[B]14.05.2013[/B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"] Investigation needed: Rigging allegations
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ELECTION day rigging is as old as elections themselves as is the complaint of rigging by losing candidates. After each election, the claims and counter-claims have to be examined carefully — for disenfranchising specific voters and keeping the overall goal of credibility in mind. Since Saturday, the PTI’s charge of electoral fraud has grown louder, with party leaders and supporters denouncing what they see as manipulated results. Joining in the chorus have been the Sindhi nationalists and candidates contesting against the PPP in interior Sindh, parts of which remained closed yesterday for the third day in a row. The MQM too has predictably thrown in its tuppence. Elsewhere, the Baloch nationalist parties have cried foul — either because polling did not take place in a staggering number of polling stations due to security fears or because of other forms of rigging.

Easiest to address could be the PTI’s claims: both because they prima facie appear to be legitimate and because they are limited to a small number of constituencies. In Karachi and Lahore in particular, the PTI appears to have collected evidence of rigging that the ECP should take notice of; it should consider more draconian steps than simply holding a partial re-poll as has been ordered in NA-250. Similarly, in interior Sindh, away from mobile-phone cameras and a large media presence, the complaints
of rigging and the methods winners are accused of using have a very familiar ring to them; where there is electoral smoke, there could be a fire that has devoured many individuals’ vote. When elections are held simultaneous-ly across the country as they were on Saturday, the ECP’s resources are perhaps understandably stretched thin.
Now that specific allegations in specific constituencies have surfaced, the ECP should study them closely and determine whether polling across some constituencies must be done again and what administrative and security resources are needed to ensure fairer and freer polling. There is no good reason why what was difficult to prevent
on Saturday cannot be thwarted in re-polls at a later date.

Having said that, the political leadership of parties that claim to have been cheated needs to accept the overall reality of Saturday’s election: people voted in large numbers and delivered a fairly emphatic mandate at the centre and in the provinces. The overall credibility of the elections should not be obscured by specific misdeeds in a relatively small number of constituencies. Balochistan’s problems are of a different order of magnitude, however, and the ECP may need to intervene more emphatically there.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Spread too thin: Multiple constituency system
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THE idea of a politician having a constituency is underpinned by the assumption that of all the areas in the country, this is where he is known and commands a vote bank. Politicians have ownership over and a stake in their constituencies. For this reason, in most established democracies, politicians do not — or are not allowed to — run for elections from multiple constituencies. Not so in Pakistan, where things are done differently. Politicians can and do hedge their bets. In the May 11 elections, 15 candidates ran for more than one constituency. Once the results are officially declared several of them will have to decide which seat to retain and the seats thus vacated will then be contested in by-elections.

There is more than a single count on which this system can be criticised. First, there is the extra expenditure and hassle incurred by the state, the candidates and indeed the voter who must mobilise himself once again to go to the polling station and cast his ballot — generally, the turnout in such by-polls tends to be much lower than in the general elections. Then, it distorts the mechanics of an impartial election. The idea behind holding countrywide elections on the same day is that one result should not affect the outcome elsewhere; but when by-polls are held after the results of the general elections have been announced, voters already know which way the tide has turned. But perhaps most importantly, the prospect of standing from multiple constituencies has the consequence of spreading the politicians too thin. With several areas to canvass, they end up being a jack of all trades, master of none. The practice also detracts from the strength of the relationship between a candidate and his constituents. In the spirit of continually improving the electoral system, this issue must be examined by the new parliament and candidates should be restricted to standing from just one
constituency.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Rafsanjani’s surprise: Iran presidential race
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IRAN’S political landscape seems to have been transformed with Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s decision to take part in the presidential election next month. A seasoned politician who had been Iran’s president for eight years (1989-97), Mr Rafsanjani will be opposed, among others, by Said Jalili, Iran’s nuclear negotiator, and Esfandyar Rahim Mashaei, one of Mr Ahmadinejad’s close aides. Having fallen out with spiritual leader Ali Khamenei and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, he first has to have his name cleared by the Guardian Council, which will vet the over 400 candidates in the field. It is, however, highly unlikely that it can block the candidature of a man of Mr Rafsanjani’s stature. A former head of the Expediency Council, Mr Rafsanjani has been critical of the regime since the controversial 2009 presidential election and spearheading the reform movement. Relations with Ayatollah Khamenei deteriorated after Mr Rafsanjani sent him an open letter deploring the supreme spiritual leader’s silence over Mr Ahmadinejad’s accusations that Mr Rafsanjani was among the “corrupt leaders” supporting Mr Ahmadinejad’s rival, Mir-Hossein Moussavi.

Considered one of Iran’s richest persons, Mr Rafsanjani is a firm believer in a free-market economy and is likely, while campaigning, to capitalise on Iran’s difficult economic situation in the aftermath of the international sanctions. Opposed to the regime’s repression of the media, Mr Rafsanjani has called time and again for the release of journalists arrested after the 2009 election. He is also opposed to Iran’s harsh penal code and believes in greater freedom for women. As president he had pursued moderate policies in international affairs and adopted a less rigid attitude on the nuclear question. If elected, he is likely to lower the level of Iran’s confrontation with the West.

[B]15.05.2013[/B] [B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Clarity required: PML-N stance on militancy
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CONTINUING from where he left off in the last days of the election campaign, prime minister-in-waiting Nawaz Sharif has said all the right things about the US, India and Afghanistan in interviews with the foreign media on Monday. Calling for a reset or improvement of ties with the US, India and Afghanistan, Mr Sharif took an encouragingly pragmatic and positive line on Pakistan’s key external relationships. Even when discussing the fraught issue of US drone strikes in Fata, Mr Sharif took a measured line, refusing to be drawn into jingoistic and bellicose rhetoric while under-lining the problems the strikes have created
politically inside Pakistan. It is encouraging that Nawaz Sharif the incoming prime minister is speaking in much the same way as Nawaz Sharif the candidate spoke.

For all the positivity Mr Sharif’s comments have generated, however, there is still a very grey area in the PML-N’s policy framework: what, if anything, does the party intend to do about the domestic threat from militancy and extremism, particularly in the N-League’s Punjab electoral base? On Afghanistan, Mr Sharif’s suggestion that his government will help foreign powers draw down their forces will be a reassuring early signal to the outside world from the PML-N supremo. But the outside world will surely want to know about his plans to tackle the external and internal threat that militant groups operating on Pakistani soil still project. The US, India and Afghanistan have specific groups in mind who continue to be given space inside Pakistan, and increasingly in Punjab. Actions not words will be sought, and in the absence of action by the Pakistani state, tensions with the outside world could rise.

Framing the issue as predominantly an external concern, however, would be disingenuous. The PML-N’s links to, tolerance for and encouragement of Islamist organisations with militant wings has set up a problem that is potentially explosive: could those groups, who have avoided turning their violent attention on the PML-N so far, now expect more space for themselves in Punjab and the country’s trouble spots? While simply turning the state’s guns on militant Islamists embedded in Pakistan proper is no real solution, neither has the PML-N put forward anything that approaches a rational or acceptable approach to incrementally tamping down the militancy threat. As a conservative, popular, Punjabi leader, Mr Sharif has the credentials to take up the fight against terrorism — but those same credentials can also act as an impediment to action. The country needs clarity from Mr Sharif on these issues soon.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Courage under fire: Social worker killed
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THE war on progressive thought grinds on relentlessly in Pakistan. On Monday, Abdul Waheed, a social worker who ran a co-educational school in Karachi’s Islamia Colony and was active in polio campaigns and madressah education reform on a local level, was shot dead by unknown assailants outside his school. The attack also left his younger brother injured. While the motive of the killers is not yet known, Mr Waheed had repeatedly mentioned receiving threats to his life. It is pertinent to note that his school lies in a locality that is part of Manghopir, one of the areas in Karachi where the TTP wields influence. Many government schools here are reportedly closed because staff has stopped showing up for duty out of fear of violence.

Mr Waheed is the latest in a long line of social workers who have been targeted in Pakistan. Two months ago, Perween Rahman, director of the acclaimed Orangi Pilot Project that works on social uplift programmes in some of Karachi’s poorest neighborhoods, was shot dead. It is not yet clear whether the land mafia or militants are responsible for her murder. Mr Waheed, incidentally, was also working for the OPP. Since last December, attacks on polio immunisation teams have claimed over 20 lives in Karachi and KP. Earlier this year, six female teachers working for an NGO were gunned down in KP. Instances abound of kidnapping for ransom of aid workers. In Balochistan, after an aid worker was kidnapped and killed in April 2012 when the ransom demand was not met, several NGOs either wrapped up their work or severely curtailed it. According to a recent report, Pakistan is among the five most dangerous countries for aid workers. That is all the more reason to salute the courage of individuals like Mr Waheed, and to demand that the next government give priority to the security of those fighting for a progressive Pakistan against obscurantist forces who seek to take its people into the dark ages.

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Hasty response: MQM chief’s remarks
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THE art of politics hinges on the ability to choose the mot juste, and MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s recent statement on Karachi’s place within the federation was ill-considered in the extreme. Reacting to protesters’ allegations of poll rigging by his party, he had asked the leaders and the establishment to separate Karachi from Pakistan if they did not like the city’s mandate. His words may have been misinterpreted, as he clarified through a press release on Monday, but that doesn’t change the fact that it was inappropriate lexicon to use in a country that saw dismemberment in 1971 and still faces a separatist insurgency in Balochistan. Mr Hussain pushed all the wrong buttons; as the head of a political party that claims to have national aspirations, he ought to have known better.

Unfortunately, this was not all. In the same press release, he also said that anyone who had any grievance about the elections should seek legal remedy instead of coming out on the streets. Only a day earlier, he had issued what were taken as threats against a rally at Karachi’s main Teen Talwar intersection that was protesting against alleged poll rigging. Mr Hussain should keep in mind that taking to the streets in peaceful protest is a basic right of the citizenry. It is ironic that this must be repeated just after an election — one with a high turnout — has taken place. Now that this step towards continuing to strengthen the democratic process in the country has been taken, it behoves
all quarters to play their part responsibly and with maturity. Reacting in haste and in anger will only result in playing into the hands of those that envision a regressive future for the country.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (16th May 2013)
 

[B](16th May 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Cutting down: Size of government[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE elections are, more or less, over. The voters have done their bit and now the onus of providing good governance and bringing the country out of the economic morass largely lies on the shoulders of the PML-N, which will be the majority party in the National Assembly. The first task is the formation of an effective cabinet at the centre. The 18th Amendment limits the size of the federal cabinet in view of the transfer of various ministries and functions to the provinces, and the PML-N, which is poised to form a government at the centre, will be under immense pressure to accommodate a big number of ‘heavyweights’ who have returned to the Assembly on its ticket. The PML-N will also have to accommodate the coalition partners whom it is wooing from the smaller provinces in order to give a ‘federal’ colour to the government. This is not the only challenge. The party will need to cut down on the number of ministries by merging the ones that have overlapping or similar functions to curtail the spread of an unwieldy government and reduce unnecessary expenditure. A leaner government certainly is much more efficient and effective.

The heavy mandate the PML-N has secured in the landmark election means that the parties or individuals joining it will have little power to go against the Sharif government. Unlike the previous PPP government which, throughout its tenure, had the sword of Damocles hanging over its head, the PML-N is much better placed

to implement reforms to improve governance. But the experience of the PML-N government in Punjab during the last five years shows that its leadership can be tempted into rewarding its favourites. While former chief minister Shahbaz Sharif kept the size of his cabinet very small, he had set up numerous task forces with their heads and members enjoying all the privileges a minister was entitled to. Such ‘roses’ by other names must not be allowed to bloom, the cabinet must be kept small and the delegation of power to the ministers ensured.

As if this task were not challenging enough, the centre will also have to sort out pending issues with the provinces in light of the 18th Amendment. Centralisation of decision-making and circumvention of the Constitution cannot be allowed if the process of devolution is to be continued. It is a process the parties in the last parliament, the PML-N prominent among them, agreed to, and one that must be implemented if governance is to improve.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Impressive performance: Post-election rally[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


THE national political scenario emerging after Saturday’s general elections seems to have energised Karachi’s stock market. On Monday stocks crossed the 20,000 point mark for the first time and the rally continued on Tuesday as the KSE-100 index gained 229 points. While investors’ confidence in the post-election set-up is understandable, the KSE’s performance is still surprising considering the country’s generally morose economic situation. Two things are clear: investors are feeling positive because a stable PML-N government is likely to take the reins in Islamabad as opposed to earlier fears of a split mandate, while the business community has a soft spot for Nawaz Sharif, considering him a pro-market politician. There are also other factors responsible for the stock market’s impressive recent performance. Market watchers point out that most of the investment has been foreign; in the first four months of the current year over $200m of foreign funds have been pumped into the KSE while locals have mostly been selling. Also, while the rise indicates positive trends, it is a tad misleading as the weightage of certain stocks is relatively high. The amnesty granted by the government last year whereby no questions would be asked of investors about the source of funds till 2014 is also said to be responsible for attracting liquidity to the market, though some may have used the amnesty to launder money.

Regardless of the ups and downs of the stock market investors have positive expectations of a Nawaz Sharif government and it is hoped the PML-N will take tough, bold decisions to put the economy back on track. Foremost amongst the challenges the incoming political government must address are circular debt, the energy crisis and tax reform, while the market requires a stable law and order situation to do business.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Burying the hatchet: Nawaz’s timely gesture[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


AFTER a campaign dominated by mudslinging, two of the victors of the May 11 vote seem to have decided to end the friction between them. On Tuesday, in a magnanimous gesture, Nawaz Sharif visited Imran Khan in hospital, gave him a bouquet and offered to “bury the hatchet” now that the elections were behind them. The man destined to be prime minister a third time said he had nothing personal against the PTI chief and that he wanted the two to have “a working relationship to steer the country” out of crisis. Even though we have no word directly from Mr Khan, a spokesperson for the party said that he had reciprocated the PML-N chief’s gesture. A cricket player himself, Mr Sharif offered “a friendly match” to the victor of the 1992 cricket World Cup after the latter recovered. Later, Mr Sharif told newsmen Mr Khan congratulated him on his electoral triumph, and the PML-N chief believed the PTI had the right to form government in KP.

In the aftermath of an election that has given the people a renewed confidence in the political process, all politicians have to realise the vital role they have to play in consolidating democracy. Because four military interventions have worked against the evolution of a refined democratic system, the country has been witness to an abysmally low political culture. Often, the opposition aims at nothing higher than bringing down the government irrespective of the consequences. This myopic attitude must change. Political differences should not be allowed to turn into personal enmity and taken to a level where the very survival of the system is threatened, as seen quite a few times during the last five years. Ignoring some genuine complaints of electoral fraud, all parties have by and large accepted the results. On Tuesday, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, whose PPP is the second largest party in the National Assembly, accepted the people’s mandate and pledged to work for democracy. Let’s hope the promises now being made are kept.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (17th May 2013)
 

[B](17th May 2013)[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Grim realities Poll concerns in Balochistan[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


AWAY from the media spotlight, the troubles in Balochistan have continued to grow more complex with a disputed election result creating yet more uncertainty in the province. The PML-N, the Pakhtun-orientated PkMAP, the Baloch-nationalist NP and the conservative JUI-F appear set to form the provincial government, but cries of electoral malpractices continue to echo through much of the Baloch areas of the province. The BNP-M and its leader Akhtar Mengal have complained the loudest about a ‘stolen election’ — and embedded in their allegations is more than a kernel of truth. With a dismal turnout — in some areas, no votes were cast because security fears meant polling staff did not turn up for election day duties — and given the pre-election concerns and post-election complaints about an opaque counting process riven with problems, the elections in Balochistan cannot realistically be thought of as free or fair.

However — in the Balochistan context there is often a however — there are lessons here for the nationalist Baloch parties too. Yes, Mr Mengal and his BNP-M have contested elections in a hostile environment, but perhaps a case can also be made that the party has grown disconnected from its voters. The National Party, the other moderate nationalist Baloch party, fared comparatively better but the NP’s results too were not stellar. The great unknown before this election was whether the moderate Baloch parties’ claims of enjoying significant support in Balochistan were true or not. Because of the circumstances of the elections in the province, that question cannot be answered conclusively or with much confidence. But, there are enough clues to suggest that the nationalist parties may have failed to keep the people on their side, particularly in the case of the BNP-M whose on-ground organisation and network in the province has declined significantly in recent years — something the party will blame on the security situation. But could the low turnout also be because the nationalists, whether out of fear or marginal sympathy, have not challenged the separatist rhetoric and propaganda, meaning that much public space has been ceded to the insurgents?

Grim as the situation in Balochistan is, the focus after an election should be on how to use freshly acquired political capital to improve the province’s security plight. With a strong PML-N government in the centre also in the coalition in Balochistan and with nationalist input in the provincial government, a way forward can be cobbled together. Legitimate electoral complaints aside, Balochistan’s politicians should also focus on the opportunity before them.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Decisive action needed Possible Kurram operation[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


ALL indications are that the security forces plan to conduct a fresh operation in Kurram Agency. Around 29 villages in the agency’s Parachamkani area have been declared part of a conflict zone while army deployment has begun. Civilians have also been told to leave. Kurram has seen the military and extremist insurgents clash in the past. This time a number of factors are believed to be responsible for the army’s decision to move in. Reportedly, militants from the neighbouring agencies of Orakzai and Khyber have infiltrated the area while last week insurgents attacked a military checkpost. Meanwhile, over 20 people were killed when JUI-F candidate Muneer Orakzai’s election rally was bombed in the area, also last week.

The region in question features challenging mountainous terrain, which not only makes conducting an operation difficult but also provides militants with hideouts where they can lie low.

Kurram is also a strategically sensitive location as it borders Afghanistan while sectarian tensions between the agency’s Shia and Sunni tribes have also been exacerbated by the presence of the Pakistani Taliban. Yet decisive action is needed in Kurram as well as in other troubled regions of the tribal belt so that militants cannot regroup. While security forces claimed to have cleared most of Kurram in the past, pockets of militant-infested areas have remained. The military needs to concentrate on totally clearing the area and making sure fighters are unable to sneak away into other agencies or take advantage of the terrain. Otherwise, all the efforts that go into such operations are wasted if militants can recover and resume their war on the state. The cat-and-mouse game between the army and the insurgents must end so that the militant threat is effectively neutralised. Efforts need to be coordinated so that fleeing militants do not find refuge in safe havens in neighbouring agencies. Apart from the operational aspect, it is essential that the authorities ensure that civilians fleeing the hostilities have proper access to food and shelter.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Polls most fowl Rise and fall of chicken prices[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]


DEMOCRACY or not, leg-pulling must always continue, in its various forms — sometimes serious, sometimes, given the usual scene at the dining table, only marginally less so. Every big event must have a bearing on the poultry recitals here. For the masses, hardly conversant with stock market rates and the slip of the rupee — unless the fall can be traced to their own pocket — the price of chicken is a popular means of understanding everyday economics. The price sign put up by the chicken meat seller is a sign of the times we live in. If the price increases, it is an attempt to deprive the people of an essential they are clinging to so desperately.

The spiralling of chicken meat prices in the run-up to the vote on May 11 was proof of the contestants’ resourcefulness. That the candidates were looking to feed their supporters ‘well enough’ betrayed a real contest, unlike some of the one-sided bulk-buying of poultry in the past. It was a good match this time; based on the party statistics of his buyers, a chicken seller had sufficient electoral information, long before the channels debated whether the margin was narrow or wide and before it was decided who lost the chicken karahi bet in office. Post-poll, the butcher was all too happy to sell to the winners in pursuance of a grand cause: stability of his business. To his routine buyers, it is a matter of great satisfaction that the price-conspiracy hatchers have been tackled and some stability restored to the chicken rates after the election surge. This is something to consider for the rulers. The chances

of their success hinge critically on the supply of the poor man’s meat at prices not too high.

Editorial Dawn (18th May 2013)
 

[B]18/05/2013[/B]

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Moment of truth: ANP`s electoral rout[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

ANP CHIEF Asfandyar Wali Khan has offered a mature, forthright analysis into his party`s failure to perform on May 11, highlighting the party`s own weaknesses as well as the bloody campaign the TTP conducted against the ANP. Addressing a news conference on Thursday, the ANP leader showed grace in defeat, saying that his party accepted the poll results, though with reservations, and would sit in the opposition. The party has been reduced to one seat in the National Assembly, while it has gone from ruling KP to four seats in the provincial legislature.

There is much weight in Asfandyar Wali`s claim that TTP chief Hakeemullah Mehsud set the election agenda as far as disallowing the ANP to freely campaign is concerned. The party has paid with blood for its opposition to the militants. While other parties the Pakistani Taliban deem `secular` were also targeted, clearly the ANP`s cadre bore the brunt. According to Asfandyar Wali, 61 party activists were killed between March 30 and May 11. Nevertheless, poor governance over the past five years was a major factor in the drubbing the party received at the ballot box. For the voters, corruption and the ANP government`s failure to maintain law and order in a province on the frontline of the battle against militancy overshadowedthe party`s sacrifices.

Which is why the ANP has done right by forming committees to look into the reasons behind the party`s electoral rout.

There are lessons herefor other parties who were also sent packing; they too must identify their flaws and take action where needed as the ANP plans to do, for instance, by expelling any member found to have prevented women from voting.

The party`s internal issues aside, the ANP chief`s comments on the larger picture of militancy must be considered by all parties. Asfandyar Wali focused on drone strikes, saying that while his party condemned them, he considered suicide attacks a worse violation of national sovereignty.

While drone strikes invoke strong emotions and the `collateral damage` caused by the strikes cannot be ignored, even the fiercest critics of these unmanned killers remain quiet on suicide attacks and the many innocents religious militants kill.

There is no realisation by these parties that their silence will save neither them nor democracy should the militants expand their list of `undesirable` political targets. The bloodshed witnessed over the past five years should propel the incoming rulers towards taking decisive steps to tackle militancy, even as they concentrate on other aspects of good governance.


[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Inglorious certainties: IPL spot-fixing[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

AFTER all these years it has turned out to be actually a bowler`s game.

Fresh evidence from the Indian Premier League corroborates it was easier to entrust a bowler with a bookie`s brief than expect a batter to deliver to a betting ring`s diktats. But of course the IPL has not invented the cheats. It is a glamorous platform that offers an easy-access casino to gamblers. Apparently, it was thought that with so many games generating so much excitement, the good will camouflage the bad and ugly before a cricket-crazy audience. It may have remained that way but for a few intelligence officers who kept an eye on small details such as who was bowling with a small towel pinned to his trouser and when. The biggest disappointment in the case, Rajasthan Royals` Shanthakumaran Sreesanth, is a restless soul and surely someone whocanneverbe confidently expected to go under 14 an over. Police say they were able to spot a scheme in his jitterygestures ominous signs which could lead to the unearthing of more instances of cheating.

The classical argument would place loyalty as a virtue that must always prevail over monetary gains, by legal means and from illegal channels.

That idea of faithfulness cannot be synchronised with modern-day concepts of clubs made up of professionals bought at auctions. There will always be cheats, those not sure of their place in the side for too long maybe more inclined to a bit of quickfixing of their own. The fixing does not just jeopardise the game; what could be of bigger concern to the business-minded is that it endangers an industry. It appears near impossible to uproot the betting mafia, from wherever it operates, at one go, although an effort targeted at the bookies must be seen to be under way for the morale of cricket fans.

For the moment, the realistic way forward is to establish the guilt and make examples out of the guilty.

[B][SIZE="5"][CENTER]Bizarre numbers: Elections in Balochistan[/CENTER][/SIZE][/B]

IN a densely populated country where citizens are counted in tens of millions, the figures coming out of the polls in Balochistan are bizarre.

The most remarkable is PB-41, Awaran, where voter turnout was a mere 1.18 per cent and the candidate that won had to take just 544 votes, with the runner-up coming in at 95. Only 672 of the 57,666 people registered to vote in the constituency actually did so. Similarly, in PB-50, Kech, the seat was won with just 1,385 votes, with 1,331 going to the politician who came in second. The other seven candidates collectively polled the ludicrous figure of 994 votes. Even where the figures are higher, the turnout in Balochistan is remarkably below the national average. This is true even if the demographics and the security situation are factored in. The turnout in PB-46, Kharan, for example, was relatively highbut still, of the 45,176 registered voters, only 14,611 cast votes and the seat was won with just 3,418 votes.

It had been expected that the turnout in Balochistan would be low but these figures are shocking. Polling was disrupted or could not take place at all at a number of polling stations because of lack of staff and/or balloting material. Also, militants had announced that they would impede the election process; the moderate nationalist parties that contested did so in face of the militants` ire.

What the ECP must do now is to investigate the numbers and ascertain how many polling stations were dysfunctional, and why. If more than 50 per cent of the polling stations are found to have been off-line, perhaps a re-poll should be considered with security beefed up more than previously, since that is far from a level playing field.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (19th May 2013)
 

[B]19/05/2013[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]The task at hand Dealing with the power crisis[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IT should now be sufficiently clear that the outcome of the election has hinged, more than anything else, on the power crisis. More than the handouts of income-support programmes, it has been electricity and gas shortages that have played a decisive part in the electoral defeat of the PPP.

The growing difficulties that Pakistan is having in providing electricity to the common man, and in meeting its requirements of primary energy, are becoming a key test for governments; it is an issue perhaps more fundamental than anything else because it touches so intensely and so universally on the lives of so many. Taking this task lightly, and it can be argued that the PPP-led government did indeed take its responsibilities in this area lightly, would be a serious mistake.

For the incoming government of Nawaz Sharif, the real test lies in this area. The job ahead for the PML-N is not an easy one.

What we call the power crisis is in fact a complex, multidimensional crisis of governance and fiscal affairs. It is technical in nature only to the extent that improving powerhouse efficiencies and bringing down line losses can help wring a few more megawatts out of the outdated generation and transmission system. It is as much a `software` issue,in the sense that realigning incentives, bringing about transparency and choking off spaces for discretionary decision-making in the power bureaucracy are equally a part of the job. A comprehensive approach is required at this point, one which aims to improve the finances of the power bureaucracy through improving recoveries and improving transparency so that we know where the money is going and where the electricity is being delivered.

If after 100 days in office, Mr Sharif should find himself chairing a meeting attended by the MD, PSO and the secretaries of finance, petroleum, water and power along with their respective ministers and the whole objective of the meeting is to arrange money for PSO to pay for its next shipment of furnace oil he should understand that he is on the road to breaking his campaign promise to eliminate loadshedding in two years. We don`t need more `energy summits` nor do we need any more ad hoc announcements of energy conservation measures that everybody knows are not going to be fulfilled. What we need is fundamental reform, and if the new government cannot start delivering on that immediately, they might as well start packing their bags on the 101st day.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]An unacceptable practice: Disenfranchising women[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

POST-elections, amidst the cacophony of voterigging allegations and demands for recounting and even re-polling in certain cases, little notice has been taken of the blatant disenfranchisement of women in some parts of the country. While a few agreements between local chapters of various political parties to bar women in the areas from voting had come to light before the elections, such as in Mianwali and Lower Dir, others have surfaced now.

In Upper Dir, it seems representatives of various parties had made a similar pact. Likewise, in Bajaur, only 2,800 women out of a registered 130,000 plus a mere three per cent were able to cast their votes because religious/ political parties and tribal elders flouted earlier commitments to the contrary and barred women from voting.

This issue, repeated every election cycle in Pakistan, and one that makes a mockery of the concept of universal adult franchise, must be treated as seriously as any other form of electoral malpractice. In the run-upto the election, the ECP vowed it would go the extra mile for women voters and, in its draft bill on electoral reforms, included the requirement for re-polling at polling stations with less than 10pc turnout of registered women voters. The bill, however, was never legislated upon by parliament.

Nevertheless, according to Pakistan`s electoral laws, preventing individuals from exercising their right of franchise is as illegal as compelling individuals to vote for a particular candidate, and the ECP must take action against those who deprived women of their right.

Meanwhile, it is unfortunate that only six women have been elected on general seats to the National Assembly as opposed to 16in 2008.Itis indicative of the prevailing mindset that of the 150 women who stood for election to the Assembly, only 36 had been nominated by the political parties. It is high time that our political culture casts off its regressive mindset and gives women`s vote and their representation in parliament due importance


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]No end to bloodshed: Carnage in mosques[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

NOBODY has claimed responsibility for Friday`s bombing of two mosques in the Malakand Agency but the fingerprints are those of the militants waging war on the state of Pakistan: to them, nothing is sacred. They have bombed schools, mosques, Eid congregations, hospitals, religious processions, peace `jirgas`, funerals and bazaars full of men, women and children. To them, the over 20 people killed on Friday will merely add to lifeless statistics some 50,000 Pakistanis killed or injured, 4,000 of them being soldiers. The Malakand area has a heavy military presence, and that`s the reason why the militants whatever faction they belonged to targeted the two mosques. Even though the Pakistani Taliban had stepped up their murder of political workers by bombing party rallies and corner meetings during the election campaign, this is the first time they have carried out a major attack in the Malakandregion after the May 11 election.Is this aforetaste of things to come? Will the Taliban and other militant organisations continue to shed blood, or will they relent, because the three main parties which were spared during the campaign will soon be in the driving seat? Given the party`s landslide in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the PTI is likely to form government in KP.

Its possible coalition partners had all along pursued a policy that seemed to ignore if not condone terrorism and tried to present it as an inevitable consequence of America`s drone attacks. Now that the KP people have voted for his party, will Imran Khan and his would-be coalition partners take a clear-cut stance on terrorism? The drone attacks are a gross violation of Pakistan`s sovereignty, but can the attacks by a foreign country`s unmanned aerial vehicles justify the spilling of blood of Pakistanis by their own people?

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (20th of May 2013)
 

[B]20/05/2013[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Politics of sect: Communal parties rejected[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

RELIGIOUS parties have generally failed to perform at the ballot box in Pakistan and their offshoots parties based on sect have fared even worse. This trend sustained itself in the 2013 general elections as both Shia and Sunni parties fared dismally. Shia grouping Majlis-i-Wahdatul Muslimeen, which was contesting elections for the first time, as well as the Sunni far-right Muttahida Deeni Mahaz alliance, which contained the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (successor of Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan) under its umbrella, failed to convince voters to give them a shot at power. The MWM only managed to secure one Balochistan Assembly seat while the MDM failed to get any candidates into the assemblies, though ASWJ leader Ahmed Ludhianvi lost by a whisker to the PML-N in the Jhang National Assembly seat he was contesting.

Sectarian politics came to the fore in the Ziaul Haq era; it was given oxygen by the dictator`s `Islamisation` campaign while the influence of Saudi Arabia and Iran in local politics was also a factor in its growth as far-right Sunni groups such as the SSP were formed in reaction to a more pronounced Shia political identity in Pakistan after Iran`s Islamic Revolution. Since then overtly Shia and Sunni parties have become a permanent feature on thepolitical landscape. While the voter has repeatedly rejected sect-based groups, their rise, growth and continued presence points to key issues that must be addressed by mainstream parties. For example the MWM`s rise, which campaigned against the targeting of Shias, came about because many Shias felt the major political parties did little to protect them from sectarian militants.

Such grievances appear justified. Hence if mainstream parties fail to address sectarian violence, they may face further alienation of the Shia voter.

But, the fact remains that most Shias and Sunnis in Pakistan do not vote along communal lines. For that matter, even Islamist parties have failed to attract the voter in this country. Hence Shias and other religious groups that feel victimised need to engage with political parties; the future lies in convergence with the political mainstream. As for the major parties, they need to reassure voters of all creeds that their rights will be protected and that they will work to build a society free of sectarianism. Regarding groups like the ASWJ who lost by small margins, this is indeed a troubling indication. However, this can also be countered by mainstream political parties by ensuring good governance and the rule of law, thus taking the wind out of the extremists` sails.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A new beginning: Nawaz Sharif-Gen Kayani meeting[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

OF one meeting is not made a relationship, functional or otherwise, but Saturday`s three-hour tête-à -tête in Lahore between the incoming prime minister Nawaz Sharif and army chief Gen Kayani suggests that both sides can at least be expected to try and work together in the months ahead. The army`s hands-off approach towards the elections, for the most part, will have gone some way in addressing the PML-N`s concerns that somehow the likelihood of another stint in Islamabad for the NLeague was being undermined by the army the complaints about a nexus between former ISI chief Gen Pasha and the PTI being the loudest and most toxic. Now that the PML-N has swept to unexpectedly large gains in its strongholds in an onschedule election with minimal interference by the army-led establishment, the party may be more willing to look at the army leadership as a partner rather than a potential adversary.

On the army`s part, Mr Sharif`s suggestions in the days leading up to theelection that a Sharif-led government will determine national security and foreign policies and the army will be expected to follow it will have raised some eyebrows but there was also enough in Mr Sharif`s comments to suggest that he is no way spoiling for a fight. More important will be how the incoming prime minister decides to try and influence two key relationships: with India and Afghanistan. On India, Mr Sharif`s intentions are well known and it can be inferred that the army would prefer a slower rate of progress than the PML-N supremo appears to want. On Afghanistan, Mr Sharif has said virtually nothing, meaning there is little clarity on whether he is in agreement with the preferred army option of creating the maximal space for Pakhtuns/ Afghan Taliban in Afghanistan post-2014. Internally, the PML-N has never seriously questioned military operations, but then, what is said from the luxury of sitting in the opposition can be very different from what is done with a hand on the levers ofthe state.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Google hardly affected: YouTube blockade[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

EIGHT months and counting: the government that imposed the ban is gone, a new one has been elected and there have been several appeals. Yet, there is no sign on the horizon of the blockade on YouTube being overturned. The only information to come out on this front recently is that apropos of a legal challenge on the ban, on Friday the Lahore High Court was informed by government officials that the Google administration, whose point of view had been sought by the LHC, was mulling over the legal implications over appearing before a f oreign court. But Google and subsidiaries such as YouTube are used by all manner of people and all sorts of material passes through these channels; the whole idea is to allow unfettered communication. Were Pakistan a major market that would make blockades imposed by the government carry some leverage with Internet giants,there might have been some hope. Lacking that, it is unlikely in the extreme that Google would consider the loss of YouTube in Pakistan anything more than a minor irritant that matters only to Pakistanis.

For the resolution of the matter, it would be more sensible to turn the searchlight inwards. In January, it was reported that what Pakistan lacks is a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty with the US under which, amongst other issues, an Internet company could be directed to abide by the laws of other countries. It should be recalled that back when the ban was imposed, other countries including India and Egypt managed to get Google to selectively bar countrywide access to the content considered illegal. The Ministry of Information and Technology, Pemra, the PTA and all other stakeholders need to get their paperwork sorted instead of wasting further time.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (21st of May 2013)
 

[B]21/05/2013[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Zardari`s regrets: Reasons behind PPP loss[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE last time President Asif Ali Zardari was in Lahore, the PPP had as many National Assembly seats in the city as it now has in the whole of Punjab two. On Monday, Mr Zardari spoke of conspiracies against his party; a day earlier he had hinted at election fraud with his remark about the power of the returning officers in charge of the polling stations. He said he could win an election just by having them by his side. Delving deeper into the PPP`s poor poll showing, the president listed his reasons why the party couldn`t perform well: energy crisis, the judiciary, the Taliban threat and personal tangles which prevented the two former PPP prime ministers, Yousuf Raza Gilani and Raja Pervez Ashraf, from campaigning. He said 20odd seats in the election were not worth risking the life of another Bhutto.

To campaign in public or not was a sensitive decision for the PPP. But even if the party opted for caution it made absolutely no attempt to find a way around the Taliban threat to connect with the people. It left the party without a leader. Pakistanis at large were denied a choice which they had earlier exercised, regardless of whether or not they wanted to exercise it now.

Over vast areas in the allimportant Punjab, the PPPhad only a ghostly presence resonating in its tragic refrain about its past leaders and their sacrifices.

In line with his rather `journalistic` analysis of the situation, Mr Zardari agreed with general media projections about how many National Assembly seats the PPP could have ended up with: around 60, and obviously not the number that leads to hopes of retaining power.

But a bigger catch, especially in Punjab, could have perhaps helped the party avoid all these new and brushed-up obituaries about Zulfikar Ali Bhutto`s invention. Without exception, the PPP`s 2013 elegy implicates its incumbent leadership in the party`s failures. Mr Zardari now regrets his decision of not giving up the presidency for leading the party`s election campaign. This admission serves no purpose other than seeking to restore tothe defactoPPP head some of his old reputation as a sharp politician sharp in retrospect. The moment has passed. An election has been badly lost and a party badly bruised. Then the focus was on the party somehow finishing its term. Now the president wants to complete his term in office. The question then and now: to what effect is it other than mere formality?


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Pyrrhic victory? The battle for NA-250[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

OUT of all the constituencies in the country where allegations of mismanagement emerged during the general elections, Karachi`s NA-250 was probably the most high-profile. Irregularities and a lack of staff at numerous polling stations on election day led the Election Commission of Pakistan to order repolling in 43 stations of the constituency on May 19. But the re-polling process has been controversial for various reasons.

On Saturday, PTI leader Zahra Shahid Hussain was gunned down outside her DHA home, which spread fear in the area and contributed to the low turnout on Sunday. Also, the MQM, which wanted repolling in the entire constituency, boycotted the process, as did the PPP, JI and some others. So it is something of a pyrrhic victory for Dr Arif Alvi, the only PTI candidate to win a National Assembly seat from Sindh as per unofficial results.

Two issues must be considered; the question of repolling as well as the murder allegations levelled by the PTI against the MQM in Zahra Shahid Hussain`scase. The PTI should have agreed to re-polling in the entire constituency especially when the ECP had agreed to the deployment of army personnel inside the polling stations. That way, if other parties had still been in the field a victory would have been more convincing, while it would have strengthened the PTPs demands for repolling in other Karachi constituencies where the party polled a significant number of votes. Regarding the murder of Ms Hussain, it was premature and ill-advised for Imran Khan to blame Altaf Hussain for the killing before any investigation had been conducted, especially in such a charged atmosphere. Hence the MQM`s criticism of the PTI chief`s remarks seems justified.

But the MQM had also raised the temperature earlier by allegedly threatening the PTI and hurling personal abuses at Imran Khan. Ms Hussain`s murder, which police have termed a targeted killing, needs to be fully investigated; in the meantime, all parties must show restraint, accept the results and move forward with the political process.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Top of the world: Women on Everest[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

AFTER they conquered the mighty Mount Everest in 1953, Edmund Hillary and Tenzing Norgay became household names for generations of people. This year, climbers are celebrating 60 years of conquest of the 8,848m-high mountain`s summit; the proud peak continues to be a site where history is written. On Saturday, 25year-old Raha Moharrak became the first woman from Saudi Arabia to reach the top; a day later, her achievement was matched by Pakistan which saw the first of its daughters, Samina Baig, do the same. The 21-yearold from Hunza was accompanied by her brother, Mirza Ali and in another first twin Indian sisters Tashi and Nugshi Malik.

Upon reaching the summit, Edmund Hillary and Tenzing Norgay buried some sweets and a small cross in the snow; on Sunday, the Pakistani and Indian mountaineers hoisted flags of their countries side by side.

The strength, courageand endurance that such a climb demands can simply not be envisioned by nonmountaineers. But the brave young women have prevailed over not just a terrain that is amongst the most hostile on the planet, they have also won a victory for another, equally monumental challenge: that of gender equality.

Particularly given the countries of their origin Pakistan, India and Saudi Arabia where patriarchy and gender discrimination remain deeply entrenched they have forged a path through a treacherous landscape. At the Islamabad press conference in March where Samina Baig and Mirza Ali announced their intention to attempt the climb, the former said that `together we are promoting gender equality`. That goal was achieved when the young woman set foot on the first step to the top; in having achieved the summit, she and her companions have presented their gender with an impressive model of standing fast.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (22nd May 2013)
 

[B]22/05/2013[/B]

[B][B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A bloody track record: Talks with the Taliban[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B][/B]

IF the TTP can be tamed politically, nothing like it. If death and destruction can come to an end through dialogue, then why not? Talks, said Nawaz Sharif on Monday, are the `best option`.

Speaking to a gathering of his party`s newly elected MPs in Lahore, the incoming prime minister made remarks that deserve to be noted. The PML-N chief referred to the 40,000 casualties the Taliban have inflicted on the country and the consequent cost to the economy and said that dialogue was not a bad option. The question is: will a dialogue with the Taliban work? What is their track record? Have they in the past abided by the agreements worked out with the state of Pakistan and kept their peace? The victor of the May 11 vote is a worried man.

The problems he has to fix range from the energy crisis to a sinking public sector. Foreign exchange reserves have tumbled, industry is stagnating, foreign investment is shy and Pakistani entrepreneurs are investing abroad. On top of this is the need for the new regime to develop a working relationship with the federating units to be ruled by other parties.

But all this is not possible without giving peace to the people who haveseen, heard and suffered blast after blast since the Taliban began their terror campaign in 2007.

Undeniably, the PML-N has a conservative outlook and was one of the three parties the Taliban had chosen as `guarantors`. Nevertheless, now that he is about to form government, Mr Sharif knows all too well that all his plans for the economy`s revival and such fancy projects as a bullet train will never see the light of day without an end to the insurgency. If he thus seeks a negotiated end to theinsurgency, his government must not only talk from a position of strength, the PML-N high command should also be mindful of certain incontrovertible realities: the Taliban have used the peace interregnum to shore up their defences; they continue to host terrorists from all parts of Pakistan and abroad, and they reject the democratic process. If the Taliban want peace, they must renounce violence, accept the sovereignty of the state of Pakistan on every bit of territory and join the political mainstream. The state will give away nothing; it is the Taliban who have to accept the fundamentals of civilised living, like democracy, education and women`s rights.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Action, not simply words: Army chief`s remarks[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

GEN Kayani`s comments on Monday hailing the bravery and commitment of the Pakistani people to democracy by turning out in large numbers to vote on May 11 despite the threat of terrorist attacks are perhaps an opportunity to turn the question around: will the army leadership now accept that there is in fact a consensus inside Pakistan against militancy and that it is time for the military to catch up with public sentiment? That Gen Kayani has been forthright in denouncing militancy inside Pakistan and challenged militancy apologists is a good thing and he has done it consistently for nearly a year now. But the fight against militancy requires some fundamental shifts on the part of the army that go far beyond words of praise and statements of resolve.

Where, for example, is the army`s strategy for rolling back militancy inside Pakistan beyond military operations in the tribal areas and parts of KP? To hack off some branches of militancy as the army is doing inconfronting the anti-state TTP while leaving others unmolested the infrastructure of `jihad` orientated towards Afghanistan and to some extent Kashmir is believed to be intact is simply not adequate.

Then there is the army`s own history of sponsoring jihad that needs to be reckoned with honestly something even the forthright army chief has been unable or unwilling to dilate on. And finally, little is said about the armed forces` internal situation, about the rank and file and leadership tiers that may increasingly be infected with xenophobia, extremism or even worse. In fact, Gen Kayani`s stance so far can be interpreted as a sign of concern mixed with confusion, reflecting a military leadership that perhaps has finally understood the problem with its age-old policies but is too cautious or fearful to try and reverse them. Given the number of troops that have been killed on the frontline, Gen Kayani should be aware that to defeat militancy, clarity is needed on all sides and with all audiences.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]Fowl play: Conditions at the Karachi Zoo[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IT is a picture in contrast: in Islamabad on Friday, rescuers were alerted to an injured eagle that had been stranded in a tree for two days. It proved to be a steppe eagle, a migratory bird from Central Asia and a rare visitor to Pakistan in this season. It was taken to the vet at the Islamabad Zoo and will be set free after recovery. Meanwhile, as reported in our Sindh pages, at least 15 large birds under the care of the Karachi Zoo have died in a little more than a year. The most recent was a macaw found dead in its cage, apparently the victim of neglect and an environment detrimental to its health; several owls died within mere days of their arrival. Underscoring the irony, most of these birds were donated to the zoo to celebrate the facility`s first zoo day, held on Feb 28 last year.

The Karachi Zoo regu-larly loses other animals too, and for similar reasons. But notwithstanding media reports, conditions just don`t seem to improve. Zoo officials blame the situation on financial constraints, saying that if they were given even 10pc of the revenue the facility earns, improvements would be possible; an order that 25pc of the revenue should be spent on the facility was never implemented, they complain. Things are rapidly reaching a crisis point.

If the zoo administration cannot improve the conditions in which the animals are kept, it might be time to start thinking about shutting down the facility for humane reasons. Certainly, as a first step the zoo must stop accepting or acquiring animals or birds that it cannot properly house. This grim procession of death and neglect has to be brought to an end.

Editorials from DAWN Newspaper (23rd May 2013)
 

[B]23/05/2013[/B]

[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]What voters want: Election results[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

AN election is primarily about numbers the seats won and lost and the votes polled and counted.

More than a week after polling day, the ECP has released its official count.

There are few surprises as the earlier results had already provided a fair idea of the mandate. The polling numbers have merely added some detail to an already clear picture. Indeed, the official numbers released underline the extent of the PMLN`s victory the party improved its performance in terms of votes garnered in 2008 by over 100pc.

Similarly, the numbers emphasise the disaster that was the PPP on May 11 the party that ruled the centre and three provincial set-ups has now been reduced to the third biggest party in the country.

The numbers also reveal how one province, Punjab, dominates the country`s electoral arena. The PMLN won primarily from Punjab and ended up as the biggest vote earner and with a simple majority in the National Assembly.

Fortunately, the parties that came second and third in terms of votes polled represent Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Sindh respectively and will ensure the federation`s representation in the National Assembly.

But more importantly,an election also conveys the needs ofthe electorate and their judgement of governments. And the voters have sent a clear message. The wholesale rejection of the PPP in Punjab and of the ANP and the PPP in KP proves that the people want their governments to deliver better living standards and security ideological rhetoric and democracy-strengthening legislation is not enough if villages and cities are enveloped in darkness and unemployed residents face terrorist attacks.

Indeed, if the people of Punjab voted for the PMLN in the hope that it would deliver on electricity and inflation, it can be argued that the residents of KP voted for parties that promised them peace.

This was the promise that the ANP made in 2008 when Swat and most of Fata were in the control of militants and the former promised to negotiate and to end the fighting. The ANP failed for many reasons beyond its control no doubt but fail it did.

And five years later, the people once again voted for those who promised to end the violence and bring peace. The PML-N and the PTI should note this as they rejoice. Five years pass far too quickly and if they waste the opportunity given to them on May 11, they will face a similar fate.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]A welcome ban: CNG and large vehicles[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

THE caretaker government`s decision to place a ban on the use of subsidised CNG in cars and other vehicles with an engine capacity of over 1000cc is a welcome step.

This measure will help save gas a depleting natural resource and divert it to the power sector and industry, which, at present, are looking for strong support from the government in order to put the economy back on track. It should also help to eliminate to some extent the untargeted subsidies being pocketed by the wealthy in the name of the poor. While exempting public transport from the ban to provide cheaper travel facilities to ordinary people must be appreciated, not including government-maintained vehicles in the list goes against the principles of equity and fairness. The decision will obviously hurt the owners of CNG stations who have invested billions in this sector over the last decade or so; it will cut their sales and profit margins. Therefore, their association took little time to reject it. It is timethe policymakers stood their ground instead of buckling under the pressure of vested interests at the cost of the country`s economy and growth.

Ever since the government started encouraging the use of CNG for transport to reduce its petroleum imports in the early 2000s, more and more car owners have switched to this resource to save on fuel costs. Today, Pakistan has the largest fleet of vehicles running on CNG with luxury car owners and CNG station owners being the major beneficiaries. A consensus has developed amongst the economic experts over the years that the government should phase out the use of CNG for private transport and restrict it to public transport alone. The ban should only be the first step in that direction.

But, as it turns out, the caretaker government has taken the decision in haste without the approval of the Economic Coordination Committee or the cabinet. Chances are the courts will strike it down unless the judges choose to ignore this legal lapse.


[B][CENTER][SIZE="5"]System in freefall: Flawed EPI programme[/SIZE][/CENTER][/B]

IF there were any doubt left about the shambles the country`s Expanded Programme for Immunisation is in, a recent indictment delivered by a string of national and international health agencies will have put paid to them.

Spurred into action by the deaths of over 400 children due to measles between January 2012 and 2013, several organisations including Unicef, USAID, the Aga Khan University and the Pakistan Medical Research Council as well as the Ministry of Inter-Provincial Coordination undertook a comprehensive analysis on the countrywide failure of the immunisation programme. USAID said our EPI system was in a `freefall of disrepair` WHO pointed out the low rates of routine vaccinations; the National Institute of Health noted that measles deaths occurred in all the provinces though Sindh was worst affected, and criticised the inability to identify and vaccinate vulnerable populations. Most worryingly, it seems that the districtsare reporting a oncevaccinated child as fully covered when several vaccines, including measles and polio, require followup doses.

The situation cannot be remedied without the political and technical leadership at both the federal and provincial levels demonstrating far more commitment than they have in the past. For years, health particularly child health has been relegated to the background with the focus settling instead on more highvisibility killers such as extremism and militancy.

While these are of course life-threatening issues, so are the illnesses that kill a shockingly high number 435,000 of children under five each year.

Some 20pc die of illnesses that could have been prevented if vaccinations under the EPI had been administered. While this generation of leaders needs to leave behind a country worth inheriting, it also needs to ensure that those that inherit it have a fair shot at reaching adulthood.