Past present: Lessons learnt & not learnt
InpaperMagzine By Mubarak Ali

Throughout history, Bengal has resisted a central government and its domination. Therefore, from the opposite end, traditionally, Bengalis are portrayed as rebels, troublemakers and miscreants. During the Sultanate period, for instance, there were a few uprisings against Delhi, the capital.

During the reign of Ghayasuddin Balban (b. 1200; d. 1287), there was a rebellion so dangerous and widespread that despite his old age, Balban personally led the expedition to crush it. He erected gibbets on both sides and the rebels were hanged in public to warn the insurgents, in this case Bengalis, of the dire consequences of rebelling against the central government. But the province remained a hotbed of rebels throughout the reign of the Sultans of Delhi.

During the colonial period, Bengalis were the first to adopt European education and competed in the ICS; they also demanded that the ICS examinations be held in India instead of London. But the Hindu and Muslim aristocracy of northern India opposed this demand.

In his address to the Patriotic Association, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) said that it would be easier to obey an Englishman as their officer without any knowledge of what class he belonged to. According to him, the Rajputs and Muslims would not accept a Bengali as their officer.

He remarked that Bengalis were cowards who went into hiding at the mere sight of a naked sword. His derogatory comments against Bengalis were applauded and appreciated by his audience, largely the Muslim Ashrafiya (aristocracy) but Bengalis proved him wrong.

In 1905, Bengalis protested against the English decision to redraw the boundaries of the Bengal Presidency and divide it into two parts. A campaign was launched to boycott English for good. Initially they agitated against the government through peaceful means but later when they felt that their voice was being ignored, they resorted to violence and forced the government to annul Bengal’s partition in 1911.

Learning no lessons from history, the Pakistani bureaucracy and the ruling classes inherited the racial prejudice against Bengalis which had originated in northern India. In reaction to being treated as inferior, Bengalis first demanded equal rights and dignity and failing in this quest, they launched a movement for separation.

Every year many Pakistanis mourn ‘the fall of Dhaka’ without realising the plight, the suffering and the pain that Bengalis went through as a virtual colony of the then West Pakistan. This resulted in bloodshed, massacre and uprooting of hundreds of thousands as a result of the army action in 1971.

As a nation, Pakistanis seem to have no sense of guilt as the majority in what is Pakistan today supported military action against Bengalis. Even the intellectuals, except a few, kept silent about the barbaric acts committed against them, to the extent that the separation of Bangladesh is ignored as a gruesome chapter in our history.

There is no mention of the tragedy that preceded the creation of Bangladesh in our textbooks. Sadly, those who committed crimes against humanity got away with no retribution. They were neither put on trial nor investigated for their gross violations and cruelty.

History tells us that nations who deny their crimes against humanity are likely to repeat such actions. We have the recent example of the US that committed such crimes in Vietnam with no sense of guilt and then years later repeated the same in Iraq, Afghanistan and Guantanamo Bay prison in Cuba.

Similarly, Pakistani security forces repeated similar acts in Sindh before and during the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) from 1978 to ‘87; in Balochistan it is an ongoing practice, where there are endless missing people today who dared to demand their fundamental rights.

The Bangladesh crisis showed how propaganda mobilised the nationalist sentiment of the people in Pakistan, with the state dubbing the Bengali opposition as foreign agents, justifying action against them and going for their elimination. The media had portrayed Bengalis as being influenced by a Hindu conspiracy to divide Pakistan. This worked on a majority of Pakistanis.
Even today when facts have become known, Pakistanis are not ready to acknowledge their guilt.

With the separation of Bangladesh, Pakistani politics suffered because Bengalis were more politically conscious and active.
Since their leadership belonged to the middle class, their approach to politics was liberal and secular. Once Bangladesh became independent, the landowners and feudal lords of Pakistan became the unchallenged leaders and dominated politics and power.

In the absence of a strong opposition, the army has had opportunities to overthrow constitutional governments and rule with an iron hand. The separation of Bangladesh further weakened the trade unions and students movements in Pakistan. The small provinces which enjoyed active support of Bengalis were now deprived of that strength, and they became victims of the strong centre.

It is high time for the Pakistani nation to admit its guilt and apologise to Bangladeshis. Instead of mourning the fall of Dhaka, it is the guilt that should be owned and atoned for. Bangladesh won its independence, from us, of all people, and that is shameful.

Today Bangladesh provides an important lesson to Pakistan. Its liberal and secular state structure, its good relations with neighbours and the strength of its democratic institutions have helped it develop as a progressive nation. In this liberal milieu, its educational institutions contribute new ideas and thoughts to society.

East Pakistan under the domination of West Pakistan was underdeveloped and backward; with freedom, Bangladesh has expressed its potential, energy and vitality as a nation. It has learnt lessons from history and changed its social and political structure after experiencing military rule. Freedom and independence are blessings if they are correctly understood and utilised by the rulers.