lack of American and Afghan action against its militants who’ve found homes next door. So even though he no longer seems to have the importance he once did within the Pakistani Taliban, the symbolism of the reported capture of Maulvi Faqir, the former deputy head of the TTP, is important. Faqir of Bajaur was among those commanders who, along with Mullah Fazlullah of Swat and Abdul Wali of Mohmand, had fled to Afghanistan and were launching cross-border attacks into Pakistan. According to intelligence estimates, Pakistani militants run up to 20 camps in the eastern Afghan provinces of Kunar and Nuristan and over 220 such attacks have taken place since June 2010 in which about 150 security personnel have been killed. The Pakistani military argued that it had provided concrete evidence about these camps to Kabul but no action had been taken. So while it may have come late, Maulvi Faqir’s capture, if handled correctly, has the potential to kick off more effective cooperation.

For that to happen, though, Pakistan would have to reciprocate. Older than Islamabad’s complaints about these militants are American and Afghan complaints that Afghan militants are being sheltered, or ignored, on this side of the border. And for Pakistan to reciprocate, it would have to rethink its strategy of trying to cultivate allies for a foothold in post-2014 Afghanistan. There is some evidence that that rethink is taking place: expressions of support for an Afghan-led peace process, the release of some Afghan Taliban prisoners and assurances that the remainder will be released. But there are also reports that Pakistan is talking to multiple Afghan factions, indicating it still wants to be involved in the outcome in Afghanistan. Whether through a renewed commitment to going after each other’s militants, or a prisoner-swap agreement in which Maulvi Faqir is handed over in return for prisoner releases from Pakistan carried out in a way that is useful to Afghanistan, the commander’s capture offers an opportunity for both countries to work out a better way to collaborate.



[B][CENTER][SIZE="4"]Signs Polls[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


THE president has just enriched the list of poll symbols for the general election by some 27 new entries. But the swollen size — we now have 190-odd symbols — still doesn’t quite encourage an attempt to see through these signs. Some of these poll symbols remain as much a mystery as they have ever been, and the discussion can often boil down to the same old, funny point about why would anyone want ‘that image’ to represent them just when the voters are about to perform the very sensitive task of stamping their approval of a politician.

The presidential additions can instead be seen to betray a fatherly desire to revive an old, more peaceful culture. The hookah and the knife are back and will surely bring back memories of a less injurious past. Also, some old symbols which had acquired a sinister tinge can now be left out — such as the bulb and the lantern. As an alternative the mighty sun finally rises on the country’s electoral horizon — a safe choice for all those who have not been able to set Pakistan’s electricity problems right. The cat has been thrown out of the bag, on the insistence of the PML-N which was a wee bit worried about its rampaging tiger being mixed up with its less pompous if more acrobatic aunt. The PML-N appears to be perched on too high a branch to require anyone teaching its tiger how to climb up a tree. Among the lucky creatures fighting for the politicians’ favour this time, it is heartening to note the persistent tortoise and the crocodile have finally been given their due — so long as their tears for the people are genuine and so long as they can carry on while the others in the race are found slumbering.