[B]05.05.2013[/B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"] Lax security: Prosecutor’s murder
[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
HE received 17 bullets where only one or two would have sufficed. But the militants, calling themselves the Mujahideen-i-Islami, who killed Chaudhry Zulfiqar Ali succeeded in conveying their message loud and clear — they can strike at will, wherever and whenever they wished, irrespective of consequences and ‘collateral damage’ — in this case a pedestrian. The FIA’s prosecutor general was investigating many high-profile cases, including Benazir Bhutto’s assassination and the Mumbai case, and had gathered valuable information. He had been receiving threats possibly because of his efficiency that had led to the conviction of many militants and ordinary criminals. On Friday, he was scheduled to submit a charge-sheet against Pervez Musharraf in the Benazir case and was on the way to FIA headquarters when gunmen, whose exact number has not been determined, opened fire at his car while it was negotiating a U-turn.

This paper has been repeatedly emphasising the need for providing adequate protection to prosecutors, witnesses and judges because they receive threats and often fall victim to violence perpetrated by militants and criminal gangs. In Chaudhry Zulfiqar’s case, the assassination took place at a stone’s throw from the FIA building. This shows both the daredevilry of the militants and the inadequacy of the protection provided to a senior FIA official. The world over prosecutors, witnesses and judges operate in an atmosphere of peace. Where the law and order situation is precarious, the state makes special efforts to give security to all. In many South American countries with a high crime rate, governments have drawn up comprehensive plans to give a sense of security to judges and prosecutors.

In Pakistan, however, because of the absence of such measures, the rate of conviction is extremely low, perhaps 5pc. While witnesses are sometimes bribed, quite often they change their story because of threats from militants and criminals.

It is true that the law enforcement apparatus has been overstretched, especially now when the country is in the midst of an election. But the state must revisit and overhaul the security cases involving hardened criminals and motivated militants who have no qualms about shedding blood. The FIA official’s killing also shows the failure of the intelligence system. The militants are way ahead of the state, for they knew Chaudhry Zulfiqar’s routine and took precise aim when the car had slowed down to make a U-turn. Can the state be as thorough in its ways? Do the plethora of intelligence agencies we have know who these ‘Mujahideen-i-Islami’ are?

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]The excesses continue: ‘Kill and dump’ policy
[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
MAKE no mistake, Balochistan is poised on a knife edge, and the May 11 polls are critical to how the insurgency in the province plays out. Allegations have risen to a crescendo that security forces are responding with brute force against those suspected of separatist sympathies. Hundreds of Baloch are missing while around 150 have fallen victim to a ‘kill and dump’ policy. Of late, the bodies of the missing have been turning up in areas of Karachi close to the border with Balochistan. On Thursday, yet another missing activist, Naseebullah Baloch, was found dead in the city, reportedly the 13th such case since March.

With the situation careering towards a point of no return, the only light at the end of the tunnel seems to be the participation in the coming elections of moderate nationalist parties such as the BNP-M and National Party, which boycotted the 2008 elections. The hope is that if these parties succeed in winning a place in the assemblies, they would be more representative of Baloch aspirations and thus in a better position to combate separatist tendencies. Continued excesses against the Baloch will only weaken their attempts and cause further divisions between the proponents of democracy and those who believe that only by taking up arms can the province’s many grievances be redressed. While the Supreme Court has been active on the missing persons issue and has probed the alleged role played by intelligence agencies and the FC in the disappearances, far more needs to be done. That the ruinous ‘kill and dump’ tactic continues to be practised at this extremely sensitive juncture indicates there are quarters that will go to any length to sabotage a political solution to Balochistan’s grievances.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Party without a leader: Bilawal stays away
[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]
THERE are still no signs of Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, the new star who was to shine on Pakistan’s political horizon. Reports say he is going to give this election a miss, a decision which leaves the PPP to fend for itself, without a leader at the helm. It is not difficult to sympathise with the young man given the predicament he is in. Undoubtedly, for some politicians right now, campaigning during these elections is synonymous with putting their lives on the line. It was pretty much the same point which clinched the issue in favour of the presidency when, in the past, various minds debated among themselves which office Mr Asif Ali Zardari should keep: the party’s or the president’s? The argument was that someone who is at high risk when he is in public is best left alone in the President House. Similarly, reservations were expressed when the Bhutto scion was being thrust into the PPP’s top slot. But that was then. A coronation has since taken place and Bilawal Bhutto Zardari as PPP chief should be leading the party. That he has not done so should be an issue of considerable concern to the party and its supporters.

Unfortunately, for the party, no politician of stature appears ready to lead the poll campaign. These include the two former prime ministers, one of whom is campaigning for himself, the other for his family. It is ironic that a party that has governed the country four times should be seeing such a crisis of leadership. Other parties, like the ANP, too have been warned against electioneering but they are trying to stay in the race by making brave, if selective, appearances. True, given the scale of violence in the run-up to the polls, those who are staying away can hardly be advised to throw all caution to the winds and take the plunge. But when the democratic project itself is endangered, surely a more courageous stance from those who believe in it can be expected.

Dawn Editorial (06-May-2013)
 

(06-05-2013)


[CENTER][B][SIZE="5"]An isolated president Karzai`s future[/SIZE][/B][/CENTER]

AS the clock winds down on his presidency and the Karzai era, the Afghan president`s outbursts are becoming increasingly desperate. To be sure, given the complex role Pakistan has played in Afghanistan over the decades, there is some room for legitimate criticism of Islamabad by the Afghan government.

But legitimate criticism has given way to an alarming spiral of allegations and irresponsible behaviour on the part of Mr Karzai. It is helpful to trace the trajectory of the Afghan president`s approach towards the Taliban over the past decade. Until the late 2000s, Mr Karzai was an implacable opponent of reconciliation with the Afghan Taliban, treating them as interchangeable with Al Qaeda and unworthy of being seen as a political force. Then, as the insurgency worsened and the US commitment to Afghanistan seemed to ebb, Mr Karzai appeared to change his mind, pushing for reconciliation, though wanting it to flow through his office something the Taliban, perennially dismissive of the Karzai-led Afghan government, were not willing to countenance. Now, bizarrely, Mr Karzai has called on the Taliban to fight external enemies presumably Pakistan instead of destroying their own country.

Erratic as the Afghan president`s comments on Pakistan and the US havebecome in recent times and imminent as his irrelevance may be, there are two important aspects to Mr Karzai`s departure that will have to be handled with extreme care. First, the post-presidency future of Mr Karzai, both in terms of his physical security and finding some kind of sinecure or retired statesman role for him to keep him preoccupied. The history of the exit of Afghan leaders can only be disturbing for Mr Karzai and he will need some kind of reassurance about his physical safety while also having a public platform if he chooses to stay back in Afghanistan as he has repeatedly promised he will. It may appear odd that the future of one man, especially one on his way out and seemingly an irritant to all sides, can require so much delicate handling, but given his position and the office he leads, a botched exit plan can have significant negative ramifications.

The second aspect of Mr Karzai`s departure that will have to be managed carefully is the reconciliation process with the Afghan Taliban. With the Pakistani establishment and the US government seemingly converging on what needs to be done next and a critical phase in reconciliation lying ahead in the next year or so, Mr Karzai will need to be counselled to exhibit restraint something he has not done in recent months.


[SIZE="5"][CENTER]Possible game changer BNP-M manifesto[/CENTER][/SIZE]

EVERY party releases manifestos during election season. But the BNP-M`s unveiling of its manifesto on Friday in Quetta is particularly significant. At its launch, the BNP-M senior vice-president Dr Jahanzaib Jamaldini said his party wished to end the political and economic stand-off between the centre and his province. In a charged atmosphere with separatist insurgents calling for a boycott of the polls and disillusionment with the state common amongst the Baloch population, this is a bold, timely move. Most of the BNPM`s aims an end to military operations, tracing of missing persons, giving Balochistan control over its resources etc are justified. But moderate nationalists like the BNPM are in a tight bind: on one side are radical separatists who have rejected elections, while on the other is the establishment; the party has complained forces are at work trying to keep the BNP-M out of the polls. It is welcome that despite the pressures Akhtar Mengal`s party, as well as others such as the National Party, have opted to struggle forBalochistan`s rights through the ballot box, within the framework of Pakistan.

It has been a long journey for Akhtar Mengal and the BNP. Mr Mengal was tried (and acquitted) in a treason case following Akbar Bugti`s death and only returned to Pakistan in March f ollowing several years in self-imposed exile in the Gulf after his disillusionment with the political process. The Baloch moderates` participation in the electoral process is significant for while separatist violence is down, the province is far from peaceful and some very serious issues remain unresolved.

There may be a lot of `ifs` involved, but if parties such as the BNP-M, NP and JWP can secure a popular mandate it may be possible to reintegrate the disillusioned Baloch into the national mainstream. That is, of course, if the establishment allows Balochistan`s elected representatives a chance to implement their agenda.

The Baloch need to participate in the electoral process and the state must provide a secure environment for them to exercise their democratic right.


[SIZE="5"][CENTER]Dashed hopes APML`s poll boycott[/CENTER][/SIZE]

TO say that the final nail has been hammered into the coffin of the All Pakistan Muslim League, which announced on Friday that it would be boycotting the upcoming elections, might sound a tad too dramatic. With Gen Pervez Musharraf its only noteworthy leader, regardless of the hopes the former military ruler had, the party had never been a political force to begin with and no one had expected it to grow into one either. While doubt may prevail over whether preventing Gen Musharraf from contesting the elections was the correct course of action perhaps it may have been better had his confidence been tested in the people`s court once his nomination papers were rejected, the game was over. The APML, in fact, was not so much cut short as never in the running to begin with.

Many found it surpris-ing that the retired general had so much confidence in his chances of electoral success in the first place.

From the PML-Q the `king`s party` that was his own creation quietly turning its back on him to the cool reception at his homecoming and the general silence that greeted his efforts to drum up public support, the cards were laid out for Gen Musharraf. The fact is that his role in truncating democracy is far too large a morsel for Pakistan to swallow. Further, the country and its polity appear to have moved on to a place where it is recognised that military interventions are undesirable and attempts are under way to ensure that they don`t happen again.

The general`s bid to put himself to the test through the ballot box was well in line with the principles of democracy; but the shadow his earlier misadventure casts is long.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (7th May 2013)
 

[B](7th May 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Back in the game: Squash victory[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

PAKISTAN’S emphatic victory in the Asian Individual Squash Championship on Sunday has rekindled hopes of a revival of the country’s fortunes in the sport. It marked an end to Pakistan’s 14-year title drought in the high-profile Asian event. Aamir Atlas Khan’s brilliant win in the final against Kuwait’s Abdullah Al-Muzayne as that of Farhan Mahboob over top-ranked Malaysian Ong Beng Hee before him has brought much joy to squash aficionados besides highlighting the fact that the cupboard is not totally bare as far as the talent and skills of our players are concerned. For a country that so ruthlessly dominated squash for over three decades — from the early ’70s to the late ’90s — and produced illustrious players such as Jahangir Khan, Jansher Khan, Qamar Zaman and Gogi Alauddin, the slump in the game’s standards had been shocking, to say the least.

Many of the leading critics and experts of the sport have expressed their surprise over Pakistan’s failure to utilise the services of its former players to reinvent the game and to groom a generation of exciting players who can meet international challenges. However, those who follow the game closely would vouch for the fact that, more than anything else, it has been a battle of egos that has brought about the downward spiral of squash. The greats of the game as well as its officials have been too obsessed with running each other down rather than focusing their energies on raising standards while Pakistan squash has taken a beating amidst serious charges of fixing and nepotism.

One sincerely hopes that the Asian title win puts an end to the various troubles afflicting the sport and paves the way for a bright future for squash in Pakistan.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Reins in civilian hands: Nawaz Sharif’s remarks[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

POLICY is set by the elected government, it is to be followed by the army. In an election dominated by talk of voters’ immediate needs, corruption and change, it has fallen to Nawaz Sharif to underline what is perhaps the most fundamental of all fault lines in Pakistan: the civil-military divide. That Mr Sharif has been the first to speak out on the need for civilian control this election season is unsurprising given his history with the army leadership over the past decade and a half — first suffering at the hands of Gen Musharraf and then accusing the Gen Pasha-led ISI of supporting the PTI in a quest to undermine the PML-N. Just because the history is personal, however, does not detract from the legiti-macy of what Mr Sharif said on Sunday in an interview with an Indian TV channel.

From the days of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, through to the two terms of Benazir Bhutto and Mr Sharif’s own bitter experiences, civilian leaders have been taught over the decades that whoever among them desires to make the army submit to civilian control, that leader will suffer personal and political harm. That unhappy history has shifted slightly over the past five years for two reasons. One, for the first time the government of the day and the opposition, both in parliament and outside, have been in agreement that an elected, civilian-led dispensation is the only rightful choice for Pakistan. Two, the army leadership itself has accommodated shifting public and political opinion in allowing a non-military-sponsored, elected dispensation to try and learn to stand on its own feet.

With the gains of the last five years being real but slight, post-May 11 the need will be to press ahead with the project of righting what is euphemistically known as the civil-military imbalance. For that, all political parties should consider endorsing or reiterating Mr Sharif’s comments in the last days of campaigning — a sober and rational endorsement or reiteration rather than provocative statements that can be interpreted as unnecessarily antagonising the army. The greater task will fall to the next parliament and government, in that the civil-military imbalance will only be righted if the civilians themselves are more assertive in matters of national security, defence and foreign policy. That would require both engaging the army meaningfully and quelling its anxieties that a civilian-determined national security strategy would somehow damage the national interest. It can be done and after the election is the time for the civilians to finally start doing it.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Need to act: Polio and measles vaccinations[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

FOR quite a while now, there has been concern over Pakistan’s inability to bring polio under control. The decades-old Expanded Programme for Immunisation has not been able to ensure the vaccination of every child. Today, Pakistan is one of the world’s last three polio-endemic countries — the others being Afghanistan and Nigeria. In recent years, the challenges have become more severe. In the northwest, extremists ran a sustained campaign projecting polio vaccination as a conspiracy, resulting in parents refusing to have their children vaccinated. Then, there have been cases where children who were immunised contracted the virus, throwing into doubt the efficacy of the vaccine as a result of improper storage or handling. And in recent months, polio workers and those deployed to provide them security have been attacked. Many have been killed. Since about a year ago, there has been some talk in international circles that it might become necessary to restrict international travel by Pakistanis unless proof of vaccination is provided. A poliovirus strain specific to Pakistan was found in Cairo and in China’s Xinjiang province.
Meanwhile, at an upcoming meeting of the Independent Monitoring Board, a supervisory international polio-eradication body, there is a chance that it will be recommended that restrictions be imposed on the international travel of people from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which has the highest number of children who were missed out altogether by the vaccination drive. This was recommended for Pakistan as a whole by the Global Polio Eradication Initiative in December.

These concerns are not being given the importance they merit by Pakistan. There is no doubt that the challenges concerning polio eradication are grave, but the state has also not demonstrated sufficient will to address them. To take just one example, the country is seeing a measles outbreak with several deaths. But last week, the international GAVI Alliance suspended funding to Pakistan for its poor planning for the control of this disease. Unless Pakistan gets its act together, nothing less than its future is in jeopardy.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (8th May 2013)
 

[B](8th May 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Height of denial: JUI-F under attack[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


WHILE more liberal parties have borne the brunt of election-related militant violence, as events over the past few days have shown the extremists are just as capable of wreaking havoc upon even those political elements that share their ideological moorings. On Tuesday a blast occurred near a JUI-F candidate’s corner meeting in Hangu, killing several people. Militants had earlier warned locals against attending political gatherings. Only a day before a JUI-F rally was bombed in Kurram Agency killing over 20. Yet what is shocking is that former lawmaker and current candidate Munir Khan Orakzai, who addressed the Kurram rally, denied that the Pakistani Taliban could be involved in the attack. This is mind-boggling. The TTP had very clearly stated that Mr Orakzai was indeed the target and justified the strike by saying that the former MNA was allied to the last government which had launched military operations against the militants.

It appears as if practically the whole religious right is suffering from a state of denial. JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman himself escaped two suicide attempts in 2011.

He too has failed to criticise religious militancy. Instead, Fazlur Rehman, like others, has ‘asked’ the TTP to refrain from attacking political parties. But as the scale of the pre-poll violence shows, the militants appear not to have heeded the maulana’s advice. While the TTPs animus towards more ‘secular’ parties is understandable, the targeting of like-minded elements is a tad more confusing. After all, parties such as the JUI-F share the militants’ ideology — Islamist rule, imposition of Sharia etc — though they believe in pursuing these goals through the democratic route. What is more, a number of today’s militants were at one time associated with the JUI-F. So for those with a soft spot for the TTP, perhaps the attacks on even ideologically similar groups offer a preview of the rigidity of the militant mind.

This should serve as a wake-up call not only to religious parties such as the JUI-F and JI, but also to politicians such as Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan, who advocate dialogue with the militants. The extremists believe only they are qualified to set the political agenda and interpret religion, through murder and mayhem. So it must be asked how open to negotiations such elements would be. There must be no doubt that religious extremists will turn their guns on anyone who dares to differ with them, hence the need for all political players to speak up against militancy.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Worrying signs: Sarin gas used in Syria?[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]



EVEN though there is still no “irrefutable proof” that chemical weapons have been used in Syria, the UN’s rights investigator says she has “very strong suspicions” that it is the rebels and not government troops who have used sarin nerve gas. Carla del Ponte was careful in the interview with a Swiss Italian broadcaster and said her organisation had not yet “excluded” the use of the deadly sarin gas by the Syrian government. But, based on evidence from doctors and victims, Ms Del Ponte said she had “strong” and “concrete” suspicions that it was rebel militias which had used chemical weapons against their opponents. America and, most surprisingly, her own organisation — represented by the four-member UN commission of inquiry for Syria — tried to pooh-pooh her findings. A State Department spokesman rebutted Ms Del Ponte’s claim and said there was no “information” that suggested that the rebel forces had either the “capability or the intent” to use the nerve gas. The chief of the four-man UN committee also said his organisation had not reached “conclusive findings” that either side had used the banned weapons.

Ms Del Ponte’s findings are very embarrassing for the Obama administration, the European Union and some Middle Eastern regimes which have backed the rebels, even though the character of the Syrian conflict has undergone a major change. Supposed originally to be part of the ‘Arab Spring’ that began in Tunisia, the armed struggle against the government of President Bashar al-Assad for democratic reforms has acquired a sectarian character and fallen victim to geopolitics. While Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey are supplying arms to the rebels, Hezbollah has entered the conflict on the regime’s side. More menacingly, Iraqi and Syrian chapters of Al Qaeda have joined hands. Western powers must realise the harm they are doing to the region by arming the Free Syrian Army, which now has a strong fundamentalist component. An Al Qaeda victory could turn Syria into an Afghanistan in the heart of oil-rich Middle East.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]High drama: Money laundering allegations[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


ALL had of late been unaccountably quiet on the Rehman Malik front, but it would now seem that the senator and former interior minister has been unable to resist a golden opportunity for a public brouhaha. On Monday, at a news conference in Lahore, he announced that he had proof of money laundering by the Sharif brothers to the tune of billions of rupees. Displaying lists and what he called a confessional statement from PML-N leader Ishaq Dar, Mr Malik indulged in high histrionics: “If I fail to prove charges against them, I will quit politics,” he declaimed, only to paradoxically end more circumspectly by asking the Sharifs to apologise for their “bad behaviour”.

The wrongdoing Mr Malik has alleged is serious, and it should be a matter for the courts and investigation teams to establish the truth, or otherwise, of his claims: the senator has said that he has written to the registrar of the Supreme Court in this regard. But where did all this ‘evidence’ suddenly and so fortuitously come from? Where was it, particularly, over the past five years when the PPP was in power? To ask this question may appear too nitpicky when there is such high drama to relish, but then the worrying thought of the elections arises. The campaigns of many parties have constituted a barrage of accusations against competitors rather than meaningful notes on future policy. The PPP is no exception. Mr Malik may not be contesting the elections, but he has never been shy of coming to his party’s aid. It is for investigators to decide whether there is a legal case to be made here or whether this was merely a reason to be king for a day on the media.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (9th May 2013)
 

(9th May 2013)

[CENTER][FONT="Arial Black"][SIZE="4"]A mature response Imran Khan`s fall [/SIZE][/FONT][/CENTER]


IMRAN Khan`s injuries resulting from a fall from a forklift during a poll rally in Lahore on Tuesday gave the nation some anxious moments and it was a moment of relief when doctors declared the PTI chief out of danger.

Unfortunate though it was, such an accident was not entirely unexpected.

The hair-raising somersault only underscored the utter disregard of safety measures in the boisterous rallies that are an essentialfeature ofourelectioneering. The threat to life doesn`t come from the militants alone; the chaos that is the hallmark of all public activity in South Asia poses perhaps an equal threat to life and limb. Too many party workers and supporters want to be on the dais and be seen close to the leader, resulting in the kind of jostling and pushing witnessed on Tuesday evening.

But what was a welcome departure from all the mudslinging that has characterised the campaigning was the mature response of politicians across the political spectrum to Mr Khan`s plight. For instance, Mr Khan and Nawaz Sharif had been at each other`s throats even before the campaigns began. With the approach of election day, the vitriol had scaled new heights.

However, on Tuesday, the PML-N chief announced the cancellation of all campaign activity forWednesday. Mr Sharif had expressed similar solidarity with the Bhutto family on the assassination of Benazir Bhutto that had resulted in the postponement of polls by several weeks. Apart from Mr Sharif, messages of sympathy for the PTI leader poured in from other party heads and politicians.

They ranged from political foes including Altaf Hussain and former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani to friends such as Syed Munawar Hassan and Maulana Samiul Haq, not to speak of Pervez Musharraf. The MQM and the Jamaat-i-Islami announced a halt to campaigning for a day, and President Asif Ali Zardari, who is frequently criticised by the PTI, sent him a bouquet. Equally heartening was Mr Khan`s own attitude as he spoke from his hospital bed, urging the people to cast their vote on May 11.

This maturity has been welcomed by a nation that often views its representatives with cynicism. However, one niggling thought remains. Why have many of the leaders moved by Tuesday`s dreadful spectacle not shown the same sympathy for those killed and wounded in the election rallies bombed by the TTP? Were these victims and their grieving relatives lesser human beings undeserving of solace because they belonged to the `wrong` political parties?

[CENTER][SIZE="4"][FONT="Arial Black"]Unfortunate stand-off Blasphemy legislation in Bangladesh [/FONT][/SIZE][/CENTER]


IT is unfortunate that the stand-off between those demanding tougher legislation on blasphemy and the Bangladesh government has had such a violent outcome. For several weeks, the Hefazat-iIslam which draws support from the country`s madressahs and its supporters have been demanding changes, including the introduction of the death penalty for those found guilty of blasphemy.

Bangladesh, however, describes itself as a secular democracy and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed said that the current laws were adequate.

Matters came to a head on Monday. With tens of thousands of religious activists on the streets, violence first erupted on Sunday after the police tried to break up a blockade of the highways leading into Dhaka. The next day, in a pre-dawn raid, the police launched a crackdown; Dhaka turned into a battleground echoing with gunfire, hundreds were injured and there were a number of deaths. The police shut down Islamist television stations and arrested dozens of protesters.Here in Pakistan, there is good reason to empathise. As this country`s experience has proved, caving in under pressure to groups that resort to violent means to press for their demands can never produce good results.

Though it may temporarily appease such elements, it also emboldens them.

In particular, laws made undersuch pressure,especially from the religious right, generally prove to be controversial. As Pakistan has seen in terms of its own blasphemy legislation, laws based on religion prove practically impossible to undo later. It is easy for the hardline right to stoke the population`s passions through the card of religion. Yet the state must stand up; and that is why, although demands for a revisit of Pakistan`s own blasphemy laws fell silent after the assassination of Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer, the issue needs to be taken up again once a new government is in place. The hardline right may exert a lot of force,butithas tobe resisted if Muslim countries are to become progressive countries too.


[FONT="Arial Black"][SIZE="4"][CENTER]Progressive technology ECP`s `8300` service [/CENTER][/SIZE][/FONT]


THE Election Commission of Pakistan`s launch of the revamped `e-ticket` service on Monday is welcome news in a preelection landscape marked mostly by negativity and violence. Now, by sending his or her CNIC number via mobile phone text message to 8300, a voter can obtain information such as the location of their polling station, block code and serial number essential data for those who wish to cast their vote on Saturday. In earlier elections, political parties used to give the information now obtainable through the 8300 service written on pieces of paper to voters. But this time campaigning has been lacklustre in many areas, especially in those affected by militant violence.

Hence in the absence of vigorous election campaigns and public outreach by political parties, the service is a welcome method of arming voters with vital information.The service has proved quite popular in urban areas, though it may take time to catch on in the rural parts of Pakistan.

As per figures quoted in this paper on Wednesday, around two million people had used the service within 20 hours ofits launch.It is a good idea not only because there are around 120 million mobile phones in the country, but also because young voters, many of whom will be casting their vote for the first time, are technology savvy and will be attracted to the service. Having the information available beforehand should save time and hassle at the polling station. Since ECP officials have said that mobile phone coverage will likely be suspended in some areas on May 11, it is a good idea to get the information ahead of polling day. Also, the ECP should highlight the service through a variety of media to inform the maximum number of people.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (9th May 2013)
 

[B](9th May 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A mature response: Imran Khan’s fall[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


IMRAN Khan’s injuries resulting from a fall from a forklift during a poll rally in Lahore on Tuesday gave the nation some anxious moments and it was a moment of relief when doctors declared the PTI chief out of danger. Unfortunate though it was, such an accident was not entirely unexpected. The hair-raising somersault only underscored the utter disregard of safety measures in the boisterous rallies that are an essential feature of our electioneering. The threat to life doesn’t come from the militants alone; the chaos that is the hallmark of all public activity in South Asia poses perhaps an equal threat to life and limb. Too many party workers and supporters want to be on the dais and be seen close to the leader, resulting in the kind of jostling and pushing witnessed on Tuesday evening.

But what was a welcome departure from all the mudslinging that has characterised the campaigning was the mature response of politicians — across the political spectrum — to Mr Khan’s plight. For instance, Mr Khan and Nawaz Sharif had been at each other’s throats even before the campaigns began. With the approach of election day, the vitriol had scaled new heights. However, on Tuesday, the PML-N chief announced the cancellation of all campaign activity for Wednesday. Mr Sharif had expressed similar solidarity with the Bhutto family on the assassination of Benazir Bhutto that had resulted in the postponement of polls by several weeks. Apart from Mr Sharif, messages of sympathy for the PTI leader poured in from other party heads and politicians. They ranged from political foes including Altaf Hussain and former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani to friends such as Syed Munawar Hassan and Maulana Samiul Haq, not to speak of Pervez Musharraf. The MQM and the Jamaat-i-Islami announced a halt to campaigning for a day, and President Asif Ali Zardari, who is frequently criticised by the PTI, sent him a bouquet. Equally heartening was Mr Khan’s own attitude as he spoke from his hospital bed, urging the people to cast their vote on May 11.

This maturity has been welcomed by a nation that often views its representatives with cynicism. However, one niggling thought remains. Why have many of the leaders moved by Tuesday’s dreadful spectacle not shown the same sympathy for those killed and wounded in the election rallies bombed by the TTP? Were these victims and their grieving relatives lesser human beings undeserving of solace because they belonged to the ‘wrong’ political parties?


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Progressive technology: ECP’s ‘8300’ service[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


THE Election Commission of Pakistan’s launch of the revamped ‘e-ticket’ service on Monday is welcome news in a pre-election landscape marked mostly by negativity and violence. Now, by sending his or her CNIC number via mobile phone text message to 8300, a voter can obtain information such as the location of their polling station, block code and serial number — essential data for those who wish to cast their vote on Saturday. In earlier elections, political parties used to give the information now obtainable through the 8300 service written on pieces of paper to voters. But this time campaigning has been lacklustre in many areas, especially in those affected by militant violence. Hence in the absence of vigorous election campaigns and public outreach by political parties, the service is a welcome method of arming voters with vital information.

The service has proved quite popular in urban areas, though it may take time to catch on in the rural parts of Pakistan. As per figures quoted in this paper on Wednesday, around two million people had used the service within 20 hours of its launch. It is a good idea not only because there are around 120 million mobile phones in the country, but also because young voters, many of whom will be casting their vote for the first time, are technology savvy and will be attracted to the service. Having the information available beforehand should save time and hassle at the polling station. Since ECP officials have said that mobile phone coverage will likely be suspended in some areas on May 11, it is a good idea to get the information ahead of polling day. Also, the ECP should highlight the service through a variety of media to inform the maximum number of people.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Unfortunate stand-off: Blasphemy legislation in Bangladesh[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]



IT is unfortunate that the stand-off between those demanding tougher legislation on blasphemy and the Bangladesh government has had such a violent outcome. For several weeks, the Hefazat-i-Islam — which draws support from the country’s madressahs — and its supporters have been demanding changes, including the introduction of the death penalty for those found guilty of blasphemy. Bangladesh, however, describes itself as a secular democracy and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed said that the current laws were adequate. Matters came to a head on Monday. With tens of thousands of religious activists on the streets, violence first erupted on Sunday after the police tried to break up a blockade of the highways leading into Dhaka. The next day, in a pre-dawn raid, the police launched a crackdown; Dhaka turned into a battleground echoing with gunfire, hundreds were injured and there were a number of deaths. The police shut down Islamist television stations and arrested dozens of protesters.Here in Pakistan, there is good reason to empathise. As this country’s experience has proved, caving in under pressure to groups that resort to violent means to press for their demands can never produce good results. Though it may temporarily appease such elements, it also emboldens them.

In particular, laws made under such pressure, especially from the religious right, generally prove to be controversial. As Pakistan has seen in terms of its own blasphemy legislation, laws based on religion prove practically impossible to undo later. It is easy for the hardline right to stoke the population’s passions through the card of religion. Yet the state must stand up; and that is why, although demands for a revisit of Pakistan’s own blasphemy laws fell silent after the assassination of Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer, the issue needs to be taken up again once a new government is in place. The hardline right may exert a lot of force, but it has to be resisted if Muslim countries are to become progressive countries too.

Dawn Editorial (10-May-2013)
 

10/05/2013

[SIZE="4"][SIZE="5"][B][CENTER]A bloody campaign: Pre-poll violence[/CENTER][/B][/SIZE][/SIZE]

WHAT has probably been the bloodiest election campaign in Pakistan`s history came to a violent close on Thursday with the kidnapping of Ali Haider Gilani, a candidate for the Punjab Assembly in Multan. While his father, former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, has accused political rivals of the kidnapping, most of the poll-related violence over the past month has been perpetrated and claimed by militants consisting of both the Taliban and the Baloch insurgents, who have done their utmost to disrupt the democratic transition. Most estimates suggest that since April 11, there have been over 100 deaths due to electionrelated violence, while hundreds have been injured. In various parts of Pakistan candidates have been assassinated or have narrowly escaped death while parties` election offices have been bombed.

Hence there is merit in the president`s complaint to the Election Commission of Pakistan, as detailed in a letter, that security for the PPP, the ANP and the MQMthe three parties directly threatened and targeted by the Taliban for their `secular` credentials has been inadequate and that these parties had been denied a level playing field during the campaign. We must underscore once more our disappointment with the reaction of parties left largely unscathed by militant violence, such as thePML-N and PTI as well as the religious right. They have either denied that the local Taliban are responsible for the attacks or simply made half-hearted appeals to the militants to stop the mayhem. The result has been a colourless campaign especially in areas most affected by militant violence such as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan and Karachi.

Leading figures of the threatened parties have been unable to hit the campaign trail due to security fears while even the parties` second-tier leadership kept a low profile. Nevertheless, they still deserve credit for marching on and refusing to call for a postponement of polls.

Looking ahead, the TTP has made disturbing claims that it has dispatched suicide bombers throughout the country to carry out attacks on election day. While security arrangements were largely unsatisfactory during the pre-poll period, both the army and civilian law enforcement machinery must be extra vigilant to ensure that the people can cast their vote in a largely violence-free atmosphere on Saturday. Based on intelligence agencies` assessment of the threat level, the army has deployed some 70,000 troops to maintain security during the elections. Tomorrow`s polls will be historic and the militants must not be allowed to sabotage the democratic process.


[SIZE="5"][B][CENTER]Cause for concern Bailout for Pakistan Steel Mills[/CENTER][/B][/SIZE]

THE latest bailout package for Pakistan Steel Mills is cause for deep concern. The first aspect relates to the amount in question. The package totals Rs11bn as working capital, an amount that the power sector has been gasping for but to no avail.

The second troubling feature are the `fringe benefits` attached to the bailout such as a waiver on overdue gas bills amounting to almost Rs13.5bn and the restructuring of Rs36.5bn in outstanding loans. Additionally, proposals exist to pressure the finance division to facilitate tax issues. In all, this is one of the kindest bailout packages conceived for the troubled steel mills, the last one coming in at Rs14.6bn, but without the fringe benefits. The full details of the package have yet to be worked out eg the restructuring of the outstanding debt, the modalities of how the escrow account will be operated, and the waiver of the outstanding gas bills. But the fact that the package has the tacit approval of all concernedmeans that only the details are being deliberated, and not the broader picture.

This is the biggest cause for concern. Governments in the past have struggled with the issue of throwing good money after bad, and attempting to bail out sick enterprises like Pakistan Steel is a classic example.

No matter how strict the accompanying demands for reform, these enterprises have a track record of always taking the money and running. The moment the liquidity arrives all commitments are forgotten, and the only outcome is elaborate excuses for more. This time, we are told, things will be different because safeguards will be built into the bailout. It would be better, however, if the interim government were to leave such decisions that are likely to have a lasting impact to the next government. The costs of this bailout will be borne by the next government, and it is only proper that it makes the decision on whether Pakistan Steel deserves another bailout or not.

[SIZE="5"][B][CENTER]Votes for sale?: Waziristan committee`s demands[/CENTER][/B][/SIZE]

AT first glance it looks uncomfortably like votes for sale; closer scrutiny shows that it`s a sharpening of focus that demands a shift away from the traditional method of playing politics. At the cusp of the elections, a civil society group called the Waziristan Action Committee has offered its backing and the over 1,200 votes it commands to whichever candidate in Miramshah can pay the right price. But the price does not concern cash: the WAC says that instead of spending money on the construction of new schools, the future parliamentarian must end tribal elders` occupation of government schools and ensure that the teachers on the payroll attend regularly; they want their representative to make sure that medical practitioners who receive salaries actually attend the health units that already exist; in this blood-bathed land, they want two blood banks to be established and two ambulances for hospitalsin Miramshah and Mirali; they want cricket and football grounds to be set up in Miramshah.

The charter the WAC has presented renects the people`s awareness about the means to improve everyday life in this underdeveloped area. But more importantly, it signals their rejection of the cosmetic measures to which Pakistani politicians traditionally resort to woo potential voters. In NA-40, the campaign pedod that hasjust ended saw the 34 candidates giving donations in cash and kind to mosques and seminaries; a former parliamentarian distributed electricity transformers, cables and other equipment. But what the people who have gathered under the WAC banner want is much more long-term, and far more meaningful. They want a representative willing to put in the hard work to change the ground realities that allow militant groups ingress. Is there a politician or a party committed enough to promise this?

Dawn Editorial (11-May-2013)
 

[B]11/05/2013[/B]

[SIZE="5"][B][CENTER]Their finest hour: Election day[/CENTER][/B][/SIZE]

IT`S here, the day many thought would somehow not arrive: election day the vital step in the first civilian-led transition between elected governments in a long time, an achievement that for years seemed out of reach of this country`s seesaw politics. What has brought the country to this point is the emerging maturity of the political class, and the restraint of other institutions, particularly the army and the superior judiciary. In the main, the political class keeping their eye on the overall objective sustaining the democratic project instead of pursuing parochial, shortterm goals has been buttressed by an electorate that while angered by incumbents, was determined to continue with the democratic process.

The always-waiting-in-theshadows anti-democratic forces have not been invoked as in the past.

Now that the election is here, however, sight must not be lost of the challenges that confront the country. The campaign season that concluded on Thursday underlined both the major threat and a major deficiency. The threat is from militant and extremist forces who have already distorted the election result by blighting the campaigns of parties that play up their liberal credentials the PPP, ANP and MQM. If those parties do suffer reversals at the polls today, it will be impossible to know if that is because of voter unhappiness or fear.

Either way, the voters` will has already been thwarted to a significant and unacceptable level.

Unhappily, little has been said during the campaign both by those campaigning on the streets and those reduced to campaigning via the media to suggest that Pakistan is any closer to understanding, accepting and responding to the challenge of militancy.

That it fell to the army chief to make the most categorical statement in the past weeks about what is at stake and who the enemy is, is a telling sign of political indecision and weakness. Whatever the configuration of parliament that will emerge from today`s vote, the cen-tral challenge will remain what it has been for the past five years: developing a robust and full-spectrum response to militancy.

The main deficiency has been the absence of a coherent understanding of the country`s economic base and how to propel it forward confidently and sustainably. Policy papers aside, few parties cared to be honest about the tough choices and many sacrifices that will have to be made to get the government`s finances in order and to turn a rent-seeking economic system into something more competitive and capable of producing growth that can absorb the millions pouring into an already vastly underutilised employment base. Given the choice between winning votes and telling hard truths, most politicians would choose the former. It is to this country`s enduring misfortune that economically responsible and truth-telling politicians have yet to emerge who can prepare the public for the realities that lie ahead.

Still, flawed and indifferent to fundamental problems as the campaign season has been, it has also seen energy and enthusiasm on a riveting scale. The tussle between the PML-N and PTI in Punjab has animated politics in a way that can only be good for an electorate that has historically largely shunned elections.

Voter enthusiasm for the democratic process can be the first step towards a better polity, where both parties and voters challenge each other to produce better outcomes for the country. It`s too late for this election but perhaps what the parties need tofocus ongoingforward are the dangers of a regionalised electorate in a country where centrifugal forces are many.

Energised and invigorated as parts of the electorate are because of the PTI and PML-N it is telling that even now a hung parliament is widely expected, meaning reforms and hard decisions may be more difficult than ever to push through. But for today at least, such matters can be set aside. Let the country celebrate the power of the vote once again.


[SIZE="5"][B][CENTER]Still left out: Women and minorities[/CENTER][/B][/SIZE]

A DIFFERENT trajectoryforthiscountry starts with equal opportunity and inclusivity. But for all the political elites` much vaunted commitment to these values, the reality remains quite different.

For example, even as millions will vote today, the fact is that a large number will be prevented from doing so because of their gender. In the tribal areas and in certain parts of Balochistan, KP and even Punjab, few women voted in the last elections.

They had been prevented from casting their vote by the tribal elders. Even where there have been gains, in several instances Pakistan has taken a few steps back.In Punjab,the women of the Paikhel union council are not likely to vote today as tribal elders withdrew the permission they had initially given over a month ago.

Similarly, in Lower Dir, political parties including the PPP, ANP and JI reportedly reached an informal agreement to not allow women to vote in the case of a constituency even though the JI, along with the JUIF, made efforts to mobilise women voters in KP. In addition to conservative traditions, there is also the fear factor. On Wednesday, a group calling itself the Mujahideen threw pamphlets into shops in Miramshah warning that any person who allowed women tovote would face dire consequences. Women`s exclusion from the electoral process means that their concerns are not taken on board, to the detriment of progressive policy. While political parties stand to benefit tremendously from mobilising female voters, they have largely failed to do this. Similarly, they have failed to engage with minority groups to secure their rights.

Inclusive politics starts with the mainstream. Yet from one point in particular can the political parties` commitment be gauged: women and members of religious minorities are presented in the election line-up only as a token effort. They are either candidates for the reserved seats, or are fielded in constituencies where the party has few chances of winning. This is what has to change if women and minorities are to be able to feel a part of politics. Having women or members of the minorities stand on a party`s `safe` seat, where they would have both a constituency and meaningful political clout, would send out a different signal altogether about Pakistan`s commitment to progress to not only the rest of the world but to the Pakistani electorate as well. The exclusivist grass-roots realities of this country can change only when the political culture is transformed.

Dawn Editorial (12-May-2013)
 

[B]12/05/2013[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Some flaws: After the polls[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

WITH the votes now in but counting continuing till the early hours of the morning, the focus will inevitably turn towards the numbers and results the overall result being the headline that will dominate most other things. But in a democratic order, the process is often as important, if not more so, than the results and yesterday`s voting process was marred by poor management and confusion in too many areas to overlook. Karachi, for example, has long been notorious for holding some of the most biased and skewed elections nationally but there was a legitimate expectation that an independent Election Commission of Pakistan aided by an interim administration would at least try and hold freer and fairer elections than in the past.

Unhappily, that did not happen.

The mistakes and shortcomings go far beyond Karachi, however, and while no single incident may rise to the status of a sensational lapse, cumulatively they could impact individual races, particularly in close contests.

Polling stations running out of ballot papers, some polling stations receiving ballots for different constituencies, individuals finding their votes had been moved to different polling stations all of these were administrative problems that could, and should, have been betterhandled. In Balochistan, in some polling stations no votes at all were cast because poll staff did not show up due to security fears an issue that had already been flagged and for which the ECP and provincial authorities had enough time to address.

Even after the ECP acted with some alacrity to extend voting hours, the message was not transmitted uniformly down to the polling station level, meaning some voters queuing up for hours were unable to cast their vote.

Still, for all the flaws and mistakes, yesterday was a good day for democracy.

The lives that were lost in attacks on Saturday were a bloody reminder of the cost this election has come at and the threat that remains; however, the worst fears of many did not materialise and overall a great number of people were able to cast their vote freely and fairly. That the Pakistani public has embraced democracy as the way forward despite all manners of threats and assaults on the democratic system is perhaps the single most reassuring development for the democratic project going forward.

Psephologists will parse the results of this election later and give their verdict but it already appears that the Pakistan of 2013 is very different to the Pakistan of 2002 or 1997 or 1993 or 1985. Democracy is growing and learning.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Another fire tragedy: LDA Plaza blaze[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IT is ironic that the Lahore Development Authority, tasked with enforcing fire codes in the Punjab capital`s buildings, was apparently lax in doing so when it involved its own structure. At least 23 people died in the LDA Plaza blaze which broke out on Thursday and gutted several floors. Some of the victims jumped to their deaths to escape the inferno.

Indicating the lack of fire safety awareness in the public, some survivors of the tragedy said a stampede broke out in the buiIding when the fire started.

One of the people lucky enough to escape the fire told this paper that the building lacked fire alarms. Also, Rescue 1122`s ladders were unable to reach the people trapped on the higher floors of the nine-storey building. There are also claims that the rescuers were slow to arrive. It is sheerluck thatthe death toll was not higher, as hundreds worked in the building. In a disturbing repeat of the blaze in Karachi`s State Life building last year, in which TV cameras caught a young man plunging to his death, footage ofvictims jumping from the LDA Plaza was repeatedly broadcast. Clearly, media houses need to refrain from airing such harrowing footage, which is tasteless and only adds to the mental agony of victims` families.

Several deadly fire incidents have been reported in our cities in the recent past, but the authorities` approach towards fire safety has not changed. Considering the number of high-rise buildings sprouting up across urban Pakistan, it is imperative that all such structures be equipped with fire alarms, extinguishers or sprinkler systems, while clearly marked fire exits must be mandatory. Building occupants must also be made to practise fire drills periodically.

What is more, disaster management bodies need to be equipped with the gear necessary to battle blazes in high-rises. Properly trained emergency response personnel can save precious lives if deployed in time and armed with the right equipment.

By continuing to ignore fire safety regulations and preparedness we are only putting more lives at risk.

[CENTER][B][SIZE="5"]Record price tag Campaign spending[/SIZE][/B][/CENTER]

DESPITE the threats, people did turn out yesterday in their millions to vote. It has taken many complex factors and realities to bring the country to this juncture, but one prosaic essential underpins them: money. It takes funds, large amounts of them, to run an election campaign on any meaningful scale. And the polls held yesterday were historic also in that they seem to have set a record in terms of spending. The intelligent guess going around is Rs400bn, representing collective spending by the government, the political parties and the candidates during the onemonth campaign period. In 2008, spending was estimated at about half this figure, over double the campaign time.

Of this sum, some Rs5bn were requisitioned by the Election Commission of Pakistan alone for ensuring free and fair elections.

But it is the remainder that must be accounted for when the election campaigns are recalled. Unlikethe past, this time there was an inordinate focus on paid advertising through the media. Constrained no doubt by security concerns from holding the normal corner meetings and rallies, the parties turned to the expensive mass dissemination of their message and in many places where there were rallies, they were impressive in both scale and the price tag they would have carried. The ECP did put a cap on election spending.

It now needs to be established where those caps were breached, and by whom. This is vital because success dependent on access to funds obviously tilts the playing field against the smaller parties and independent candidates. Further, it surreptitiously nudges parties towards courting the rich, thus corrupting the system. The ECP needs to do its level best, now, to take action on the complaints it is bound to receive in this regard and also make its own inquiries wherever appropriate.

Dawn Editorial (13-May-2013)
 

[B]13/05/2013[/B]

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Rise and fall: Poll results[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

UNEXPECTED it certainly was but the PML-N surging to a near-majority in the National Assembly in Saturday`s elections may more accurately be described as stunning.

This was supposed to be the era of coalitions, of parties and voters too divided to allow any one voice to rise above all others. And this was the election and campaign in which Imran Khan and his PTI threatened to turn electoral logic on its head and make unprecedented gains, particularly given the wild swing in momentum towards the PTI in the last two weeks of the campaign. Extraordinarily, none of that materialised and it is the PML-N that has produced a wave of its own on the back of silent voters who turned out in droves to catapult the party to power once again.

Why were the predictions so far off, with no one, barring the most partisan of PML-N supporters, predicting the scale of Saturday`s success? At this early stage, three reasons seem to be responsible. First, the media, dominated by and representative of urban, middle-class Pakistan, drank a bit too much of the PTI Kool-Aid, warming to a message that resonated with a large section of the media and overlooking, or perhaps just cut off from, other important sections of the Pakistani electorate. In a one-man, one-vote system,emphasising one group`s aspirations can produce skewed analyses. Second, Imran Khan himself helped build the hype with his soaring promises of unprecedented success delivered in a brazenly confident manner and backed by impressive turnouts at his many rallies in the last days of the campaign. The emotional draw of Mr Khan`s message was in the end harder for analysts and the media to resist than the electorate itself. Third, the PML-N`s solid campaign both protected its base and appears to have achieved an important breakthrough for the party the less well-to-do and poorer sections of the electorate. In making that breakthrough the PML-N appears to have benefited from the PPP`s abysmal performance over the past five years and the party`s non-campaign.

Once the dust settles, both winner and loser the PML-N and PTI will have much to be proud of.

Despite being relentlessly attacked from all sides, the PML-N and Nawaz Sharif resolutely kept their focus on what needs to be done to solve grave national issues, a clear mandate being the first step towards that. And despite falling short of its own lofty expectations, the PTI has injected a much-needed dose of vigour and vitality into the democratic project.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Unable to vote: Loopholes in the system[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

THERE has been justifiable anger amongst progressive quarters over the fact that in some areas women were prevented from voting. Enfranchisement has to be universal, with no caveats. This challenge takes on even greater importance when it is considered that these women were not the only ones unable to vote on Saturday. An as yet uncounted number of people couldnotvote because they had applied for the renewal of their CNICs, and the expired cards had been kept as per procedure by Nadra. The authorities did notice, and a few days before the polls the ECP announced that ballots could be cast on expired CNICs, while Nadra said that the cards of people applying between then and May 11 would not be confiscated.

But it was already too late for some. Then, there were the extra policemen sent to Islamabad for election duty. Over 8,000 of them did not vote because they were registered in their areas of residence, and their department failed to ensure postal balloting.Many of them did not know about this right while others could not meet the postal ballot deadline because of their work schedule wherever the fault lay, they did not vote. Similar was the case with voters registered in cities other than where they now reside.

While much of the onus lies on the citizens themselves for not bothering to change the details of where they were registered, in many cases they tried but failed. In any case, a strong public awareness campaign and greater effort on part of the authorities would have helped.

Universal enfranchisement is an on-going exercise and in general the ECP has not done badly at all in this election. But loopholes remain, and it is hoped that the ECP, Nadra and other departments involved in the electioneering process continue to work on them. As the turnout in these elections shows, people do believe in the electoral process.

The state must do its bit by continuing to improve the system.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Old habits die hard: NYT journalist expelled[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IT seems that the mindset that drives segments of the establishment has not changed from the time that media censorship was in vogue in Pakistan. It is also apparent that some powerful elements did not like what Declan Walsh, Islamabad bureau chief of the New York Times, was writing. Mr Walsh, who was on Thursday told to leave Pakistan within 72 hours due to his alleged `undesirable activities` has since left the country.

Mr Walsh is a journalist of international repute who has covered Pakistan for nearly a decade, previously for the British paper The Guardian, and knows this country well. He has indeed written on sensitive topics such as militant violence and the PakistanUS relationship, but we agree with the NYT that his reporting has been `balanced, nuanced and factual`. What is more, the authorities failed to provide any reason why they found the journalist`s activities `undesirable`when they delivered his expulsion letter.

The other troubling aspect is the timing of the orders. Mr Walsh`s visa was cancelled at a time when the country was preoccupied with Saturday`s general elections, and those who did not want him here knew this was an opportune time to strike.

Previously, attempts were made to deny him a visa extension, but with the intervention of the political government the matter was resolved. It is unfortunate that the caretaker government did nothing to stop Mr Walsh`s expulsion, especially as the interim information minister himself is a seasoned journalist. The powers that be must realise that such efforts only boomerang and work to enhance Pakistan`s image as an unwelcome place for journalists. The media both local and foreign must be free to report the facts without any let or hindrance created by any quarter.