The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan says the situation in the province of Balochistan is on the brink of civil war. In 2010, over 100 decomposed bodies were found, many in Mekran, and over 300 persons are still “missing.” Most of the dead bodies showed torture marks. Al-Badr-like shadowy groups, such as Baloch Musla Defai Tanzeem and Sipah-e-Shuhada-e-Balochistan are responsible. Last year, there were 117 incidents of targeted killings; another 119 people died in bomb explosions and 19 were killed in sectarian attacks. NATO tankers are routinely torched.

Taliban Shura leaders are holed up in the Quetta region from where they are directing attacks on NATO forces in southern Afghanistan. NATO wants to bomb their hideouts. Gas pipelines to Punjab are constantly attacked and supplies disrupted. Ethnic-cleansing is increasing. Many questions arise. Are the Baloch nationalists fighting for secession or autonomy? Where are all the missing persons of Balochistan? Who is carrying out ethnic cleansing of settler-Punjabis? Who is target-killing leaders of the nationalist movement? What is the role of the “agencies” of Pakistan and India? What are the grievances of the Baloch? Is there a “solution” in sight?

Balochistan is a sort of tribal confederation with its attendant pulls and pushes, competitions and conflicts. Baloch nationalism draws its inspiration from the enforced accession of Kalat state to Pakistan at the time of Partition. The hurt and wound of the original sin has progressively become a rallying nationalist cause only because accession did not lead to integration into the new nation-state of Pakistan.

Indeed, in time the nationalist narrative has transcended the original agitation politics of non-integration (how many Baloch are there in the bureaucracy, the army and the public sector?), and sought to renew itself on the basis of the militant politics of exploitation (Sui gas royalties are inadequate, Gwadar Port is not in Baloch hands, Baloch lands are being bought up by Punjabis, Balochistan’s minerals are being extracted by foreigners for a song, etc.). The case of East Pakistan’s slide into alienation and separatism comes to mind straightaway. But a comparison points to some critical differences.

A “confederation of tribes” with mutual jealousies and conflict was not as conducive to the rise of unified Baloch nationalism like the political and cultural homogeneity of the Bengalis was for their nationalism. Therefore Islamabad was better able to divide and rule the Baloch than it was able to subdue the Bengalis.

This was reflected in the split between the nationalist tribal sardars of the Marri and Bugti tribes in the resistance movement of the 1960s and 1970s when the former took up arms against Islamabad and the latter sulked on the sidelines or actually embraced it. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Marris, Mengals and Bugtis tried to obtain a measure of political and economic autonomy from Islamabad but failed, because the mainstream PPP and PML-N were busy making and breaking governments and ignoring the imperative of economic development and national integration.

The military government in the 2000s negated the benevolent effect of economic development by depriving the sardars and middle classes of Balochistan of its largesse. (Gwadar was tied securely to anchors in Islamabad and the Bugti tribe was threatened with military reprisals for agitating about royalties from Sui and contracts from Pakistan Petroleum.)

Worse, in the 2002 elections, the military regime propped up the mullahs and religious ideologues of Balochistan (and NWFP) at the expense of the tribal sardars, mainstream politicians and the middle classes, effectively depriving them of power-sharing. This culminated in alienating the Marri sardars and forcing them into exile and antagonising the Bugti sardars and compelling them to resist by force. The premeditated elimination of Nawab Akbar Bugti through a military operation became the catalyst for an unprecedented unified stand by the Marris, Mengals and Bugtis against Islamabad.

This was a turning point for Baloch nationalism. Here was the necessary condition for revolt and rebellion. The sufficient condition was provided by a new twist in regional politics. The American intervention in Afghanistan brought an anti-Pakistan regime to power in Kabul that saw profitable leverage against Pakistan in hosting Baloch insurgents and fanning Baloch separatism.

On the other border, with India, it was also payback time for Pakistan’s jihadi incursions and instigations in Kashmir in the 1990s and early 2000s. Thus, the Marri-Bugti leaders in exile readily clutched at the new facilitators and providers of arms and funds from across Pakistan’s eastern and western borders and launched their armed resistance against Islamabad.

The undemocratic national security “deep state” of Pakistan has responded by a policy of repression. That is why Baloch nationalists are target-killed by invisible agencies whose calling card is “Pakistan Zindabad.” Or they “disappear” in the dungeons of military field-intelligence units where the writ of the soft state (judiciary and civilian administration) is absent. And that is why the Baloch nationalist movement is portrayed as an Indian-Afghan-sponsored “conspiracy against the integrity and solidarity of Pakistan.”

The nationalists have retaliated with a policy of ethnic-cleansing of Balochistan’s settler-Punjabis because they are seen as potential allies of the enemy deep state dominated and led by Punjabis. Their bloody fate can squarely be laid at the door of insurgent Baloch nationalism. Is there a way out of this quagmire?

Secession, for an independent Balochistan, is not possible, because the modern nation state guards its territorial sovereignty and integrity fiercely. India’s state has wiped out an entire generation of Kashmiri “freedom fighters” without relinquishing an inch of territory. Therefore, as in Kashmir, the insurgency in Balochistan will lead to repression, not secession. Only a foreign intervention and war could create conditions for Pakistan’s disintegration and Balochistan’s secession as an independent state, as happened in 1971 in the case of Bangladesh.

But nuclear equations tend to deter war with India. Will the mere promise of political autonomy and economic development and representation in the organs of the civil-military bureaucracy persuade the insurgents to abandon armed struggle and accept rehabilitation in Quetta?

No. The secessionists will cease insurgency only when the external forces that feed and prop them up back off and their safe havens in Afghanistan dry up. That is when they will consider returning to the mainstream, and that too only if there are credible and positive inducements for it. Therefore, the sufficient condition for insurgency today (foreign support) must become the necessary condition (by being withdrawn) for negotiating true autonomy and integration of Balochistan into Pakistan.

But foreign support and safe havens for Baloch nationalists will not end until there are mutually related settlements of outstanding disputes between Islamabad and New Delhi and Islamabad and Kabul, so that their proxy wars and insurgencies can come to an end. This also implies an appropriate end-game in Afghanistan acceptable to the USA.

Is that a tall order? Yes, it is; in the short run, at least. In the longer term, however, there is no alternative for the three states in the region. Each must respect the territorial integrity of the other two in the interest of peace, stability, integration and economic development in the region. A US withdrawal from Afghanistan must be presaged by a historic India-Pakistan rapprochement.

Crisis of governance

Democracy in Pakistan is in danger. The reason is that the government is in danger. The reason is that one of the predicates on which the post-2009 experiment in democracy was based, was that the Gilani government would last the full five years of its term. However, it seems that it is heading towards a collapse, and the reprieve is only temporary, which will force President Asif Zardari to hold a general election. Since that election would be in the middle of this Parliament’s term, it would be another midterm election, of which there have been so many, the only Parliament going to its full term being the previous, under the watchful eye of President Pervez Musharraf, who was also COAS. The reason for this impending collapse has been the exit of the MQM from the ruling coalition. The reason for its survival so far has been because the opposition is too fragmented to form a government, and because the MQM wants to remain in the Sindh government, probably even more than in the central government. However, the MQM probably knew when its ministers left the central government that this would lead to the collapse of the government, which was unstable by its very nature. Though the PPP won the largest number of seats, it could not win an absolute majority, something which is rare in Pakistan despite the Westminster-style first-past-the-post system, probably because of provincialism. It should be noted that there have been absolute majorities in the provinces, though the example of Sindh is also there, where despite the PPP winning absolute majorities, it has always formed coalitions with the MQM.
The MQM is thus one step away from an ancient ambition: holding the central government. It should be clear that the Gilani government, and thus the entire PPP dispensation, including its possession of all the great offices of state, now depends solely on the MQM. The MQM wants its share of local bodies in the impending elections, and that is perhaps all that is keeping it from pulling the whole house down.
While the PM insisted all along that his government was stable, politicians at one time were studying Article 58, dealing with the dissolution of the National Assembly. That is not a good sign for any government, and there was a week, in which the troubles were piled on the government, even though the Supreme Court remained quiet, by the murder of the Punjab Governor, Salman Taseer, by one of his own guards. Since the murder was supposed to have taken place because of the Governor’s initiative against the blasphemy law, another future measure of the government bit the dust.
However, the government not just took on board the MQM, but continued to court the PML(N), which showed that, while it could not bring down the government, it could expel the PPP’s Punjab ministers. Apart from the usual exchange of good wishes to each other’s mandate, the government also agreed to accept PML(N) Quaid Mian Nawaz Sharif’s agenda, which would hit against President Asif Zardari. The reversal of the petrol price hike was a reflection of that. However, the full extent of the PML(N)’s agenda will be felt only when there is a serious attempt to root out corruption. The problem is not Asif Zardari, though it is unlikely that he would have achieved the Presidency of Pakistan in any other party. The problem is thus the PPP, which has allowed itself to become a vehicle not just for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, but also his son-in-law, amid a culture of corruption that is unacceptable in this era. However, the PPP, which is not just a political party, but something more, by virtue of being a political vehicle for a dynasty in a democratic polity, makes it inevitable that corruption be practiced. Money is initially needed to fight elections, and then to maintain a lavish lifestyle. Then the purpose of politics changes from solving people’s problems to gaining access to, and then milking, the resources of the state. It is still not entirely clear whether the PPP’s original slogan of roti, kapra aur makan was sincere, but it was made clear that it meant socialism. That socialism has been abandoned, but the slogan has been revived by President Zardari. He belongs to the youth of the 1960s and 1970s, who were inspired by Bhutto and this slogan, and who have seen the abandonment of the socialist ideal under the desire to curry American favour, which is assumed essential for gaining and retaining power in Pakistan.

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When Problems are so Big & Your Strength is no Longer enough to CaRRy them, Don't Give uP; Because where your Strength Ends the Grace of Almighty ALLAH Begins

ANALYSIS: China, India and Pakistan

The Pakistani media gave a lot of attention to Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao’s recent visit to India and then Pakistan. Since we consider our friendship with China to be higher than the mountains and deeper than the oceans, it was understandably a matter of concern for us how such a friend would relate to a country with which we profess enmity that, by the same token, may be higher than all the known mountains and deeper than all the known oceans. Reliance on superlatives rather than normal expression is indeed our forte. I do not understand why we need to exaggerate some relationships and oversimplify others. The problem is that hyperbolic descriptions of our friends and enemies are delusional.

Foreign relations and foreign policy cannot reasonably be based on poetic licence, though there is no reason to ground them on cold-blooded instrumentalism either. A middle course based on facts and enlightened pragmatism is always better. Was it not so that we were once calling ourselves the most allied-ally of the US? The Americans, on the other hand, never at any stage encouraged us to make such declarations of love. Even during the Eisenhower period, the Americans were very clear that India was the paramount power in South Asia and also the only democracy.

In my forthcoming book on the role of the military in Pakistan, I have demonstrated that by the 1960s the Americans were very clear that we had entered military pacts with them to deal with India and not because of our zeal to fight communism. Of course, the US-Pakistan courtship warmed up after the Soviet Union sent troops to aid their beleaguered comrades in Afghanistan, but even then both sides were allied to each other for purely instrumental reasons.

Another example of our extravagance is the way we suck up to the Saudis. Some years ago, when one of the Saudi Kings expired, former President Musharraf declared one week of national mourning. The Saudis themselves did nothing of the sort because, from the Wahabi point of view, any such display of feelings for a human being is heresy. I think these examples should suffice to establish the point I want to make.

So then, what happened during Wen Jiabao’s recent visit to India and Pakistan? China and India agreed to increase their trade to $ 100 billion by 2015. The Chinese also promised to rectify the trade imbalance between them; at present, China exports much more than it imports from India. The Chinese premier said that there was room for both India and China to grow and therefore there was no need to go down the path of confrontation. He did not, however, make concessions on their border disputes. About India’s ambitions to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the Chinese were reticent.

The Chinese probably want to keep the pressure on India in case India gets too cosy with the Americans. The Chinese also did not agree to mention a Pakistani hand in the Mumbai terrorist attacks of November 26, 2008. Even more significant was that China advised India and Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir dispute through negotiations. China is no less worried than India about Pakistan becoming a springboard for a Taliban type of jihad. That could entail the Muslim-majority Xinjiang being destabilised.

Pakistan does enjoy a special status in terms of Chinese strategy to maintain a presence in South Asia. The port at Gwadar and prospective minerals in Balochistan make Pakistan dear to the Chinese. We are going to benefit from Chinese investments to the tune of $ 25 billion. China has sold us MIG aircraft and other armament and it is commonly believed in both Washington DC and Delhi that China also assisted us in becoming a nuclear power. From the Chinese point of view, an overbearing India in South Asia is not good for them. However, from this it does not follow that China would risk its own security or economic interests if we provoke a conflict with India.

In the 1965 war, the Chinese ambassador to Islamabad was advising guerrilla warfare to Pakistan when both Ayub Khan and Z A Bhutto were worried to death that the Indians could walk into Lahore anytime. I am sure the Chinese knew that the Pakistani leadership was not even remotely capable of fighting guerrilla warfare so their advice only won them brownie points and nothing more. It is foolish to believe that it was because of China that India did not invade East Pakistan in 1965. The Indians are not stupid. At that time, the Bengalis were still not alienated from West Pakistan. Equally, in November 1971, when Z A Bhutto was sent to China to solicit help in case of war with India, he returned home without any Chinese guarantees because that could have meant war — it being drawn into a war with the Soviet Union, with which India had recently entered into a 20-year treaty of mutual help.

Keeping these facts in view, if China and India can put their border disputes aside and the contentious issue of Tibet can also be set aside while they increase their trade, why can we not follow suit? Pakistan’s economic prosperity is dependent largely on us normalising relations with India. Of course it takes two to tango and we have to find out how serious India is about fair and equal trade with us. I have met many Pakistanis who say that the Indians talk with a silver tongue when it comes to generalities about trade and so on. However, when it comes to actual practice, Indian bureaucracy is narrow-minded and mean and creates such hurdles that Pakistani traders give up in frustration.

Recently, I learnt that Pakistan has challenged in Indian courts the fact that a special variety of basmati rice called Super Basmati, developed by Pakistani scientists, is now being grown in India. According to the gentleman who informed me, this is not acceptable behaviour and constitutes a breach of the law. This is only one case. More examples can be given.

Equally, Pakistan’s security depends upon normalising relations with India. One cannot reasonably claim that India constitutes a threat to us when out of the four wars with India, three were initiated by us: 1947-48, 1965 and 1999. Since we are now a nuclear power, India cannot hit us with impunity. Therefore, a reasonable basis exists for us to work out a new relationship with India. Let us find out what India really wants. This we can do without worrying about Chinese and American reactions. Pakistan is not that important for either of them.

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When Problems are so Big & Your Strength is no Longer enough to CaRRy them, Don't Give uP; Because where your Strength Ends the Grace of Almighty ALLAH Begins

While the present mess in Europe leads to some quite depressing conclusions, one feels that we in SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) have many mutual areas of understanding with the EU (European Union) from which we can learn. Importantly, one hopes that the Indo-Pak can learn from some basic mistakes of the EU that are now causing serious problems for its member countries. What we primarily see is that as a Union or as a Regional Cooperative Bloc, the European Union failed to address the major concerns of smaller and less developed economies towards bridging the gaps in socio-economic conditions, infrastructure and traditional cultural differences, while blindly moving forward with its monetary and financial cooperation. SAARC, which still functions as a much loosely tied cooperation in comparison to the rather too strong a bonding of the EU, fortunately has a chance to move forward and consolidate step by step. However, to achieve this in our case the larger player India needs to play the same role as Germany in Europe (willing to compromise, share and resolve historical irritants), and hopefully with a better balance!
The basic problem of Europe is that the Euro is purely an artificial financial construction with a huge cultural and socio-discrepancy between Europe’s North and South. Germany plays the major part in maintaining the balance and the Germans now feel trapped, as they reckon that a way out (back to the German Mark) would for them be an economical suicide, i.e. it would kill the German export industry. A temporary suspension of Greece, Ireland and Portugal memberships is not compatible with the EU’s Constitution and the Union in its present situation can ill afford to provide a safety belt for Spain and Italy, if they also eventually come forward to seek bailouts. SAARC to date has no such issues.
Another fundamental problem of the West (Europe and USA) is that it has developed two different economic cultures: Real economy and a deception-speculation culture. For the real economy it has stringent and binding regulations. On the other hand, nobody really understands the new instruments of the financial industry (Banking and Insurance). BIZ calculated a daily currency trading volume of $4,000 billion! The destruction potential of those speculations is overshooting dramatically any imaginable loss of the real economy (Lehman and Madoff!). Kickbacks, retrocessions and disclaimers are still legal and shareholders have a comfortable safety belt knowing that system relevant banks are too big to fail.

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When Problems are so Big & Your Strength is no Longer enough to CaRRy them, Don't Give uP; Because where your Strength Ends the Grace of Almighty ALLAH Begins

Peacekeeping, as defined by the United Nations is a way to help countries torn by conflict creates conditions for sustainable peace. UN peacekeepers—soldiers and military officers, civilian police officers and civilian personnel from many countries—monitor and observe peace processes that emerge in post-conflict situations and assist ex-combatants in implementing the peace agreements they have signed.

Such assistance comes in many forms, including confidence-building measures, power-sharing arrangements, electoral support, strengthening the rule of law, and economic and social development. All operations must include the resolution of conflicts through the use of force to be considered valid under the charter of the United Nations.

UN peacekeeping missions involving Pakistan covers a long and cherished history of Pakistani involvement with the United Nations. Pakistan joined the United Nations on 30 September, 1947. Pakistan has been actively involved in most of the UN Peacekeeping missions and its specialized agencies and other bodies, as well as in various UN conferences.

Pakistan has been selected as a member of the Peace building Commission from the category of troop contributing countries. Pakistan looks forward to contributing to the work of the Peace-building Commission with its vast experience in peacekeeping and peace-building.

Significantly, Pakistan is the largest contributor of military personnel to UN operations for the last three years 2000s. Pakistan is also amongst the top providers of Civilian Police and Military Observers. The history of Pakistan Armed Forces commitment in peacekeeping can be traced back to 1960 when Pakistani soldiers became part of United Nations peacekeeping efforts in Congo.

With the expanded and renewed UN role, Pakistan has gradually become a forerunner in the worldwide peace efforts. The countries past contributions to various UN missions in form of contingents and observer groups include UN mission in Congo, 1960-64, UN Security Force in New Guinea West Irian, 1962-63, UN mission in Iraq-Kuwait in 1991-2003, UN Mission in Haiti, 1995-1998, UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia, 1992-195, UN Mission in Somalia, 1992-1995, UN Operation in Somalia, 1992-1995, UN Protection Forces in Bosnia,1992-1996, UN Transitional Administration for Easter Slovenia, 1996-2001, UN Assistance Mission in Sierra Leone, 2001-2005 and UN Mission in Brundi, 2004. The mission in Congo was established in August 2003.

Presently a total of approximately 10513 troops of Pakistan army and Police are part of UN missions around the globe, 250 in Haiti, 175 in Kosovo, 3,590 in Congo, 3,419 in Liberia, 1,580 in Sudan, 1,304 in Ivory Coast and 195 in East Timor. Army is full of numerous achievements on Peacekeeping missions around the globe.

The sacrifices and contributions of Pakistani troops speak of the commitment of the troops to peace across the globe and Pakistanis desire to see the principles of human dignity freedom and self-determination applied to all the people struggling to secure their inalienable basic human right.

Pakistan is providing approximately 12.25 per cent of its total number of troops for ongoing UN missions and current deployments include eight major peacekeeping missions. The UN has acknowledged the role and valuable contribution made by Pakistani contingents as part of Peacekeeping missions. In pursuance of the sacred cause for peacekeeping, 98 Pakistani peacekeepers have so far laid down their lives which are almost two men per year for achieving peace and forging tranquility in disturbed countries of the world.

In addition to that around 100 personnel were wounded. Pakistan started this mission by contributing a battalion group, comprising one infantry battalion and supporting elements. The mission was later expanded and Pakistan contributed an additional infantry brigade comprising three infantry battalions. Presently 3,582 troops of Pakistan Army are rendering valuable services there. In Liberia presently over 3391 troops of Pakistan are serving in blue beret.

The mission established in November 2003, consists of a sector headquarters, two infantry battalions, one infantry battalion as Quick Reaction Force, three engineer companies and a level II hospital. In Ivory Coast Pakistanis contingent with a total strength of 1,129 personnel consists of elements Transport Company, Engineers, Infantry Police Unit comprising 175 personnel. UN established its mission in Sudan in October 2005.

Pakistanis contingent consists of Sector Headquarters, an Infantry Battalion Group, two Aviation Units, one Transport Company, level-II Hospital, Engineer and de-mining company with a total strength of - 1,542 men. In Haiti presently Pakistan has two companies formed of police units, comprising 250 personnel. In Kosovo Pakistan has provided civilian Police Contingent comprising 115 personnel.

Its Headquarters in Pristine the mission in Kosovo was established in December 2006. In East Timor 195 personnel of formal police unit formed part of UN mission which was established in November 2004. Presently 129 Pakistani Military Observers and 63 Staff Officers are also deployed on 14 UN missions. These observers and staff officers are deployed in Congo, Sierra Leone, East Timor, Liberia, Georgia, Ivory Coast, Western Sahara, Kosovo, Sudan, UN Headquarters New York, Haiti, Ethiopia, Darfur and Brundi.

Pakistan told a committee of the General Assembly that it remains committed to the UN playing a central role in advancing the broad development agenda and in promoting a genuine and enhanced global partnership for development. Pakistan facing the twin challenge of ensuring sustained development in the wake of the multiple global economic crises, while responding effectively to the imperatives of climate change is particularly daunting.

Islamabad said; The global development scenario remains complex. We see an urgent imperative to close our ranks and redouble efforts to address the daunting development challenges that the world confronts today.

Pakistan has always been a strong proponent of UN in the development of an effective mechanism to monitor the implementation of agreed development goals and commitments. In this regard, a comprehensive matrix needs to be developed to assess the actions taken by all relevant actors – national governments, development partners, international institutions, civil society and the private sector.

The Peacekeeping operations will remain largely inadequate if not backed by equal efforts aimed at conflict resolution and post conflict peace-building; with a particular focus on conflict prevention, pacific settlement of disputes and addressing the underlying causes of conflict. Accordingly, a real interface of peacekeeping and peace-building through integrated missions and Peace-building Commission is essential for formulating the right exit strategies and laying down the foundations of sustainable peace and development.

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When Problems are so Big & Your Strength is no Longer enough to CaRRy them, Don't Give uP; Because where your Strength Ends the Grace of Almighty ALLAH Begins

In early 2010, the process of renaming proceeded and the Pakistani Senate confirmed the name change to Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa in the 18th amendment to the constitution of Pakistan with a unanimous 90 votes on 15 April 2010.
It took 109 years to correct a historical wrong and what a journey it has been. It was in 1901, when the North-West Frontier Province was carved out of Punjab. Pakhtoonkhwa, Pakhtunkhwa, Pukhtunkhwa or Pashtunkhwa is the name used by the majority of Pashtun people for the pashtun areas of Pakistan. More recently it was used by the nationalist Pashtun people in Pakistan as the name by which they wanted to rename the former North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). The nationalists pashtuns Pakhtunkhwa is an old name of the area inhabited by pashtuns. Bacha Khan proposed this name to Zia ul Haq in 1978 as an alternative to the Pashtunistan. Pakhto poets from the time of Shahabuddin Muhammad Ghouri down to the present age, have been mentioning the area as Pakhtunkhwa. The word Pakhtunkhwa was also used in the mo0dern poetry by contemporary poets like Qalandar Momand(1930-2003) long before it was suggested as the nomenclature for the NWFP. Besides Pashtuns, there are many non-Pashtuns who have mentioned this name in their writings like a french orientalist James Darmesteter has written a book with the title, "Da Pakhtunkhwa Bagh w Bahar" a selection of Pashton poems. For most of the history of the NWFP, there were efforts to change its name. As early as 1933, when "Afghania" was proposed, suggestions for new names came and went. Although some of the names were ethnically neutral, most proposals emphasized the province's Pashtun ethnic identity. The renaming issue was an emotional one which often crossed party lines and not all supporters of a renaming agreed on the name Pakhtunkhwa. Pakhtun nationalist parties have continued to press for a change of name. Alternatives included Pashtunistan, Pakhtunkhwa and Afghania. It was widely thought that Pakistan's military establishment viewed the Pashtun nationalist parties with suspicion as they had close ties to the regimes in Afghanistan, and thus opposed the alternatives as being smacking of secessionism. Sensing strong opposition to Pashtunistan, the nationalist parties later changed tack and started calling the NWFP as Pakhtunkhwa, citing historical references both dating to the time of Greek historian Herodotus and later to emperor Shahabudin Ghauri. Paktunkhwa, they hoped, would be less controversial and therefore find approval, particularly in Punjab, whose votes were crucial in amending the constitution. It however, remained a distant dream. The PML, with which ANP twice shared power, refused to support the amendment, leading to the collapse of their coalition government in the NWFP. It is said that Nawaz Sharif had broached the matter with the later ANP leader Wali Khan shortly before his govt was dismissed in a military coup by Gen Musharaf. ANP leaders privy to the development recall that Mian Sahib had agreed to a hypenhated name, but while Wali Khan was not averse to the proposition, Ajmal Khatak opposed it and the party had to relent on the issue. Afterwards, PML-N conveyed it to the ANP that their party might not have any problem with a compound name for the NWFP and that the matter would be resolved once the remaining issues over the judicial commission were resolved. But to the surprise of many within the PML-N some of their own colleagues from the NWFP refused to play ball and opposed any compromise. These included Sardar Mahtab Khan among others, whose refusl to back down took his own party leadership by surprise. The party got in touch with ANP and sought time to overcome the problem. Much to its pleasure, the ANP found broad political support over the renaming issue, from its coalition partner, the PPP. The MQM, JUI, PPP(Sherpao), PML-F, PMAP, Baloch nationalist parties and even Jamait-i-Islami went along and said they would support any consensus name. The only opposition came from PML-N and PML-Q. It is not a samll achievment and the credit goes to the collective wisdom of political parties across the aisle for slowing flexibility on what arguably was the most difficult, controversial and divisive issue of all. But it will be the ANP which will rightly claim the credit for correcting a historical wrong and giving an identity to the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Renaming Controversy
The renaming of NWFP was controversial and was overwhelmingly rejected by the large population of the NWFP known as the Hazarians, Seraikis and Chitralis. There was a widespread protest accross the Hazara region and Silk road was blocked by protesters. On 12 April the protests took a new turn when police started a batton charge against protestors. This incident took 12 lives and left 100 people injured. There was wide spread protests through the country by the Hazara Qaumi Movement and Hinko Falahi Qaumi Forum. Hindkowians living in the all parts of country condemned the renaming and called for the rescinding of the controversial decision. Also people living in the Chitral area of NWFP are against this renaming. People from Dera Ismail Khan i.e Seraikis are against this linguistic renaming and demand a referendum. Some Hazara residents said that the new name should be Hazara Pakhtunkhwa while others said the name should not be changed as people were accustomed to NWFP. Arif Niazi, former editor of the Nation said, "This has actually opened a Pandora's box, because of Pakistan's very tenous polity. Now on one side are identity, provincial autonomy and ethnic issues. And on the other side is religious issues and terrorism. It is very explsive issue."

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It's lack of faith that makes people afraid of meeting challenges, and I believe in myself!!!!

1. India has signed an agreement to procure Advanced Jet
Trainer (Hawk) from which of the following countries ?
(a) USA
(b) UK
(c) France
(d) Russia
Ans: ( b ) UK

2. The United States has granted the status of ?major
non-NATO ally? to which of the following countries recently ?
(a) Pakistan
(b) India
(c) Afghanistan
(d) Myanmar
Ans: ( a ) Pakistan

3. Who among the following persons bought the sword of Tipu
Sultan in London and brought it back to India ?
(a) Ratan Tata
(b) Mukesh Ambani
(c) Vijay Mallya
(d) Aditya Birla
Ans: ( c ) Vijay Mallya

4. Which of the following companies became India?s first
listed IT firm to have crossed $1 billion turnover ?
(a) Satyam
(b) HCL
(c) Wipro
(d) Infosys Technologies
Ans: ( d ) Infosys Technologies

5. Who among the following women has become the highest
individual scorer in an innings in Tests ?
(a) Mithali Raj
(b) Kiran Baloch
(c) Diana Eduljee
(d) None of these
Ans: ( b ) Kiran Baloch

6. Who is the new Prime Minister of Sri Lanka ?
(a) Chandrika Kumaratunga
(b) Ranil Wickremesinghe
(c) Mahinda Rajapakse
(d) None of these
Ans: ( c ) Mahinda Rajapakse

7. Hamas is a militant organization fighting against which
of the following countries ?
(a) Sudan
(b) Israel
(c) Brazil
(d) Syria
Ans: ( b ) Israel

8. Who among the following has become the first Indian to
score a triple century in Tests ?
(a) Rahul Dravid
(b) Sachin Tendulkar
(c) V.V.S. Laxman
(d) Virender Sehwag
Ans: ( d ) Virender Sehwag

9. Who among the following has won the Femina Miss India
Universe 2004 title ?
(a) Lakshmi Pandit
(b) Sayali Bhagat
(c) Tanushree Dutta
(d) Jyoti Brahmin
Ans: ( c ) Tanushree Dutta

10. The 9th South Asian Federation Games were held recently in which of the following cities ?
(a) Islamabad
(b) Hyderabad
(c) Kathmandu
(d) Colombo
Ans: ( a ) Islamabad

11. Which of the following parts of the poppy plant is used for the extraction of opium ?
(a) Capsules
(b) Flowers
(c) Leaves
(d) Roots
Ans: ( b ) Flowers

12. Who is the Chairman of the Twelfth Finance Commission ?
(a) C. Rangarajan
(b) N. N. Vohra
(c) Bimal Jalan
(d) Vijay Kelkar
Ans: ( a ) C. Rangarajan

13. The first feature film (talkie) produced in India was
(a) Hatimtai
(b) Alamm Ara
(c) Pundalik
(d) Raja Harishchandra
Ans: ( b ) Alamm Ara

14. During the Indian freedom struggle, ?The Deccan
Educational Society? was founded by
(a) B.G. Tilak
(b) Dadabhai Naoroji
(c) G.K. Gokhale
(d) M.G. Ranade
Ans: ( d ) M.G. Ranade

15. A ?black hole? is a body in space which does not allow
any radiation to come out. This property is due to its
(a) Very small size
(b) Very large size
(c) Very high density
(d) Very low density
Ans: ( c ) Very high density

16. The ?Chilka Lake region? lies in between the deltas of
(a) Ganga and Mahanadi
(b) Godavari and Krishna
(c) Mahanadi and Godavari
(d) Krishna and Kaveri
Ans: ( c ) Mahanadi and Godavari

17. The 44th Amendment of the Indian Constitution withdrew
the Fundamental Right
(a) To freedom of religion
(b) To constitutional remedies
(c) To property
(d) Against exploitation
Ans: ( c ) To property

18. The Legislative Council of a State in India can be
abolished or created by
(a) The President of India in consultation with the Council
of Ministers of the State concerned
(b) The Legislative Assembly of the State concerned
(c) The Parliament at a joint sitting of both the Houses
(d) The Parliament, provided the State Legislative Assembly
passes a resolution to that effect
Ans: ( d ) The Parliament, provided the State Legislative
Assembly passes a resolution to that effect

19. At which stage in its life cycle does the silk work
yield the fibre of commerce ?
(a) Egg
(b) Larva
(c) Pupa
(d) Imago
Ans: ( c ) Pupa

20. Persons below the poverty line in India are classified
as such based on whether
(a) They are entitled to a minimum prescribed food basket
(b) They get work for a prescribed minimum number of days
in a year
(c) They belong to agricultural labourer household and the
scheduled caste /tribe social group
(d) Their daily wages fall below the prescribed minimum wages
Ans: ( a ) They are entitled to a minimum prescribed food
basket

21. As per 1991 Census, which one of the following groups of
Union Territories had the highest literacy rate ?
(a) Chandigarh and Dadra & Nagar Haveli
(b) Delhi and Andaman & Nicobar Islands
(c) Andaman & Nicobar Islands and Pondicherry
(d) Pondicherry and Delhi
Ans: ( b ) Delhi and Andaman & Nicobar Islands

22. In order to win the Grand Slam in Tennis, a player must
win which one of the following groups of tournaments ?
(a) Australian Open, Wimbeldon, French Open, U.S. Open
(b) Wimbledon, French Open, U.S. Open, Swedish Open
(c) Wimbledon, French Open, Paegas Czec Open, U.S. Open
(d) Davis Cup, Wimbledon, French Open, Australian Open
Ans: ( a ) Australian Open, Wimbeldon, French Open, U.S. Open


23. ?Abhinava Bharat?, a secret society of revolutionaries,
was organized by
(a) Khudiram Bose
(b) V.D. Savarkar
(c) Prafulla Chaki
(d) Bhagat Singh
Ans: ( b ) V.D. Savarkar

24. Endoscopy, a technique used to explore the stomach or other inner parts of the body, is based on the phenomenon of
(a) Total internal reflection
(b) Interference
(c) Diffraction
(d) Polarisation
Ans: ( a ) Total internal reflection

25. Which one of the following lakes forms and international boundary between Tanzania and Uganda ?
(a) Chad
(b) Malawi
(c) Victoria
(d) Zambezi
Ans: ( c ) Victoria