Acts of revenge

October 05, 2010

The Taliban have claimed responsibility for two audacious attacks on oil tankers carrying supplies for NATO forces in Pakistan. At least ten people are reported to have been killed in the attacks, which took place in Shikarpur and Islamabad. Thirty-eight or so tankers have been destroyed. Ominously, following the attack on the outskirts of Islamabad, a Taliban spokesman has warned that more will follow as revenge for drone strikes in the north. Anger has obviously been heightened by recent bombings by manned NATO aircraft. The response by Pakistan to the assaults by the US-led force has only added to feelings of rage. Whereas the prime minister had said NATO supplies had been blocked in protest, a foreign office spokesman has described this as only a temporary suspension for security reasons. This obviously adds to the confusion. The risk of further assaults on convoys carrying supplies to the Torkham border is heightened by this ambiguity.
There appears also to be some doubt over which force is responsible for keeping the vehicles safe. The Islamabad police have said they are not responsible. In Karachi, drivers of NATO vehicles say they are forced to proceed along the long route to the north unprotected and uninsured. The lives of these hapless drivers are of course at huge risk. The danger of accelerated attacks following the Taliban warning makes it all the more imperative that these drivers be given cover in view of the hazardous nature of their task. As for those in Islamabad who plan policy, a strategy is urgently needed to cope with the situation. The attacks not only endanger lives, but raise very serious concerns about the security situation. It seems evident that we are unable to guard our highways. The continued drone attacks of course add to the dangers. The central issue of our territorial sovereignty and our ability to defend it has become a matter of growing concern. Officials say talks are on with NATO officials and guarantees have been given. But till more solid evidence of this emerges, the danger of more attacks on vehicles will remain in place, highlighting both our inability to deal adequately with the drone strikes and the fact that, even now, the Taliban remain a force able to stage terrorist strikes across the country. This is a highly alarming thought, given the sacrifices made in the battle to end militancy.

Unsavoury

October 05, 2010

The scenes in Lahore spotted over the past few days would have been unsavoury at any time. We have seen lawyers hurling abuse at senior judges including the chief justice of the Lahore High Court, clashing violently with police, beating up journalists and pelting onlookers with stones. They banned prominent members of the legal profession, including former presidents of the Supreme Court Bar Association Hamid Khan and Aitzaz Ahsan, from entering the Lahore Bar Association offices. All this does nothing for the standing of the men in black coats who form a central part of our legal system. In the recent past too, they have been guilty of hooliganism and seem to have failed to mend their ways.
What makes the affair still more distasteful is the suspicion of political involvement. Whispers that have spread from the bar rooms at the LHC speak of instigation by the federal law minister. Mr Babar Awan, it should be noted, has also been accused in the past of using money handed out to lawyers to serve his own ends and those of key cronies. It is not inconceivable this is the case again, though we hope that the legal fraternity would not lower itself to such depths in a bid to hurt the judiciary. The matter at the centre of the latest stand-off involves the question of a district and sessions judge and complaints from lawyers about his attitude in the courtroom. This is something that does indeed need to be sorted out. So do other matters linked to the working of the lower judiciary. There are many complaints. But certainly there are better ways of highlighting issues. The displays of rowdiness seen recently inflict great damage and must be avoided. Chief Justice Iftikhar Chudhry has taken notice of the way police dealt with the protesting lawyers the other day and has called for senior lawyers to sit together to resolve the issues that have led to all this. They would do well to heed this advice.

Minister's antics

October 05, 2010

Pakistan's sports officialdom continues giving a bad name to the country. As if Ijaz Butt, the controversial Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) chairman, was not enough, another senior sports official has put Pakistan in the headlines for all the wrong reasons. Dr Muhammad Ali Shah, Sindh's sports minister and Pakistan's chef-de-mission at the Commonwealth Games, insisted on carrying the Pakistani flag as his contingent marched at the glittering opening ceremony of the Commonwealth Games in New Delhi on Sunday night, although it was already decided that Shuja-ud-Din Malik, a gold medalist weightlifter at the 2006 Commonwealth Games, will be Pakistan's official flag bearer. A crowd of 60,000 cheered for Pakistan as an announcement was made that Malik was carrying the country's flag, unaware that it was an aging provincial minister rather than a champion weightlifter at the helm of Pakistan's contingent.
Malik and fellow weightlifters threatened to stage a walk-out from the games unless Shah apologised. Shah claims that he just 'spontaneously' decided to carry the flag. Lt-Gen (r) Arif Hasan, president of the Pakistan Olympic Association has declared that he has resolved the matter and that the weightlifters will compete in the games. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani has ordered a probe into the incident. But the damage has been done. Pakistan went to New Delhi with little hope of winning any medals and have now begun their campaign on the wrong foot due to a spotlight-loving sports official. Pakistan, once a regional superpower in the field of sports, has already become a laughing stock of the cricket world because of Ijaz Butt's antics and his handling of the ongoing spot-fixing scandal and now this latest episode at the Commonwealth Games has once again highlighted the fact that something is really wrong with the people at the helm of our sports.

Weeding-out time

October 06, 2010

For almost as long as the current government has been in power there has been criticism of the size of the Cabinet. The criticism has come both nationally and internationally. It is hard to justify – in a country as poor and indebted as we are – a federal cabinet that currently boasts 62 members. All of these 62 members receive a range of perks and privileges, demand maximum protocol if they so much as set foot outside their own front doors and are a drain on the exchequer that does nothing to enhance our image. It is illustrative to consider the sizes of cabinets in other countries – here selected from a range of countries to get a credible average. Leaving aside prime ministers or presidents in every case we see that the UK has 22 cabinet members, Norway 19, France 19, Germany 15, Saudi Arabia 22, Malaysia 24, Australia 21, Egypt 27, Argentina 18, Canada (a little surprisingly) 36 and the USA 15 with a further seven officers having cabinet-level status. If states like the US can manage with less than 25 in their cabinet, how come we need 62?
The answer probably lies with our old friends Mr Nepotism and Mr Patronage. Our governments like nothing better than to get a few of their very best friends around the table; no matter that they cannot do their twelve-times table or turn on a light-bulb unaided. Maybe, just maybe, that is about to change. There have been reports of the military establishment being less than delighted with the performance of some cabinet members; and there are now reports that the prime minister is about to make recommendations to the president as to the future size and composition of the federal cabinet. Now that the 18th Amendment has been passed several ministries are to be devolved to the provinces, and 17 ministers of state are likely to find themselves no longer wanted on the voyage and dropped at the quayside. There have been previous attempts to cull the dead wood, largely in vain, so we shall await with interest the publication of the PM's revised list, said to number about 40. A more appropriate figure might be 30, and given our current straitened circumstances the provinces might also look at their own cabinet sizes. Swing that axe, Mr Prime Minister!

The tax hunt

October 06, 2010

After decades of somnolence the tax authorities finally seem to be waking up to the fact that it is their job to actually collect taxes. With the federal tax regime under heavy pressure to reform by our donors and the possibility, however remote, that the real high-earners and land-owners are going to finally get drawn into the tax net, the medium-sized fish are now up for being caught. A countrywide action is being launched against 1300 companies in an attempt to recover Rs50 billion in unpaid dues. This action is at least five years overdue in many cases as that is how long most of the targeted companies have been blacklisted – but they have continued to trade and even opened new companies and subsidiaries which are presumably also tax defaulters. Their evasion of payment was well-enough known to the tax authorities but they had taken no conclusive action until now.
An amendment to tax law now allows the authorities an extra year to pursue cases and is backed up by a piece of forensic software that allows a much more detailed audit of potential defaulters than was hitherto possible. The entire spectrum of business is covered with companies that deal in electrical goods, footwear, cargo services, furniture, small and medium sized industrial units, hosiery manufacturers, general traders and wholesalers as well as a host of other categories are all in the frame for audit and compliance. The Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) has told those on the list that they have 15 days to tidy up their books and remove any discrepancies, after which they will be immediately blacklisted if they fail to comply. Where doubt about all this busy-ness might creep in is that the FBR has already been down this road in the past and then failed dismally to enforce action on the companies it blacklisted. They continued to trade, expanded their operations in many cases, and cocked a snook at the FBR generally. Although the sums the FBR is seeking to recover are relatively small, some only a few million rupees, the fact that they aggregate to Rs50 billion is sufficient cause for punitive action. The federal government is desperate for tax revenue. Let us hope that this time the FBR is considerably more aggressive in its pursuance of defaulters.

Power problem

October 06, 2010

We are told that we will need to generate 20,000 additional MW of power over the next ten years to meet growing energy needs and US $32 billion will be needed for this. It is immediately obvious that the challenge – s put forward by a private company hired jointly by the World Bank and the ministry of water and power is massive. Right now, chiefly due to lack of fuel supply to power-producers, we have once more run into a stunting shortage of power necessitating prolonged loadsheddings in Punjab. According to details provided to power managers, it will be essential to improve distribution-efficiency if the power crisis is to be managed. This has been a problem faced year after year, with losses from aging systems growing by the day. Theft is of course another huge factor, with the influential known to be literally stealing away power needed to keep smaller workshops and industrial units running.
There are many aspects about the power plan that are disconcerting. The needs of our citizens have of course been neglected with the crippling cost of electricity expected to rise further. But there are also other issues which bring frowns to foreheads. Our minister for power had promised us in May 2008 that the power crisis would be over within months. This has not happened. There is no evidence either that the half-hearted measures taken to solve the shortfall have, in any significant way, been successful. Questions arise both over the credibility of the government and its ability to manage matters. The energy crisis, we all know, has huge implications – and fears that it could worsen will only add to the crisis of confidence that we face today.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________

Crisis eased

October 07, 2010

For now at least the bar-bench crisis appears to have subsided in intensity. Judges of the lower courts have met the chief justice of the Lahore High Court and district and sessions judge Zawar Sheikh has departed on four-months leave. A new district judge for Lahore has been appointed. Earlier, some 1300 officials of the subordinate judiciary had resigned – threatening to paralyse the lower courts. A potentially disruptive standoff seems to have been avoided and priority given to the needs of litigants who would have been the worst-affected by the crisis. This should mean a return to normal business at the courts, even if it is gradual in places. We hope it is not too early to say that the crisis is over. Protests and the strike (partial on Wednesday) by lawyers have continued with their leaders stating that the departure of Zawar Sheikh and the appointment of a new judge in his place are not enough. Some of them seek the exit of the chief justice of the Lahore High Court and are not satisfied with what has been done to end the crisis so far. The allegations being made against the LHC CJ go too far. It is unlikely that he ordered the police to torture lawyers. A halt needs to be put on matters so that sanity can return. The political connotations attached to the affair should not be allowed to further complicate matters. This cannot be if 'hidden hands' – that insinuations suggest belong to the federal law minister – are at work. If there are indeed 'hands', hidden or otherwise, behind the crisis, their aim then would appear to be to keep the crisis rolling on to meet certain ends, even if there are now no grounds to do so.
However, what the affair has highlighted is that matters at the lower judicial levels do need to be sorted out. While they have been spoken about only in muted voices, allegations of corrupt practices have been left hanging in the air following the drama we have witnessed. There are insinuations that Zawar Sheikh's refusal to part ways with integrity may have led to a campaign being launched against him. But in the aftermath of all that has happened – the stirring up of a storm the impact of which spread far beyond Lahore – it is important that the matter be considered further. We need to deal with issues of administration and unethical practices at the level of the district courts. The actions and behaviour of judges forming the subordinate judiciary affect a huge number of people. It is these courts that people approach when seeking redress of grievance. Only a small number of cases reach the high courts or go farther. It is vital therefore to reform these courts and improve the manner in which these courts operate. This could also help avert crises of the kind we have seen and which strain relations between the bench and the bar.

In or out?

October 07, 2010

Against a background of blazing oil tankers several arguments rage back and forth. Since the start of the Afghan war in October 2001 the land-route through Pakistan has been the principal means of supply for the NATO/ISAF troops fighting it. Hundreds of thousands of trucks have transported millions of tonnes of materiel to fight a war that might not have been ours but into which we have been inexorably dragged. The war now spills over our borders, most recently in the form of NATO helicopters attacking a Pakistani outpost killing three of our soldiers and injuring up to six others. By way of protest, it seems, we have blocked the supply route and have given no indication as to when we might reopen it. The Americans are saying that because of our failure to provide security to the convoys and the destruction of countless millions of dollars-worth of equipment, they are going to quickly set up an alternative route, most likely starting at a Baltic port and then using the Russian rail system for goods forwarding.
The question we have to ask ourselves is – are we in or out of the business of servicing the Afghan supply chain? On the credit side it has provided our transport industry with years of solid income. On the debit side the hammering that our roads and bridges have taken has cost us a lot of money. Also on the debit side is that the convoys are a magnet for attacks by extremists who seek to fight the war on our soil. The security of the convoys appears to be our responsibility, contrary to what the chief of police in Islamabad says. In reality the security is supposed to be provided by private contractors who have never yet defended a convoy when it is attacked. So would we want NATO forces defending NATO supplies as they crossed our land? We should not. Overall, it could be argued that having NATO supplies hauled through Pakistan has contributed significantly to deterioration in the quality of security for the entire country. So we have to make choices. If the government values the revenue and sees advantage in allowing the route to be used, then we have to defend the goods on the road. Conversely, if it is judged that the debits outweigh the credits and at this point that looks to be the case; then we get out of the business of hauling goods to an unpopular war that NATO is not going to win. There is no shades-of-grey with this one. We are in or out.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________

Murmurs of peace?

October 08, 2010

October 7 2010 marked the beginning of the tenth year of the war that rages still in Afghanistan. Over those nine years the Taliban have gone from being 'defeated' – which they never were in military terms – to being participants in any peace negotiations that involve the Afghan government, our own government and other governments that have an interest in keeping a spoon in the Afghan pot. Defeated the Taliban most certainly are not. They have fought the coalition forces of ISAF to a stalemate. Neither side has the killer punch that would deliver a victory, and the only path left to all, apart from the path of continued conflict, is talking. Who talks with whom and about what is going to determine the future shape of Afghanistan and there are now reports that tell of the US and the Afghan government talking to the Haqqani network and the Quetta Shura -- both entities that have a stake in future governance in Afghanistan.
There is going to be no peace without having even the most intransigent of insurgents as partners in it. Those who have been fighting for almost a decade are going to want a slice of the peace dividend for themselves and their supporters; which will mean places within provincial cabinets and at federal level as well. 'Face' and 'honour' are everything in Afghan society, and to not be at the table when the spoils of peace are divided up is unthinkable, and the Haqqanis and their ilk need to find an accommodation with the state that leaves their honour intact and their position in tribal society not weakened. The various reports of contacts between the many players, not all of them in the same game, have mostly been denied by official sources so far, but an Afghan endgame may be beginning to emerge. The leakage of western support for the Karzai government is as yet a trickle but could become a flood if anti-war political forces in Europe and the US gain significant traction. This would be an unmitigated disaster, as Karzai is well beyond his sell-by date and the only thing keeping him in power is the absence of a suitable alternative. Alone, he would be unable to hold anything together for more than a few weeks, perhaps days. Karzai has to stay and manage -- with support -- what amounts to an interregnum before he exits. The western nations and parts of the Arab world desperately need Afghanistan to hold together, and if the price of the glue that makes that happen is talking to the numerous and disparate elements that make up the Taliban, then so be it. Endless warfare is the alternative, but there is now a sense of war-weariness that could in the end drive all to the talking-table.

Cannon on the loose

October 08, 2010

The 'clarification' from a spokesman for Musharraf -- that he has apparently been 'misunderstood' as far as his comments on Pakistan's involvement in training militants to infiltrate Indian-Held Kashmir go -- will convince no one. The unfortunate comments were made to a respectable German publication; they were affirmed several times during the interview and there seems to be very little possibility of 'misunderstanding'. Sadly, we have understood too well. The former dictator appears to have parted ways with good sense, dignity and the restraint expected of anyone who holds a position of responsibility. The remarks on militants are obviously a huge embarrassment for Pakistan and, for obvious reasons, have left almost everyone in the country foaming at the mouth. The fury of both the civilian and military leadership is easy to comprehend. If he saw advantage in such candour we wonder why Musharraf did not come up with his disclosure during the nine years he served as head of state.
This is not the only example of bad judgment on the part of Musharraf who believes he has a future in the politics of Pakistan. His swaggering attack on the PML-N chief puts before us all the nature of a man who has, time and again, proved that he is both arrogant and quite capable of behaviour that verges on the idiotic. It is his own intellect that Musharraf needs to study. It would appear that in a desperate bid for attention, Musharraf is ready to say more or less anything to gain some headline space. Quite evidently his claims to patriotism do not go beyond words. If they did he would think twice about what he says or what the implications could be. If anything, Musharraf's behaviour proves that he is completely unfit to lead Pakistan. Fortunately there seems little possibility of him doing it. The most recent comments made by him will certainly steer many away from the All-Pakistan Muslim League and its chief. Most politicians in the country have indeed already written it off. Musharraf has emerged as a kind of comic figure, ranting on in a manner that makes little sense. Some of what he has said could have unfortunate consequences for Pakistan. The few aides and supporters he still retains should exhort him to use better judgment when he speaks, for the sake of this country and its people.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________

Saying sorry

There are two helicopter crews and their ground controllers somewhere in the NATO/ISAF forces stationed in southern Afghanistan who are possibly having a very uncomfortable time - or, more likely, being quietly congratulated. They are responsible in direct terms for the killing and injuring of our soldiers in the September 30 cross-border incident, the consequences of which still reverberate. Not only has the US ambassador apologised in person for the raid but she has been joined by US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen. A careful reading of Mr Mullen's letter to Chief of Army Staff General Kayani reveals that it is something less than an apology and more a condolence. This is in line with the position spelled out by the recent White House assessment of just what it is that we are not doing enough.
Considering the 'apologies' alongside the White House assessment we get a hard-edged perspective on the perceptions that form the back-story to the front-of-stage diplomatic activity. There is an assertiveness about the report that is rarely present in the measured tones of diplomacy, and there is a sense of urgency and underlying anger as well. It states bluntly that our military has been unwilling to take decisive or terminal action against Al-Qaeda and other extremist groups. The leadership of President Zardari is criticised - admittedly not a difficult task - and the stick is waved for the third time in as many weeks in terms of American aid being tied to our compliance on a number of fronts. That we may disagree with the report probably matters little in the American paradigm. But it should. Yes, we remain, unfortunately, dependent upon 'aid', but America too needs us to survive as it also needs Afghanistan to. Cutting the aid or limiting it is more likely to work against broader objectives, both American and Pakistani, than in their favour. Hollow apologies and sabre-rattling reports don't serve much purpose.

Dear leader, don't return

Iftekhar A Khan
On Oct 1, amid fans and fawners, Gen (r) Pervez Musharraf set up his All Pakistan Muslim League, boasting as if he had launched the mother of all political parties. Gen Musharraf, known as "Mush" to his foreign buddies, chose the land of strawberries to incorporate his party. He lives in self-exile in London, a city that distinguishes itself as a haven for runaway leaders, former generals and Pinochet-type strongmen who, because of their misdeeds, become prisoners of security among their own people. Mush announced his party manifesto, in which mainly the poor and deprived of the nation occupied his attention. It was more of the same claptrap that devious democrats churn out for public consumption. The only exception was that the dear leader, dreaming to become either president or prime minister, had risen from the West, an aspect that sets him apart from the homegrown variety.
Musharraf didn't waste time to assail his political opponents on the day he launched the party. The language he used for Nawaz Sharif bordered on incivility. He termed Nawaz Sharif brainless. Which was correct only to the extent that Nawaz Sharif had elevated Mush to the position of army chief, which would change the course of history -- a decision that the overthrown prime minister would rue for times to come.
About Musharraf's inaugural address, a newspaper reported he was inebriated before he took to the rostrum. Regardless of the accuracy of the report, the big man was full of bombast and bluster as he spelled out his vision for Pakistan. The television audience thought as if he was shouting military orders at them, instead of talking of peace, reconciliation and amity. People even wondered how they'd bear with the general's hauteur if he ever returned to power.
Musharraf was slightly contrite about some of the decisions he made during his reign. But that's not enough to win him public sympathy, because the enormity of his misdeeds is too grave to condone. It was when he chased octogenarian Akbar Bugti that Mush truly displayed his swagger as head of state -- "they wouldn't know what hit them." And that wouldn't endear him to people he is likely to ask for votes. The suspension of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, which resulted in his maltreatment by a lowly inspector who even pulled the chief justice's hair, is fresh in public minds. Also vividly remembered is Mush calling the chief justice "a third-rate man, scum of the earth" during one of his many foreign jaunts. These events and more -- like the kidnapping of Aafia Siddiqui, together with her children, who included a baby of eight months, and handing her over to the Karzai government for torture in the notorious Bagram dungeon -- are imprints so indelible that nothing could delete them from the hard disc of public memory.
Imagine, when Musharraf was scheming to perpetuate his rule through the abominable NRO, the Great Architect above was planning His own moves. And His moves are always superior. Chief Justice Chaudhry occupies the most honourable seat in Pakistan, besides occupying a place in people's hearts, while the former First Citizen languishes in self-exile. All those who once considered him their benefactor now shun him like a pariah. What irony!
Unfortunately, Musharraf isn't the type to learn from his follies, because he doesn't admit them. He will not pay heed to what Aldous Huxley suggested in his novel, Brave New World: rolling in muck is not the best way to get clean. Musharraf will roll and roll without getting clean. The general-turned-politician, who doesn't consider anyone at par with his intellect, wisdom and foresight, is destined to remain an angry gent in the years left to him. His claim that he maintains his lifestyle by lecturing around the world is risible. Who would listen to him? Is he a philosopher, thinker, scientist or a sufi-saint for the Westerners to actually pay for that? Instead of riding into the sunset, Musharraf has decided to plunge into politics, where he could only be an entertainer.

The writer is a freelance contributor based in Lahore. Email: pinecity@ gmail.com

The Middle East quicksand

Tayyab Siddiqui
The Middle East peace process that was launched with high hopes after a hiatus of 20 months has run aground, just after two meetings between the leaders of Israel and the Palestinian Authority. This was not unexpected. The stand-off between President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in their meeting in March on the settlements issue should have alerted Obama to the built-in fault lines, particularly when the core issue of settlements remain unresolved.
The freeze announced by Netanyahu was to expire on Sept 26. Without seeking any commitment or understanding from Netanyahu on the extension of the freeze, Obama initiated the peace process on Sept 2. The Arab League and PA President Mehmoud Abbas had made it clear that the PA would pull out of the talks if construction of settlements continued. Obama had been humiliated by Netanyahu on this issue and to expect a meaningful round of talks without a conciliatory gesture before the commencement of the talks was delusional.
Obama certainly committed a major miscalculation. He was wrongly advised by his administration, which argued that the conditions have never been better for talks as the PA has improved infrastructure, policing and living condition in the West Bank.
President Mubarak of Egypt shared Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's optimism that "peace is within reach. This is the time and these are the leaders who can achieve the results we all seek: two states, two peoples, living in peace and security." Mubarak, who told the New York Times on Sept 2 that "a peace plan is within our grasp," had cautioned: "The settlements and peace are incompatible, as they deepen the occupation that Palestinians seek to end. A complete halt to Israel's settlements expansion is critical if negotiations are to succeed."
The two major issues that the peace process was expected to resolve related to the Jewish settlements in the West Bank and creation of a Palestinian state. Both issues have been subjects of discussion between Israel and the Palestinians for the last 17 years. There is no ambiguity or flexibility in the stance of either party. The respective positions have hardened and there are no options or alternatives available.
Israel has continued to build settlements in the occupied West Bank. While the talks continued in 1993, there were only 107,000 settlers in the West Bank. During the Oslo talks and later, Israel added another 100,000 settlers. Today there are 300,000 settlers in the West Bank and another 200,000 in Arab East Jerusalem.
Until 2004, the US regarded these settlements as "illegal." Then, under pressure from the Israeli lobby, the Bush administration changed its policy and the settlements began to be considered "unhelpful" to the peace process. Obama made a major miscalculation of Netanyahu's obduracy, and that resulted in serious harm to the fate of the negotiations and to Obama's leadership.
The Quartet and the UN have come to the rescue of President Obama for a damage-control exercise and condemned the policy of settlements. The Quarter urged the government of Israel to "freeze all settlement activity, to dismantle all posts erected since March 2001 and to refrain from demolition and eviction in East Jerusalem." UN secretary general Ban Ki-Moon paid a two-day visit to the occupied West Bank, met the prime minister of the Palestinian Authority, Salam Fayyad, and endorsed the Quartet's call to Israel to halt all settlement activity.
To salvage the peace process, Obama has sought the support of Arab allies to pressure the PA into not withdrawing from negotiations. The PA, the weaker party, will agree to the Arab position as it has no other alternative. But the sum total of these talks will remain uncertain and prospects for peace in the Middle East will not be advanced. Such futile efforts have been made by successive US administrations in the past. The current talks will merely become a part of the depressing record of failed peace attempts.

The writer is a former ambassador. Email: m.tayyab.siddiqui@gmail.com

How the dream was stolen

Roedad Khan
There are, in my view, two factors that, above all others, have shaped Pakistan's history. One is the growing power of the military in running the affairs of state. The other, without doubt, consists in the total failure of the politicians, the intelligentsia, the intellectuals, the civil servants--in fact, the entire civil society--to comprehend the threat posed by a powerful army to the country's fragile democracy, and to devise ways and means to thwart it.
"Military coups," Alexis de Tocqueville warned more than 200 years ago, "are always to be feared in democracies. They should be reckoned among the most threatening of the perils which face [democracies'] future existence. Statesmen must never relax their efforts to find a remedy for this evil."
Mr Jinnah was aware of the threat posed by the army. On the day of Pakistan's independence, Aug 14, 1947, Mr Jinnah, who had just become governor general, scolded one young Pakistani officer. The officer had complained that, "instead of giving us the opportunity to serve our country in positions where our natural talents and native genius could be used to the greatest advantage, important posts are being entrusted, as had been done in the past, to foreigners. British officers have been appointed to head the three fighting services, and a number of other foreigners are in key senior appointments. This was not our understanding of how Pakistan should be run."
Mr Jinnah was deliberate in his answer. He warned the officer concerned "not to forget that the armed forces are the servants of the people and you do not make national policy; it is we, the civilians, who decide these issues and it is your duty to carry out these tasks with which you are entrusted."
Months later, during his only visit to the Staff College in Quetta, he expressed his alarm at the casual attitude of "one or two very high-ranking officers." He warned the assembled officers that some of them were not aware of the implications of their oath to Pakistan and promptly read it out to them. And he added: "I should like you to study the constitution which is in force in Pakistan at present and understand its true constitutional and legal implications when you say that you will be faithful to the constitution. I want you to remember, and if you have time enough, you should study the Government of India Act (of 1935), as adapted for use in Pakistan, which is our present constitution, that the executive authority flows from the head of the Government of Pakistan, who is Governor General, and therefore any command that may come to you cannot come without the sanction of the executive head." The supreme irony of the event is that the Constitution of Pakistan was to be abrogated or suspended by some of the officers present in Mr Jinnah's audience.
Marx once said: "Neither a nation nor a woman is forgiven for an unguarded hour in which the first adventurer who comes along can sweep them off their feet and possess them." Oct 7, 1958, was our unguarded hour when democracy was expunged from the politics of Pakistan, with scarcely a protest. I was deputy commissioner of Dera Ismail Khan when I heard over the radio that martial law had been declared and civilian governments dismissed.
Ayub Khan was now chief martial law administrator. The military regime heralded a successful revolution and was promptly recognised as a "basic, law-creating fact" by the Supreme Court. It gave the lie to all that I had been taught. "There can be no martial law in peacetime," we were told. The country was not at war, and was not sliding into anarchy. There was no civil commotion in the country preventing the judges from going to courts--an essential precondition for the imposition of martial law in peacetime, according to A V Dicey.
A telephone call from the local colonel asking me to report to him along with my superintendent of police brought me down to earth with a thud. Reality hit me like a ton of bricks. The colonel rattled off a string of directives for compliance within 24 hours: all unlicensed arms to be surrendered; all hoarded stocks of wheat to be unearthed; all prices, including the price of gold, to be controlled. I got back to my office late in the evening in a much chastened mood. The days of civilian supremacy were over.
We lost East Pakistan in 1971 because Pakistan was ruled by a military dictator. It is idle to speculate with the benefit of hindsight. But the war with India, the defeat of the Pakistani army, the humiliating spectacle of its surrender in Dacca (Dhaka), the loss of half the country, the long incarceration of our soldiers in Indian captivity, might have been avoided if Pakistan were a democracy in 1971. The politicians, left to themselves, would have muddled through the crisis and struck a political bargain. But for military rule, the history of Pakistan might have been different.
It is axiomatic that the army has no political role in any democratic country, whatever its form of government. But, for historical reasons, it has acquired this role in Pakistan which now appears to be irreversible, at least in the foreseeable future. Isn't it tragic that when strain develops between the pillars of state, it is the army chief who is called upon to act as a referee? In India, this role is played by the president who is strictly neutral and commands great respect. When the country faces what is called "the deadlock of democracy," the president acts as a referee, avoids becoming a participant or a partisan in the political power game. He is like an emergency lamp. When power fails in Delhi, the emergency lamp comes into operation. When power is restored, the emergency lamp becomes dormant. In Pakistan, the role of the army is like that of a fire-brigade. It rushes to the site of fire, extinguishes the fire, but instead of getting back to the station, it lingers on, tarries too long, gets involved in the management and administration of the house, and ceases to be a fire brigade.
Isn't it a great tragedy that 63 years after independence, political sovereignty in Pakistan resides neither in the electorate, nor the parliament, nor the executive, nor the judiciary, nor even the Constitution which has superiority over all the institutions it creates. It resides, if it resides anywhere at all, where the coercive power resides. In practice, it is the "pouvoir occulte" which is the ultimate authority in the decision-making process.
Today Pakistan is neither led nor governed. Who has betrayed the people? In the minds of ordinary folks, of course, it is the rulers--elected or unelected, in uniform or otherwise--who have done the betraying. At times, I want to buy a hundred bullets, use 99 on the architects of our national tragedy--corrupt politicians, bureaucrats, generals, and judges of the superior courts--all those who stole the Pakistan dream--and save one for myself.

Our nasty hangover

Babar Sattar
The writer is a lawyer based in Islamabad.
Much has been said about the buffoonery of black coats in Lahore last week. The ugly episode raises fundamental questions about the authority vested in the office of the chief justice, the desirable role of the bar and the bench, their modes of interaction and mutual relationship, and the depraved ethos that pervades the legal fraternity and our justice system as a whole. All these questions need to be approached in the backdrop of the objects and promises of the rule of law movement, with a dispassionate focus on whether or not the mechanism of strikes and street agitation, imperative in the initial phase of the movement that was singularly focused on restoring an independent-minded judiciary, is still a desirable means to reform the justice system.
Let us get the black and white issues out of the way first. Neither the decision of lawyers to resort to violence in order to voice their demands nor police brutality and indiscriminate beating up of lawyers in their chambers and the bar room can ever be justifiable. As to the merit of the demand seeking transfer of the district judge Lahore, lawyers have no business interfering with or influencing the composition of a court. If the logic of the argument made by the Lahore Bar Association is acceptable, can the High Court and the Supreme Court Bar Associations also gang up and seek removal of members of the superior judiciary?
Judicial robes don't come along with a licence to talk down to lawyers. And in any civilized society, being treated with respect is a fundamental human right. As officers of the court and professionals seeking to protect and defend the interests of their clients, what lawyers must demand is the right to a patient hearing by a neutral arbiter of the law. And to the extent that the brusqueness of a judge begins to interfere with his neutrality and administration of justice, a lawyer is within his right to file a complaint for judicial misconduct. But a 'culture of honour' that justifies the transformation of an attorney into a rogue upon being provoked by the rudeness of a judge must not be allowed to corrupt the ethical traditions of this fine profession.
The lawyers' demand seeking the removal of the Lahore District Judge was unreasonable in the first place. Their audacity to vandalise the chamber of chief justice Lahore High Court to exhibit their disquiet was alarming, especially in the backdrop of a growing trend amongst lawyers to rely on violence in dealing with judges, police, media and even litigants. Thus a settlement of the 'bar-bench' face-off in Lahore resulting in the removal of the Lahore District Judge is disillusioning, for it is the antithesis of the foundational principle underlying the rule of law movement.
The reaction to March 9, 2007, when the chief justice of Pakistan was deposed, and November 3, 2009, when the entire superior judiciary was sent packing, was about one basic thing: security of judicial tenure as a prerequisite to judicial independence and rule of law. The argument was that if judges weren't allowed to discharge judicial duties without considerations of fear or favour, they would never be neutral arbiters of the law capable of dispensing justice. The other potent argument in favour of restoration of the November 3 judiciary was that if we allow arbitrary removal of judges acting independently, in future no judge would ever risk his job merely to do the right thing.
Does the district judiciary (which remains the wrinkled face of our justice system confronting ordinary citizens) not need security of tenure to mete out justice? Are the jobs being performed by judges of the superior courts so fundamentally different from those of district court judges that the logic of judicial independence is simply not relevant for the latter? Now that Zawar Hussain Sheikh has been removed, will his successor dare tell functionaries of the bar that they have no business interfering with ministerial appointments in the court?
Hasn't a loud message been sent to all district judges around the country that appeasing leaders of the local bar is part of their job description if they wish to continue to serve in their positions? And why should posting and removals of district judges be tied to the whims of the provincial chief justice? While it is a settled law of this country that administrative discretion vested in executive authorities must be structured and never exercised in an arbitrary manner, why is it that the same principle finds no mention or application when it comes to the exercise of administrative discretion by heads of superior courts?
Other than the logic of principles backing the rule of law movement and the overwhelming hatred for Musharaf, one important reason why the cause resonated with ordinary people was because lawyers, as its flag-bearers, didn't seem motivated by self-interest. In seeking the restoration of illegally removed judges and sacrifising their means of subsistence in the process, they were not seeking any bounties for themselves. It was this selfless struggle for rule of law at the peril of personal liberty, professional advancement and financial security that earned them the respect and gratitude of this nation.
Restoration of an independent-minded judiciary was only meant to be the first (necessary but insufficient) step in the rule of law movement that was expected to remove obstructions to reform and empower judges who together with leaders of the bar were to emerge as agents for progressive change. But now that conditions are ripe to embark on the crucial journey of entrenching rule of law, and reforming the bar and the bench together with the procedures, practices and culture that make justice a forlorn hope for the ordinary Joe in Pakistan, why have we suddenly gone back to our old ways: the bench playing favourites and the bar engaging in sycophancy on the one hand and rent-seeking behaviour on the other?
Was it not the responsibility of leaders of the rule of law movement to taper the excitement of lawyers they eagerly brought onto the streets and lead them back into courtrooms to argue their briefs? Should they not have attempted to treat the hangover of the first phase of the movement and prepare their younger colleagues for the behavioural changes and self-reform that we urgently need as a professional group? Should the restored bench not have preoccupied itself with urgently putting the lower rungs of its own house in order?
Is it too naïve a thought the treatment of a lawyer in a courtroom should be determined by the strength of his legal argument and not his role in the rule of law movement or his facility with flattery? While the lawyers were forced to come out on the streets during the first phase of the rule of law movement because there were no legal mechanisms available to effect a change, why is it that after the restoration of an independent judiciary they are still being egged on by members of the judicature to functions as their 'foot-soldiers'? Aren't lawyers expected to function independently and critique judicial pronouncements to improve the quality of our jurisprudence?
The Lahore episode is the latest manifestation that the legal fraternity -- the bar and the bench included -- is losing its way. Let's all take stock and make amends instead of brewing conspiracies.

A toxic presidency

October 10, 2010

Two events on last Friday point to a presidency that is beyond accountability, abusive of the law and apparently willing to go to any length to get its own way rather than serve the national interest impartially. Firstly there is the matter of the appointment of the new chairman of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). This is a position that has obvious 'sensitivity' attached to it and it is vital to the credibility of NAB that its chairman be seen as free of political manipulation and patronage. The law requires that there be consultation among all parties to come to an agreement on a mutually acceptable chairperson. The names that had been submitted by the prime minster (including that of Justice (r) Deedar Hussain) had been rejected by the opposition and the period granted by the Supreme Court for a new set of names to be put forward was due for expiry on October 13. The president, moving unilaterally, appointed Mr Deedar, a long-time PPP loyalist and close to the Bhutto family for decades. If he is confirmed in post, the president can rely upon him to dodge and weave in protection of his Master – particularly when it comes to the matter of the reopening of any cases in foreign courts. This is a naked abuse of presidential powers, is utterly condemnable and makes a mockery of the courts and democratic governance in general.
As if this were not enough, the president then shocked just about everybody who knows anything about railways by giving a Rs8 billion contract for new locomotives for Pakistan Railways to a Chinese company, even though the matter is being heard by the Lahore High Court following a petition challenging the deal. The PM is already on record as saying that if that happens he might go to jail! Further. We have already purchased sub-standard locos in 2001 which made a major contribution to the ramshackle state of the railways today. The present railways minister was against the deal as were any number of technical advisers, but all to no avail. Since when has Mr Zardari known anything about railway engines and just why should the company in question have the deal? Also, why should he flout the law and appoint his placeman to NAB? In both cases the answer is 'because he can'. This is a toxic presidency that teeters on the brink of civilian dictatorship. A presidency which is politically divisive when we are desperate for unity; and a presidency that has done nothing to dispel the odour of corruption around itself. We deserved better than this, we really did.

The sovereignty question

October 10, 2010

The critical question of sovereignty has emerged 'once again' over the last few days with the invasion of our airspace and the killing of our soldiers by Apache helicopters. The decision reportedly taken to reopen the Torkham border could add to the wave of anger we have seen and create a still more dangerous situation along the routes tankers and other containers carrying supplies to NATO travel. Pakistan has continued to insist that the closure of the border was not a move intended to exert pressure on the US. However it seems unlikely that the much flaunted apology from Washington would have come without this. The view of most people, for similar reasons, will also be that this apology has been seen as enough to resume supplies through Torkham.
The matter in the minds of most people is clear. It concerns the issue of sovereignty and the kind of future Pakistan wants to build for itself among the nations of the world. Drone strikes and attacks by manned aircraft have raised very important concerns for years. These have not been answered and consequently rage and frustration have grown. Our dependence in terms of economic aid also comes into the equation. This must end if there is to be any hope of real sovereignty. How Pakistan moves towards this should become a key concern for its leaders. They must realise they cannot indefinitely depend on rhetoric or attempts to fool the people. Most see through the smokescreen. Only steps that can take us towards true independence will help dispel this and put us back on the road towards a bright future. As things stand now, we face continued militancy and growing violence. An end to this is linked in to a breaking away from the tight reins that tether us to Washington and in many ways hold back a nation that has yet to realise its full potential as an independent state. For over 60 years we have struggled to get anywhere at all. We must not wait any longer. Patience is running out and in this lurk dangers.

Five years later

October 10, 2010

On the morning of October 8, 2005 an earthquake struck with its epicentre in Azad Kashmir near the city of Muzaffarabad. It registered 7.6 on the Richter scale and killed about 75,000 people, injuring hundreds of thousands more. The generosity and warmth of the people of Pakistan was matched by a global offering of support and within hours help was on its way. The world responded immediately and generously, with $5.4 billion eventually received to help reconstruction and rehabilitate a traumatised population. On the fifth anniversary of the event the shops in Balakot – a town that was literally flattened – were shut in protest at the failure of the government to follow through on its promises at the time, and affectees of the 'quake were planning a march and sit-in in front of parliament to protest the poor governmental post-quake response.
As we still mourn the dead of 2005, the Great Flood of 2010 is yet to drain away, and the disaster that began in August with monsoon rainfall that was in some places 150 per cent greater than was predicted rolls on. There is a stark contrast between the response in 2005 of the people of this country and the wider world, in comparison to now. Aid has been slow to flow. Donor nations are giving 'in kind' and not 'in cash' such is their distrust of the government mired in corruption that sits with palms upwards in the hope of getting them filled with money. We are mistrustful of government agencies, less willing to dig into our own pockets despite the fact that the magnitude of the flood in human terms – with millions affected – is far greater than that of the '05 quake. The economic effects of the 'quake were minimal, the economic effects of the Great Flood could break our collective backs. Five years on there are still people living in the tents that dot the hillsides across the 'quake zone; and it is not unreasonable to expect that five years from now there will still be homeless and landless families living in the tents they moved to when their houses were washed away. Somewhere between 2005 and 2010 we lost the sympathy and most of the trust of a wider world. Healing will have to come from within. It is within our grasp to change the who and the how of governance; and democracy may be a better healer than it is a means of revenge. If we choose to we can de-select the corruption that blights us politically at every level, if we choose to carry on as before –that is if we choose wrong -- a lot more of us may find themselves in tents.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________

White jihadis

October 11, 2010

The last month has seen a rise of drone strikes in our tribal belt, and linked to that a story of a plot being hatched which would target Britain, France and Germany in a series of strikes. As the details emerged a new term came into currency – ‘White Jihadis’. The drone strikes are said to have been aimed at young, sometimes Western-born, men who were either recruited in the west or gravitated to Pakistan to join the fight against what they perceive as the myriad injustices inflicted upon the Muslim world. The Afghan war has from the outset attracted foreign Muslim fighters, and there are plentiful reports of overheard battlefield communications between people speaking with, for instance, marked British and American accents. White Jihadis are drawn from what is an increasing pool of disaffected young Muslims in a range of primarily (but not exclusively) European countries or America. For extremist recruiters in the West such a plenitude of disaffected youth is much to their advantage. Many of these young people are self-radicalising and need little persuasion to move from supporting the jihad online in the privacy of their own homes, to joining the jihad for real. They can point to a range of negative reinforcers – the French burqa ban, the rise of the anti-Islam political right in the Netherlands – and will find many volunteers willing to train and then lay down their lives.
But this is only a part of the story. The success of the recruiters lies in the failure of the states where these young people were born or which their parents elected for them to live in; a failure to engage with them and to create an alternative narrative that might draw them away from extremism. For a long time, Pakistan has faced much heat from the world for permitting militancy to breed on its soil. Certainly, we must admit it has put down strong roots here. However, Pakistan needs to turn some of the pressure back on other nations. While we need to tackle the mindset that gives rise to militancy – so do other nations. The inclusion of people from other countries in the groups that continue to do war in our north is proof of this. Militancy is a global problem – and it needs to be addressed as one that can be eliminated only through joint efforts in many places.

Dengue dangers

October 11, 2010

Almost 700 cases of the dengue virus have been confirmed by health authorities in Karachi, with news of new positive tests and admissions to hospitals coming in by the day. At least five deaths have been reported and the virus is now spreading in interior Sindh too – where the chances of victims receiving proper treatment are more remote given the lack of health facilities. Even those in Karachi are said to be strained with demands placed on websites for blood to help victims suffering haemorrhaging and some private centres are said to be turning patients away. While dengue has become an annual menace in our country, the presence of so much standing water this year, as a result of the floods, adds to the threat. We need a sustained fumigation campaign to kill off the disease-causing mosquito.
But at the same time we need to remember that one of the best ways to prevent disease spreading is to educate people. There is immense need for such an awareness campaign not only in Sindh but across the country. Dengue cases have also been reported in Punjab. At present people in some places are reported to be hacking down greenery in the hope that this will keep away the Aedis Egypti, mosquito which carries dengue. Suggestions have come in, some through letters to newspapers, that waterplants at Karachi University be removed to curb the spread of the disease. They need to be informed that an attack on plants will not solve the problem and instead hurt biodiversity, which is already at risk. People need to be assisted with the task of draining away standing water and educated about what they can do to prevent bites. The dengue threat is a huge one and more time must not be lost in putting in place a strategy to combat it.

Balochistan

October 11, 2010

In Balochistan a wave of violence continues. Often buried within the inner columns of newspapers there are reports of more deaths in places across the vast territory of the province. Some die because they are settlers – having moved to the province to seek work; even those whose families did so decades ago have not been spared. Sectarian motives lie behind other deaths and nationalist groups say their members continue to go missing – presumably ‘picked up’ by security agencies. Teachers too have been killed and continue to die – perhaps to drive them out of the province.
The confusion within the government on Balochistan doesn’t help. The prime minister and the interior minister have, in past weeks, contradicted each other over policy. Mr Gilani has opposed the use of special security forces, and this is wise given the sentiments of people. The issues of Balochistan cannot be looked at as security ones alone. But what is clear is that the continuing turmoil is inflicting a great deal of harm. We need to calm it. The promise that solutions would be found in Balochistan and a consensus evolved has not been met. Many comittments made in the Balochistan package are left unmet. There has in fact been no real attempt to put them into action and this lack of implementation has added to a crisis which could have extremely grave repercussions for our federation.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________

Marching tunes

October 12, 2010

The Punjab chief minister's threat of a 'long march' to Islamabad, to protest corruption in the government and the appointment of Justice (r) Deedar Hussain Shah as NAB Chairman has been sarcastically welcomed by Federal Law Minister Babar Awan. While Shahbaz Sharif has said that as a PPP loyalist Justice Deedar is likely to be biased in his decisions, Mr Awan insists that the PML-N was 'consulted' on the matter and that past appointments by it – such as that of Saifur Rehman who acted as Ehtesab Bureau chief during Mian Nawaz Sharif's second stint in power – were also determined on grounds other than merit. We would like to remind the minister that past wrongs do not justify present misdeeds. Even though bias has unfortunately marked the accountability process in the past, there is no need for this to continue. The government should indeed be endeavouring to set a better example than taking cover behind past mistakes and using them to justify decisions taken now. It would also do well to focus on its own working rather than point fingers at others.
Shahbaz Sharif in his comments has focused on the wrongdoing and corruption in the government today. There is no doubt at all that this has become a huge issue and cannot be ignored. The only way to root out corruption is to put in place a fair accountability mechanism run by people who have an impeccable track record and are not affiliated with any one group. Attempts to continue the cronyism we have seen repeatedly from this government means there can be little hope of eradicating wrongdoing. This in many ways hurts the government even more than the opposition. People everywhere are appalled by what they see happening in Islamabad. They are increasingly distressed by the doings of a government in which they have lost trust. The president and his men, it seems, have learnt little from the past. The prime minister too should think hard if he can afford to be content with playing postman for the president in issues of national importance.

Varsities suffer

October 12, 2010

Education at every level, from Kindergarten to PhD, has suffered at the hands of just about every government we have ever had. It has never been adequately funded, is consistently under-resourced in terms of quality people and infrastructure and is a perennial political football. It is currently being kicked about a dusty field in Punjab, where a number of vice-chancellors, acting VCs, deans of faculty and professors have suddenly found their appointments invalid. The Lahore High Court has declared them as such because it has ruled that the governor of Punjab did not have the authority to make the appointments without having taken the advice of the chief minister. With the governor and the chief minister coming from opposing political parties that have minimal history of cooperation in any matter other than tearing bleeding chunks off one another, it is perhaps hardly surprising that matters have reached this lamentable state. There is an expectation that the Punjab government will de-notify the appointments and, somewhere at the bottom of the pile, tens of thousands of students suffer.
The higher education system of the country is already in a state of disarray, with funds being cut nationally as budgets are adjusted to cope with the cost of The Great Flood. Not all the provinces have yet got in place effective mechanisms for the management of higher education funds that are now devolved to them, and adding another layer of confusion in Punjab in pursuit of political rivalry serves nobody well – least of all the youth of the nation. The PML-N is cock-a-hoop at the decision as it lays open the possibility of the impeachment of the Punjab governor, perhaps leading to his ultimate removal – but this is a distant and far from certain outcome. As the legal jousting continues between politicians, the universities may find themselves leaderless, without faculty to teach and with a student population incensed that their education is once again interrupted. This is unlikely to make the slightest difference to the politicians for whom this is part of a game of power and control. Meanwhile, the fruit that could have been harvested for the future betterment of all is allowed to wither on the vine.

Screen freeze

October 12, 2010

Despite orders from the Supreme Court to PEMRA, the transmissions of 'Geo' TV Network were once more disrupted by cable-operators in various parts of Karachi. Similar action had taken place a few weeks ago, on the government's orders, after Geo telecast footage of a shoe being hurled the way of President Zardari during his trip to the UK. The tactics this time involved a 'freezing' of the picture or a loss of sound. Telecasts also vanished for short periods. By making the deliberate disruption seem like a technical error there was perhaps an attempt to escape the Supreme Court's censure. As happened under the regime of President Pervez Musharraf, Geo Entertainment was also targeted. A 'democracy' then is learning from the oppressive tactics used by a dictatorship.
Those running this 'democracy' have in the past maintained that they stand firmly for the right of free expression and will never infringe upon it. The degree to which 'beliefs' change when many reach the corridors of power never ceases to amaze. Principles disappear remarkably fast once those who made 'democratic' commitments are in office. The government may deny that it was behind the latest disruptions, but it should remember that the truth is apparent. Those who run the affairs of the information ministry or give orders to it should also remember that freedom of expression is a right enshrined in our constitution. When it is disrupted, all kinds of problems tend to surface. Criticism after all is healthy and can help ease social frustrations and anger. The presence of both these poses a threat to stability.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________

The eternal victim

October 13, 2010

Are we heading for all-out confrontation? This certainly seems to be the case after the president has, once again, gifted us with a few more pearls of his infinite wisdom. His party, he tells us, has never had a square deal when in power and that elections have 'never been held in a free and transparent manner'. We assume he is referring to his own election as co-chairman of the Pakistan People's Party as well as general elections in our past. Once again he has treated us to the usual outing for the anti-democratic forces that are besetting him from all sides. Those in uniform, he says, 'played a joke' with the country but the joking days are past and they will never joke again – at least not with his party. The president has portrayed himself and the PPP as the eternal victims of dark external forces and the military – his argument in the latter case having some weight – but it is his failure to engage with reality that leaves us wondering what kind of delusions the president suffers from. Laden with rising bills, angered by corruption, distressed by inflation and essentially at their wits' end – people seem to be in no mood to rise up to the cause of the government they elected in 2008. Mr Zardari has spoken of 'never going back one step from development' – not of itself a difficult goal as there has been little meaningful development for the people under this government. Surely the president must realise that the dangers come chiefly from people sickened by the corruption they see even as they themselves struggle to survive. Successive polls have shown a decline in the standing of the government and especially the president himself. He cannot put it all down to some conspiracy by the 'anti-democratic' forces he attacks.
We can only ask quite what the government is trying to achieve or where it is headed. We have heard similar words from Mr Zardari many times. They have coincided with no real attempt to correct flaws in the working of the government – and this is dangerous for the country given the pitfalls on the path we are walking on. It is the president's failure to realise this which makes one wonder if there is indeed an element of authenticity behind the claims about mental – as well as physical ill-health – he made before the Swiss courts while defending himself there. The threat by Chaudhry Nisar to produce in parliament the medical certificates presented to foreign courts as evidence of Mr Zardari's unfitness to testify before them bears close examination in this context. The nation has a right to know about its leaders and their mental frame. Two New York-based psychiatrists delivered diagnoses in March 2007 to the effect that Mr Zardari was suffering "emotional instability, memory loss and concentration problems, and major depressive disorder". Consequently Mr Zardari was excused from appearing before the court. It would perhaps be improper to suggest that all his symptoms are present today, but there again symptoms such as these may take years to abate, if they ever do. We are a troubled nation living in troubled times and have, judging by his public-speaking performances, a troubled president to lead us. We wish him, and ourselves, a speedy recovery.

We mustn't forget

October 13, 2010

As a nation we seem to suffer from rather short memories. Weeks after it took place, the case of the student nurse found badly injured after being raped – allegedly by a medical officer – in Karachi's Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre has been forgotten by many. But of course the trauma goes on for the victim and her family. We are now told that she may not be able to testify at the court hearing of the case as she needs hospital treatment for the suffering inflicted on her. There is some confusion as to whether the treatment she needs is physical or psychological in nature. But the need for hospitalisation indicates the plight of the youngwoman. No woman should have to go through what she did.
To save others from a similar fate it is essential that her story not be forgotten, that it not be thrust aside. This would amount to a victory for the perpetrator of the crime. Staff at the prestigious hospital are stated to be shocked by what took place. They should speak up. It is also the role of the media to ensure that the story is not relegated to the inside pages of the newspapers, but kept alive so that the truth, and the whole truth, comes out and is heard by all. Citizens in Karachi and elsewhere should also play a part. In the past, too many crimes of this kind have gone unpunished. This must not happen again. We must, as citizens, stand by the victim and ensure that she gets a chance to reveal what happened to her and also to get on with her now tragically disrupted life. If this does not happen, we would be seeing a terrible miscarriage of justice and a severe setback to the rights of our most vulnerable citizens.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________

Disagreeable words

October 14, 2010

We have disagreement. While Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani – who may have swallowed the same hallucinatory pills as those used by the president – says he sees nothing wrong with Mr Zardari's deeds and that the appointment of the NAB chief is purely an executive decision, the Supreme Court has disagreed in no uncertain terms. Hearing petitions related to the enforcement of court orders on the NRO, Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry noted that the appointment of Justice (r) Deedar Hussain Shah to the post of NAB chairman amounted to yet another violation of court orders. The bench advised the NAB prosecutor to read the clauses related to this with greater care, and made it quite obvious that it is running out of patience with the constant delaying tactics seen for weeks. While adjourning till today (Thursday) a case that will have a crucial impact on future events in the country, the court accepted the appointment of Latif Khosa to plead the government's case – but did make a few choice comments on the constant shuffling of officials. From these actions alone it seems the government is lost, unclear how to proceed or what to do. This is hardly a comfort for any of us, given that we depend on our leaders to guide us through difficult times in our history. Mr Gilani's boast that – as he had predicted – nothing happened on the 13th and his suggestion that we should "forget such things" show how utterly incapable our rulers are of rising to the challenges we face.
The prime minister, who had till now come up with at least occasional words of good sense, seems to have decided to tread the same path along which the president stumbles. Speaking in Charsadda, at a ceremony to distribute the Watan Cards which form the central part of a mismanaged flood-compensation scheme, Mr Gilani spoke in the same vein as Mr Zardari of plots against the government. He said that some 'political actors' were opposing the government. We do wish the president and the PM would speak in clearer terms about who and what they are referring to. This constant game of parables is becoming rather exhausting. Mr Gilani also spoke of the 'good performance' of his government and stressed it would complete its term. It is far from clear how many in the country agree with his optimistic estimate. The PM and the president and his advisers should first of all learn to abide by the provisions of the constitution they have sworn to defend – and this includes following the orders of courts. As the SC bench has noted in its latest observations on the NRO case, even now there seems to be no willingness to go by what the court is saying. This mood of defiance, for whatever reason it has been adopted, seems to be leading us straight towards disaster and the confrontation we had been trying to avoid for months. The lack of good sense we see in our leaders is not encouraging, and leaves us staring at a great deal of uncertainty which does our nation no good at all.

Butt of jokes

October 14, 2010

What with the president and the prime minister both contributing to the slim canon of political jokery it is perhaps fitting that one of the larger jokers in the pack joins them on stage. Enter – or rather do not enter – Ijaz Butt, head of the Pakistan Cricket Board. One of the several standing committees of the National Assembly is on sports, and whilst many parliamentary committees appear both toothless and sleepy, the members of the SC on sport were wide-awake on Tuesday and had a full set of fangs in their mouths. They were expecting to be sinking them into the ample frame of Mr Butt who was summoned to appear before them to explain why it was that he had made himself, Pakistan cricket, our London ambassador and sundry other individuals and bodies consummate fools.
But Mr Butt was a no-show, so they gave a jolly good savaging to Yawar Saeed, a former captain of the cricket team who had been 'volunteered' to report to the SC. Had Saeed prepared a report on the tour? Errr...no. But he promised he would in a week. Has there been any General Council meeting of the PCB in the last two years, as per the rule book? Errr...no. Has the PCB Marketing Department finalised the sponsorship deal for the series against South Africa? Errr...no. The list of lamentable lapses, cock-ups and failed memories went on and on, to be capped off by the chairman of the SC quoting a letter from our London High Commissioner that called the PCB 'Ali Baba and the 40 thieves' and that the chairman of the PCB, Joker Butt, needed bowling out at the earliest opportunity. The performance of Mr Butt is nothing short of a national disgrace. Whatever the rights and wrongs of the allegations against players, his conduct throughout the tour was boorish and reprehensible, worthy of nothing but contempt. He is powerfully connected and has 'protection' at the highest level, but enough is enough Mr Butt, time to go. Your failure to appear before the parliamentary SC was cowardly and cynical. Get you to the dressing room Mr Butt, because we all stopped laughing at your jokes long ago.

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Be shak, Main tery liye he jeeta hoon or tery liye he marta hoon.....!(Baba Fareed)
____________Punjab Police Zindabaad____________