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  #11  
Old Monday, March 26, 2007
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@ sureshlasi

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Firstly i must appreciate u for introducing such beneficial reforms in forum.
Thanxxx

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I think we can discuss on most burning issue of " Chief justice ". I think it is inappropriate to accuse any party till they are not proved to b convicted
Very right

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As Mr President has dismissed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, alleging that he misused his office.Chaudry's "misuse of office" was to investigate the disappearances of four hundred people, many of them human rights workers, who were arrested since the War on Terrorism began, as well as to prevent the sale of a government-run steel mill and the conversion of a public park in Islamabad to a privately-run mini golf club. But a Question arises that President hold the rights to accuse Chief justice. His name has been omitted from supreme court website and Flags are disappeared from his place. but according to constitution 1972 point 209, a chief justice will continously perform his services till he is not proved as convicted.

Geo TV and its arch rival Aaj TV were banned on Monday and the two channels went out off the air for several hours after they declined the instructions from the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority, (PEMRA) to stop coverage of the bloody lathi-charge on the agitating lawyers in which several of them including opposition Pakistan People Party (PPP) Senator and Advocate Lathif Khan Khosa sustained head injuries. Besides , Attack at Geo head office arouse the doubt of public that something wrong going on behind the curtain.

In an article published in The Washington Post, former Pakistani Premier Benazir Bhutto dismissed claims that only Musharraf stood in the way of nuclear-armed fundamentalists, "The notion of Musharraf's regime as the only non-Islamist option is disingenuous and the worst type of fear-mongering.

President Musharraf's government faces elections later this year. He has stated his intention to remain in power for five more years to "in order to roll back religious extremism, ensure political stability and sustained economic growth." His plan for re-election is to get the outgoing Parliament to re-appoint him to another five-year term before the elections!
I guess , Mr President feel discomfort with Iftikar choudry because he would become a big barrier for future intends.
Right dear....

As I hav posted "Washington's Post-View" on this issue in my last post that clearly indicates the "intensity" of this burning issue.

In this regard, one can easily perceive that what will happen?

in my opinion,

1) Musharraf will hav 2 leave his Uniform.
2) Benazir Bhutto will b the next Ruling authority of Pakistan.
3) Musharraf will be compelled by her 2 leave his uniform coz it is the only way of agreement.
4) Chief Justice will enjoy his status.
5) Waziristan and Wana-sort of Operations will again start that would damage the prestige of Pak Army more crucially.
6) Madrassahs and Islamic Extremism will b handled on very 1st preority.
7) Un-stability inside the country will b seen i.e. more dangerous 4 us.
8) Pakistan needs a big decision 4m Musharraf's side ...... i.e. act like Mahatir Muhammad u know what I am trying 2 say.....

Pakistan is on verge of political, financial and religious dilemma and it should b tackled with wiser approach and statesmanship.

Regards
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Playing chicken on war funding

The game of chicken has begun. All previous efforts to express dissatisfaction with the war mean nothing. The real political game is the Iraq supplemental. If it is vetoed or killed in the Senate, someone will be blamed: Republicans for stopping it or Democrats for connecting it to a troop withdrawal.

How the public assigns blame in these high-stakes confrontations is unpredictable. Think of the 1995 budget clash. Republicans, citing strong midterm election results, passed appropriations bills that cut and reshaped government spending, and President Clinton vetoed them because of cuts in programs he favored.

Republicans chose not to pass a continuing resolution to fund the government temporarily, believing that the public would blame President Clinton for the government shutdown. After all, the president could have signed the appropriations measures to fund the government, but he vetoed them.

In the end, Republicans had to back down; contrary to their expectations, the public supported President Clinton, and the whole episode revived the president’s fortunes and set him on the road to reelection.

Fast-forward to today’s showdown. Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) had a big victory last week in passing the Iraq supplemental. She convinced all but a few moderate Democrats to accept a timetable for withdrawal. More difficult was persuading the strongest anti-war supporters to support a bill that would in their minds fund the war for another year and a half. The majority was cobbled together with persuasion, muscle, and pork to grease the skids, but in the end, despite the relative narrow Democratic majority, Pelosi was able to hold her caucus together.

So if a version of the supplemental with a timetable for withdrawal makes it through the Congress to the president’s desk and is vetoed, who will be accused of failing to support the troops?

The best card in the Democrats’ hand is public opinion about the war, which is still a millstone around President Bush’s neck. Polls show that substantial majorities oppose the surge and support troops coming home in not too long a timeframe.

But despite this wind of public opinion at their backs, Democrats cannot count on the public blaming Bush for failing to support the troops if he vetoes funding tied to a mandatory troop withdrawal. First, the House-passed supplemental is too cute; it gives with one hand and takes away with the other. It provides money for troops in the field, but begins to cut back these troops. The president’s position, while not overly popular, is more consistent and comprehensible — support the troops and give them what they need to win.

Second, some will charge that votes were bought with pork. Local projects are often inserted in broader legislation, but special projects look especially unseemly in an otherwise highly principled debate over national-security matters.

Third, Democratic divisions make opposing the president difficult. With a narrow majority and members on the right and left who might desert the coalition, Speaker Pelosi may have difficulty maneuvering in responding to President Bush.

In the end, Democrats are not likely to prevail against President Bush in a veto fight. After all of the political combat, the supplemental that will eventually pass into law will not have a definite date for withdrawal; it may have a recommended timetable, benchmarks, and words of disapproval, but it will not absolutely force the president’s hand.

Ultimately, the course of the war in Iraq will be determined more by the election results in November of 2008 than by the 2007 supplemental vote.
Iraq situation is going to be very tense for US. It must be settled now and it will have serious consequences on international political scenario.
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Bush and Democrats: Enemies who need each other
Neither alone can change course in Iraq.


THE TRAGEDY in the escalating confrontation between President Bush and the Democratic Congress over Iraq is that each has something the other needs.

Bush has the authority to engineer a change of direction in the war. But he lacks the credibility with the public to reestablish consent for his course.

Congressional Democrats, even after their seismic Senate victory Tuesday, ultimately lack the leverage to mandate a new course in Iraq. But they offer Bush his only possibility of rebuilding a public consensus over America's role in the war.

Because neither side can set a sustainable course on its own, their choice is either to continue colliding in polarized confrontations like Tuesday's Senate vote narrowly approving a time limit for withdrawal, or to seek agreement on a strategy for Iraq that a broader coalition in Congress and the country might support.

While Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) called Tuesday for such negotiations, Bush is approaching this intensifying debate with what appears to be utter denial about his political situation.

In Gallup polls, Bush's approval rating has languished below 40% for most of the last year, a record of futility unmatched by any president since Jimmy Carter in 1980. In a Gallup survey released Tuesday, just 28% of Americans said they approved of Bush's handling of the war. In that same poll, three-fifths of Americans said Congress should approve a timetable mandating the withdrawal of all troops from Iraq by fall 2008, a finding echoed in another national survey released Monday. In a country so closely divided between the parties, that's about as close to a national consensus as we get.

In that climate, it's delusional for the White House to imagine that it can restore public support for its Iraq plans without validation from the Democratic Congress. Yet Bush, in a second flight of fancy, appears convinced that he can still impose his will on Congress through sheer resolve, even though Democrats control both chambers.

Increasingly, the White House is demonstrating not only defiance but disdain in its dealings with Congress. On Iraq, Bush has rejected any role for Congress other than approving his demands for more funding. He's been equally confrontational in ignoring the ample precedent of public congressional testimony by White House aides and insisting that his advisors will provide only unsworn, untranscribed, private testimony on the U.S. attorneys controversy.

On both fronts, Bush has approached Congress with the attitude of a teacher determined to discipline unruly kindergarteners, not as the head of a co-equal branch of government. The White House last week asserted that Congress has no oversight authority over the executive branch. Dan Bartlett, the White House counselor, declared that Bush would not negotiate over testimony on the U.S. attorneys issue with "members of Congress who seem intent on having a political trial." As far as legal scholars can tell, the Constitution does not limit congressional authority "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper" solely to those members whose motives the president considers pure.

Tuesday's dramatic Senate vote on Iraq may have finally sent the message to Bush that he cannot deal with congressional Democrats solely on his terms. But congressional Democrats cannot force Bush to accept their terms either, even though both chambers have attached a 2008 troop-withdrawal requirement to the legislation funding the war. Bush has indicated that he will veto any mandated withdrawal, and the past week's votes show that House and Senate Democrats are far from the two-thirds support they would need to override him.

The two sides thus appear on track for a standoff reminiscent of the 1995 government shutdown, with Bush demanding the money for Iraq and Democrats agreeing to provide it only if he commits to ending the American mission. And even that may be only the next round in a lengthy struggle that will continue with the debate over funding the Defense Department for 2008.

Such sustained conflict over Iraq could endanger congressional Republicans in 2008 by lashing them ever more tightly to an unpopular president and war. But this road is perilous for Democrats too. Although public opinion has turned decisively against the war, Congress' job approval rating already is falling amid the sharpening conflict with Bush on Iraq and other fronts.

A negotiated legislative agreement that links a trial for Bush's troop surge (which is showing some promise) with a concrete agreement from the administration to begin withdrawing forces if the strategy doesn't produce substantial, tangible progress in a reasonable period might serve the political interests of both parties. More important, if American leaders can resolve their differences to set a common course on the war, it would increase the pressure on Iraqi leaders to do the same.
Situation is going to be very serious and its implications on Asian politics alongwith Middle-East will be much serious.
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Failures at FBI Acknowledged
Mueller Accepts Criticism, Proposes Alternative to Controversial 'Letters'

By R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, March 28, 2007; Page A03

Angry senators accused FBI Director Robert S. Mueller III yesterday of management failures that resulted in the dispatch of hundreds of national security letters and intelligence surveillance warrants containing erroneous information, and Mueller said he accepted that characterization.

Both Republicans and Democrats at a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing said the abuses have undermined the FBI's reputation and its authority to continue using such letters and warrants under conditions that Congress eased in the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The letters allow the FBI to request information from businesses without a warrant, subpoena or judicial review.

"We're going to be reexamining the broad authorities we've granted to the FBI under the Patriot Act," the committee chairman, Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.), said after decrying what he described as "widespread illegal and improper use" of the national security letters. "It seems to me the FBI is again at a crossroads."

Sen. Arlen Specter (Pa.), the panel's ranking Republican, chimed in by saying that "every time we turn around, there is another very serious failure on the part of the bureau." Citing recent independent reports criticizing the bureau's handling of the letters, its mistallying of terrorism statistics, and the theft of FBI laptop computers containing sensitive data, Specter said: "Another shoe drops, virtually on a daily basis."

Regarding the letters, Specter added: "At a minimum, there was a reckless disregard for the requirements of law." He also said that he was "not impressed" by Mueller's explanation of the mistakes in surveillance warrants, which he said had subjected "someone to an invasion of privacy."

Mueller -- who was making his first appearance at a hearing since the March 9 release of a highly critical report by the Justice Department's inspector general about the FBI's abuse of the letters -- acknowledged the failure and said that "what I did not do, and should have done, is put in a compliance program, complete with auditing," to ensure that legal rules were being followed.

The report accused the FBI of failing to retain evidence that its collection of more than 142,000 telephone, credit and e-mail records was legal, of failing to ensure that the data it received matched its needs or requests, and of failing to monitor abuses and accurately tally statistics for Congress.

Mueller said reforms are being made, but many members of the Senate panel expressed impatience and indicated that they want to change the law.

"This was a very controversial addition to the Patriot Act," Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) said about the FBI's authority to use the national security letters. "There were many members that had deep concerns about this. The language was negotiated. We were very specifically trying to put in checks and balances. And then it appears they all just melted into oblivion with sloppy administration."

Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wis.) suggested that he wants to tighten the legal standard for using national security letters. Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.), the majority whip, was less specific, but said: "I believe there are some fundamental weaknesses and deficiencies in the law, that we have given such a broad power to the department and to the FBI that it is really open to abuse."

Mueller expressed concern about any modifications to the USA Patriot Act that might "handcuff us" in terrorism investigations, but he also said that the FBI would be willing to jettison its authority to use national security letters if it is granted the power to use administrative subpoenas to collect the same information.

The FBI uses such subpoenas now in drug, pornography and health-care investigations, and extending that authority to national security probes would be "beneficial both to the recipient as well as to our investigators," Mueller said. He said businesses that receive data requests prefer a subpoena because "they understand it is a judicial instrument" and can challenge it in court.

For FBI agents, using administrative subpoenas under a single standard would be simpler than complying with the multiple statutes governing the national security letters, Mueller added. A Judiciary Committee staff member called the idea "intriguing."


This is an article published in Washington Post yesterday that leads me to say only......

Ham agar arz karein gay to shikayat ho gi

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Thumbs up Why Iraq War will be ended?

[QUOTE]Senate Backs Pullout Proposal

Hagel Joins Democrats On War Funding Bill


By Shailagh Murray
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, March 28, 2007; Page A01

Senate Democrats scored a surprise victory yesterday in their bid to force President Bush to end the Iraq war, turning back a Republican amendment that would have struck a troop withdrawal plan from emergency military funding legislation.
The defection of a prominent Republican war critic, Sen. Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, sealed the Democrats' win. Hagel, who opposed identical withdrawal language two weeks ago, walked onto the Senate floor an hour before the late-afternoon vote and announced that he would "not support sustaining a flawed and failing policy," adding: "It's now time for the Congress to step forward and establish responsible boundaries and conditions for our continued military involvement in Iraq."
Democratic leaders think the 50 to 48 victory greatly strengthens their negotiating position as they prepare to face down a White House that yesterday reiterated its threat of a presidential veto. The Senate vote was also the first time since Democrats took control of Congress in January that a majority of lawmakers have supported binding legislation to bring U.S. troops home.
The Senate withdrawal provision, which sets a March 31, 2008, target for ending U.S. combat operations, is tucked into a $122 billion package to fund operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, a must-pass bill that Democrats view as their best shot at forcing Bush to change direction. The withdrawal language was nearly identical to that of a Senate resolution rejected 50 to 48 two weeks ago.
Top Democrats in the House and the Senate had been uncertain about the outcome of the vote when they convened for a joint leadership meeting yesterday morning. They were convinced that defeat of the Senate's proposed timeline would force negotiators to soften the House language, which sets a firm deadline of Aug. 31, 2008, for the removal of U.S. combat forces. But they concluded that a Democratic victory would give them no reason to compromise, according to House Democratic leadership aides.
Speaking to reporters, House Majority Leader Steny H. Hoyer (D-Md.) was conciliatory, but only to a point: "We ought to reach out to the president and say, 'Mr. President, this is not a unilateral government. It is a separation of powers, and the Congress of the United States . . . has taken some action. You obviously disagree with that. Where are the areas of compromise?' "
Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (Nev.) said he was skeptical about proceeding too quickly. "Of course, we should reach out to the White House, and I'm happy to do that," he said. But, he added: "They have been very uncooperative to this point. Hopefully, they will cooperate with us." Referring to the president, he said, "I would like to have a bill that he wouldn't veto."
Senate GOP leaders remain confident that Bush will ultimately prevail. "I expect the president to get the money for the troops, to get this bill in large measure like he wants it," predicted Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (Ky.). "It may take two tries to get there, but I think that's very likely going to be the final outcome."
But Democrats are just as convinced that they have the momentum on the issue. "This is not one battle. It's a long-term campaign," said Sen. Charles E. Schumer (N.Y.). "Every time we have a vote like this, it ratchets up the pressure on the president and on many of those of his party."
Under the Senate bill, which is slated for a vote on final passage as early as today, certain U.S. troops would remain in Iraq after the March 31, 2008, target date in order to conduct counterterrorism training and security operations. But troop withdrawals would begin within four months of enactment.
The White House has strongly protested both the House and Senate bills, issuing a series of veto threats. "This bill assumes and forces the failure of the new strategy even before American commanders in the field are able to fully implement their plans," the administration said in a statement yesterday, referring to the Senate measure.
Democrats and Republicans largely remained united in the Senate vote, with only Hagel and Sen. Gordon Smith (Ore.) on the GOP side voting to preserve the withdrawal provision, and Sen. Mark Pryor (Ark.) the only Democrat to break ranks. Yet, on both sides, several senators remained undecided until the roll was called, and Vice President Cheney was on hand to break a tie in the case of a deadlock.
Sen. Olympia J. Snowe (R-Maine) said she was torn between her desire to send a strong message to the president that a change of course is needed and her uneasiness about wading into war policymaking. "Clearly it's frustrating," she said of the grim conditions in Iraq. "On the other hand, you don't want to telegraph to the enemy a moment in time" for leaving. Snowe wound up voting with her party.
Because troop funding is at stake, Republicans have decided to forgo maneuvers that could draw out the Senate debate or block final passage, tactics the GOP had used successfully in previous Iraq war showdowns. Some GOP senators even floated the idea of introducing the Iraq war legislation of Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) as an amendment to the spending bill, in a bid to make political mischief. The Clinton proposal would cap troop levels, start a phased withdrawal and cut off Iraqi security funding under some circumstances, but so far has attracted no co-sponsors.
Reid said final negotiations between the House and the Senate will take place after the spring recess. Despite signs that Democrats are slowly building support for their position, they are still nowhere close to achieving the two-thirds House and Senate majorities that would be necessary to override a Bush veto.[/
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Report Gives Details on CIA Prisons
NATO Pacts Exploited, European Probe Finds

PARIS, June 8 -- The CIA exploited NATO military agreements to help it run secret prisons in Poland and Romania where alleged terrorists were held in solitary confinement for months, shackled and subjected to other mental and physical torture, according to a European investigative report released here Friday.
Some of the United States' highest-profile terrorism suspects, including Khalid Sheik Mohammed, considered the prime organizer of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, were detained and interrogated at the facility in Poland, according to the 72-page report completed for the Council of Europe, the continent's human rights agency.
Dick Marty, a Swiss lawyer hired by the council, said the CIA conducted "clandestine operations under the NATO framework," providing military intelligence agencies in member countries -- including Poland and Romania -- the cover to assist the agency in disguising the use of secret flights, operations and detention facilities from the days immediately following the Sept. 11 attacks until the fall of last year.
Officials speaking on behalf of the CIA, NATO, Poland and Romania on Friday criticized the report's findings. Both Poland and Romania have denied that the CIA established secret prisons on their soil.
"The CIA's counter-terror operations have been lawful, effective, closely reviewed, and of benefit to many people -- including Europeans -- by disrupting plots and saving lives," CIA spokesman Paul Gimigliano said. "Our counter-terror partnerships in Europe are very strong." He described the report as "biased and distorted."
Disclosure of the existence of CIA prisons in Eastern Europe, but not the specific countries where they were located, by The Washington Post in 2005 triggered widespread anger in Europe. The Council of Europe commissioned Marty to find out all he could about the program.
In the report, Marty expressed deep disapproval of U.S. practices with the prisoners. "We must banish forever the Bush Administration mindset that effectively says, 'if it is illegal for us to use such a practice at home or on our own citizens, let us export or outsource it so we will not be held to account for it,' " the report concluded.
The report was also critical of European governments for having allowed the prisons or the transport of prisoners through their airspace. Many did not cooperate with the investigation, the report said, nor did NATO or the United States.
Investigators relied primarily on sources they did not identify in the report, but Marty said they spoke to more than 30 serving or retired members of intelligence services in the United States and Europe as well as civilians performing contract work for intelligence agencies.
The report provided new details about the CIA's purported methods of operation, detention tactics and detainees in the secret facilities. The report said evidence indicated that in order to bypass civilian authorities the CIA used emergency provisions approved by the NATO alliance after the Sept. 11 attacks to partner with European military and intelligence agencies.
"The CIA's clandestine operations in Europe -- including its transfers and secret detentions of HVDs [high-value detainees] -- were sustained and kept secret only through their operational dependence on alliances and partnerships in what is more traditionally the military sphere," the report said.
The secret "high-value" prisoner program was given the NATO classification of "Cosmic Top Secret," according to the report.
The report said the NATO-oriented arrangement was particularly effective with two of the alliance's newest members, Poland and Romania, which were eager to assist the United States and strengthen their ties with Washington.
A facility at Poland's Stare Kiejkuty intelligence training base was used to detain and interrogate the most important CIA suspects, including Khalid Sheik Mohammed and Abu Zubaydah, a suspected senior al-Qaeda operative, the report said. By its account, both men were "held and questioned using 'enhanced interrogation techniques,' " described in the report as a euphemism for torture.
The report said that based on flight documents and information provided by intelligence sources, "it is likely" that Mohammed, who was arrested in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, on March 1, 2003, was transferred to Kabul, then flown on March 7 to the Szymany military airport in Poland.
Sources told investigators that when a CIA flight approached the Szymany airfield, Polish operatives would order all Polish personnel to leave the area of the runway. An American "landing team" usually waited at the end of the runway "in two or three vans with their engines often running."
When the aircraft came to a stop, the vans would race toward the plane. American officials would board the craft, then hustle the detainee into one of the vans, usually out of the line of sight of the Polish control tower.
The vans would then speed through the airport's front security gates, using high beams that blinded Polish guards, then drive down a paved road "lined by thick pine forests on both sides" and follow an unpaved road along a lake, eventually reaching the entrance to the Stare Kiejkuty intelligence training base, where prisoners were held and questioned, the report said.
The report went on to describe conditions in the CIA secret detention cells, based on interviews with "former or current detainees, human rights advocates, or people who have worked in the establishment or operations of CIA secret prisons." The report said the descriptions were not based on a single prisoner or cell, but on a compilation of accounts. It did not specify which country's prison was being described.
According to those accounts, detainees were often kept naked in their cells for several weeks and endured up to four consecutive months of "solitary confinement and extreme sensory deprivation in cramped cells, shackled and handcuffed at all times." Temperatures in the cells were often kept at extreme levels: "sometimes so hot one would gasp for breath, sometimes freezing cold."
The Council of Europe is Europe's official human rights watchdog. It has limited power to enforce human rights regulations.




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Israel, U.S. Shared Data On Suspected Nuclear Site


Israel's decision to attack Syria on Sept. 6, bombing a suspected nuclear site set up in apparent collaboration with North Korea, came after Israel shared intelligence with President Bush this summer indicating that North Korean nuclear personnel were in Syria, U.S. government sources said.

The Bush administration has not commented on the Israeli raid or the underlying intelligence. Although the administration was deeply troubled by Israel's assertion that North Korea was assisting the nuclear ambitions of a country closely linked with Iran, sources said, the White House opted against an immediate response because of concerns it would undermine long-running negotiations aimed at persuading North Korea to abandon its nuclear program.

Ultimately, however, the United States is believed to have provided Israel with some corroboration of the original intelligence before Israel proceeded with the raid, which hit the Syrian facility in the dead of night to minimize possible casualties, the sources said.

The target of Israel's attack was said to be in northern Syria, near the Turkish border. A Middle East expert who interviewed one of the pilots involved said they operated under such strict operational security that the airmen flying air cover for the attack aircraft did not know the details of the mission. The pilots who conducted the attack were briefed only after they were in the air, he said. Syrian authorities said there were no casualties.
U.S. sources would discuss the Israeli intelligence, which included satellite imagery, only on condition of anonymity, and many details about the North Korean-Syrian connection remain unknown. The quality of the Israeli intelligence, the extent of North Korean assistance and the seriousness of the Syrian effort are uncertain, raising the possibility that North Korea was merely unloading items it no longer needed. Syria has actively pursued chemical weapons in the past but not nuclear arms -- leaving some proliferation experts skeptical of the intelligence that prompted Israel's attack.

Syria and North Korea both denied this week that they were cooperating on a nuclear program. Bush refused to comment yesterday on the attack, but he issued a blunt warning to North Korea that "the exportation of information and/or materials" would affect negotiations under which North Korea would give up its nuclear programs in exchanges for energy aid and diplomatic recognition.

"To the extent that they are proliferating, we expect them to stop that proliferation, if they want the six-party talks to be successful," he said at a news conference, referring to negotiations that also include China, Japan, South Korea and Russia.
Unlike its destruction of an Iraqi nuclear reactor in 1981, Israel made no announcement of the recent raid and imposed strict censorship on reporting by the Israeli media. Syria made only muted protests, and Arab leaders have remained silent. As a result, a daring and apparently successful attack to eliminate a potential nuclear threat has been shrouded in mystery.

"There is no question it was a major raid. It was an extremely important target," said Bruce Riedel, a former intelligence officer at Brookings Institution's Saban Center for Middle East Policy. "It came at a time the Israelis were very concerned about war with Syria and wanted to dampen down the prospects of war. The decision was taken despite their concerns it could produce a war. That decision reflects how important this target was to Israeli military planners."
Israel has long known about Syria's interest in chemical and even biological weapons, but "if Syria decided to go beyond that, Israel would think that was a real red line," Riedel said.
Edward Djerejian, a former U.S. ambassador to Syria and founding director of Rice University's Baker Institute for Public Policy, said that when he was in Israel this summer he noticed "a great deal of concern in official Israeli circles about the situation in the north," in particular whether Syria's young ruler, Bashar al-Assad, "had the same sensitivity to red lines that his father had." Bashar succeeded his Hafez al-Assad as president of Syria in 2000.
The Israeli attack came just three days after a North Korean ship docked at the Syrian port of Tartus, carrying a cargo that was officially listed as cement.

The ship's role remains obscure. Israeli sources have suggested it carried nuclear equipment. Others have maintained that it contained only missile parts, and some have said the ship's arrival and the attack are merely coincidental. One source suggested that Israel's attack was prompted by a fear of media leaks on the intelligence.
The Bush administration's wariness when presented with the Israeli intelligence contrasts with its reaction in 2002, when U.S. officials believed they had caught North Korea building a clandestine nuclear program in violation of a nuclear-freeze deal arranged by the Clinton administration.
After the Bush administration's accusation, the Clinton deal collapsed and North Korea restarted a nuclear reactor, stockpiled plutonium and eventually conducted a nuclear test. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice convinced Bush this year to accept a deal with North Korea to shut down the reactor, infuriating conservatives inside and outside the administration.
But for years, Bush has also warned North Korea against engaging in nuclear proliferation, specifically making that a red line that could not be crossed after North Korea tested a nuclear device last year. The Israeli intelligence therefore suggested North Korea was both undermining the agreement and crossing that line.

Conservative critics of the administration's recent diplomacy with North Korea have seized on reports of the Israeli intelligence as evidence that the White House is misguided if it thinks it can ever strike a lasting deal with Pyongyang. "However bad it might be for the six-party talks, U.S. security requires taking this sort of thing seriously," said John R. Bolton, the former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations who was a top arms control official in Bush's first term.

But advocates of engagement have accused critics of trying to sabotage the talks. China on Monday abruptly postponed a round of six-party talks scheduled to begin this week, but U.S. officials now say the talks should start again Thursday.

Some North Korean experts said they are puzzled why, if the reports are true, Pyongyang would jeopardize the hard-won deal with the United States and the other four countries. "It does not make any sense at all in the context of the last nine months," said Charles "Jack" Pritchard, a former U.S. negotiator with North Korea and now president of the Korea Economic Institute.
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Today's most important opinion ....... taken from Wasington Post


At U.N., Iranian Leader Is Defiant on Nuclear Efforts


UNITED NATIONS, Sept. 25 -- Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad vowed Tuesday not to give in to pressure by "arrogant powers" trying to force him to abandon his nation's uranium-enrichment program and unilaterally declared that as far as he is concerned, "the nuclear issue of Iran is now closed."

In a fiery speech to the U.N. General Assembly, Ahmadinejad denounced what he called the "master-servant relationship of the Medieval Age" imposed by the United States and other leading nations through the Security Council. He expressed confidence that God would not allow the Bush administration to launch a military attack against his country and said Iran has "spared no effort to build confidence" that it wants only civilian energy, not nuclear weapons.

His address punctuated a shadow debate with President Bush, who spoke to the assembly earlier in the day and called on world leaders to join him in a global "mission of liberation" against repressive governments such as that in Iran. Although the two men never crossed paths, their competing visions presented here framed the opening of the assembly's annual session and underscored the diplomatic confrontation between the two nations.

Bush did not mention the nuclear dispute with Iran in his speech, but Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and other advisers used their time here to build support for a new Security Council resolution that would impose more meaningful punishment on Tehran for ignoring a U.N. mandate to suspend its enrichment program. For his public remarks, the president focused instead on tyranny, citing Iran as a prime example.

"Every civilized nation also has a responsibility to stand up for the people suffering under a dictatorship," Bush said in his address. "In Belarus, North Korea, Syria and Iran, brutal regimes deny their people the fundamental rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration" of Human Rights.

The president used the occasion to announce new sanctions against the military government in Burma, where tens of thousands of demonstrators are in the streets protesting what he called "a 19-year reign of fear." Bush also pointed to Cuba, where he said "the long rule of a cruel dictator is nearing its end"; Zimbabwe, for launching "an assault on its people"; and Sudan, for "repression" and "genocide."

Ahmadinejad sat 14 rows back as Bush spoke, idly touching his lower lip, whispering to a seatmate and once checking his watch. While the Cuban foreign minister stormed out in protest, Ahmadinejad fired back in his own speech hours later, lacing his remarks with religious references and anti-American rhetoric. Bush skipped the speech, attending another meeting.

While not mentioning the United States explicitly, the Iranian leader denounced nations that establish secret prisons, abduct people, tap private telephone calls and ignore the law. "Some powers do not value any nation or human beings," he said. In Iraq, "no day passes without people being killed, wounded or displaced," Ahmadinejad said, adding that the "occupiers," as he referred to U.S. forces, "do not even have the courage to declare their defeat and exit Iraq."

He then held a news conference that was typical Ahmadinejad -- outspoken, in command and impervious to diplomatic norms. He called any U.N. sanctions against Iran "illegal" and brushed off concern about U.S. military action if he does not comply. "They want to hurt us," he said, "but with the will of God, they won't be able to do it." Asked whether he is concerned that Israel might strike Iran, as it did Syria recently, he snapped, "Next question." He also ignored a plea shouted by the wife of an Israeli soldier kidnapped by Hezbollah last year.

An Iranian reporter asked Ahmadinejad how he could say during an appearance at Columbia University on Monday that there are no homosexuals in Iran, noting that she knows a few herself.

"Seriously?" he replied. "I don't know of any." He asked for their addresses so the government could "be aware of what's going on."

The U.S.-Iran confrontation played out all day through surrogates and allies. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, in his maiden address to the assembly, warned that a nuclear Iran would be an "unacceptable risk" to international stability and said "there will not be peace in the world" if the international community falters in its bid to stop Tehran's program. Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega delivered a fist-pumping condemnation of the United States, saying it had no right to pressure Iran to give up its nuclear program, because it was the only nation ever to use an atomic bomb.

Lawmakers in Washington weighed in on Ahmadinejad's visit. The House voted 397 to 16 to block foreign investment in Iran, particularly the energy sector, and to bar Bush from waiving U.S. sanctions. The Senate debated a nonbinding resolution urging the State Department to designate the Iranian Revolutionary Guard a terrorist group, but the vote was delayed amid haggling.

Iran was only part of a broad agenda for Bush during a three-day stay here. He met with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to press for more political reconciliation, conducted a democracy roundtable with other heads of state and participated in a Security Council discussion of the crisis in Sudan's Darfur region

"Maybe some don't think it's genocide," Bush said of the killing there as he pressed for a peacekeeping force. "But if you've been raped, your human rights have been violated, if you're mercilessly killed by roaming bands, you know it's genocide. And the fundamental question is: Are we, the free world, willing to do more?"

Several hundred people outside the U.N. building demonstrated against Bush's policies on Iraq and terrorism. Some wore orange jumpsuits to demonstrate concern over prisoners at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. About a dozen were arrested for civil disobedience.

Another protester was Cuban Foreign Minister Felipe P¿rez Roque, who denounced Bush's "mediocre statement," calling him "a criminal" with "no moral authority or credibility to judge any other country." Bush adviser Michael G. Kozak later retorted: "The Cubans know how to dish it out, but they don't know how to take it."





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dear its good to see that you have provided us a common platform for healthy discussion..all the worthy members are requested to share their knowledge on this front fascilitating the beginners,like me, in getting benefit

coming to the topic
Iran's courage and standstill over its controversial nuclear programme is really appreciable....they are,after all, not like our so-called representatives who buckle on knees before US' brutal intentions..i was irked by BB who is trying to convince US by assuring that she would give a chance to IAEA safegaurds by letting them interrogate our nuclear scientist Dr.Khan about his gang.....these people deserve no place in our country who are ready to aggravate country in the pursuit of power...
we have seen US has raised no concerns over Dr. Parsad an indian scientist who transfrred the blueprints to north korea and iran......american policies are the responsible for the killings of innocent people in jihadi atricities....while trumpeting iran's nuclear progaramme america has turned blind eye to isreal's nuclear programme
why this dual standard??????
pakistan must realize that the time has come to set aside the america's war against terrorism and concentrate its decaying democracy,energy resources,people welfare....i know i have gone out of context but dear how one can concentrate on other countries when his own country is perished and humiliated by some OUTLAWS
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@ Waseem gurmani

Quote:
dear its good to see that you have provided us a common platform for healthy discussion


Thanx

Quote:
all the worthy members are requested to share their knowledge on this front fascilitating the beginners,like me, in getting benefit
Agreed

and also

request to all worthy members to share their imp views on this common platform
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