Dread of drones

August 27, 2012

The drone issue has reared its ugly head once again. Within the last two days, at least 18 and possibly more people have been killed in strikes in the North Waziristan area. The death toll is likely to rise, with many more people injured. Ostensibly, militants based in various parts of the agency were targeted. Reports in the American press quoting US officials suggest that Badruddin Haqqani, the operational commander of the Haqqani network, was among those killed in the recent drone strikes. But this has not been confirmed by independent sources. The precise truth as to who was killed and where is of course impossible to establish. But the brief lull we had seen in the drone attacks has ended. Things, we can say, are ‘back to business’ as usual. The claim by the Pakistan government that it had asserted its sovereignty during talks with Washington has quite obviously turned out to be false. Islamabad has no way of stopping the drone strikes, with the recent incursions into its territory by the unmanned aircraft proving this. The summoning of senior US diplomats and the public protestations of complaint are really no different from those we have heard before. They almost inevitably come to naught.

The latest strikes go to prove – as former Pakistan ambassador to Washington Husain Haqqani recently stated – there has been no real change in the relations between the two countries at all. The US has continued to act in its own interests. These do not necessarily coincide with those of Pakistan, where the drone attacks will only create a new wave of anger and complicate the key issue of combating militancy. The fact that there is no transparency in the agreements that exist between Islamabad and Washington in various spheres only adds to the feeling of disquiet amongst people. We really do not know how far Pakistan supports the drone attacks and whether the words we hear said out in the open are really meant. The time has come when the matter needs to be sorted out once and for all. The recent spate of strikes only highlights this. The rising rage in the country over the death – including that of innocent civilians – is an issue that needs to be addressed. It only adds to the outrage within our own country. At the same time, we need to device a viable strategy to tackle militancy, as the COAS has recently suggested, and move to ensure Washington respects this rather than acting on its own. It is still uncertain whether Pakistan tacitly supports the strikes or not. But it is obvious that the people of the country do not.

The eternal victims

August 27, 2012

As the plight of women eases perceptibly around much of the world, it continues to deteriorate here in Pakistan. There is still a long way to go and gender equality is nowhere an accomplished reality, but here we march steadily backwards. Having exposed the extent to which we abuse our children recently, the Madadgar National Helpline (MNH) has now brought the abuse of women into sharp focus. All of the data that Madadgar presents is ‘open source’ – freely available in the print and electronic media. All that MNH do is collect, collate and analyse what is there for all to see; and it is not a pretty sight. There were 3,132 reported cases of a variety of types of violence and abuse against women in the first six months of this year – which would extrapolate to 6,264 in a full year or just over 17 a day. Given that there are over 180 million of us and slightly more than half of that number is female, this is a ludicrously low figure and in no way represents the reality of the violent and abusive lives led by many women in Pakistan.

The entire spectrum of abuse is covered. Domestic violence both spousal and against domestic staff, karo-kari, stove and acid burns (the former usually passed off as ‘accidents’), rape, forced marriage, kidnap, murder and suicide. Although technically suicide is self-inflicted violence it is often the case that women are driven to take their own lives by the abuse they suffer. Some of the figures have a particular horror attached to them. There were 417 reports of women being tortured by the police, who are supposed to be there to protect them. There were 432 murdered and 197 women murdered having been gang-raped; 125 were burned to death and 201 were forced into marriages they did not want. As with the abuse of children, the abuse of women breaks down province wise with Punjab having the highest numbers and Balochistan the lowest. This shameful catalogue of depravity makes a mockery of whatever legislation is on our statute books, proving pro-women laws to be more honoured in the breach than the observance. There is little or no serious effort to enforce legislation designed for the protection of women and the law is daily flouted in countless ways – and we have nobody to blame but ourselves.

Wasted effort

August 27, 2012

The Olympics are over, the Paralympics open on August 29 and the ‘Olympic passport scam’ has produced yet another embarrassment. It will be recalled that the Sun newspaper had made a set of allegations about the security or otherwise of the issuance of passports by Pakistani agencies. There were stoutly denied and there was much huffing and puffing; the upshot of which was that a Joint Investigation Team (JIT) was sent to London in pursuit of the journalist of Pakistani origin who had penned the story. They have now returned empty handed and the entire episode has assumed the proportions of a comedy of errors.

The JIT managed to investigate precisely nothing during their all-expenses-paid trip to the UK. They failed to make contact with Muhammed Ali Asad, the Sun journalist who lives in east London. According to Asad, the JIT did not ‘summon’ him – which may well be because they do not have the authority to do so on British soil. One must presume that this was known before the JIT left. In the absence of Mr Asad to interview, the team of two held meetings with themselves and a couple of diplomats from our London High Commission – who seemed in the dark about the JIT’s presence or purpose. They were unable to see any British official because there was no justification for doing so and the claim that Asad would be ‘extradited’ by the British is nothing more than poppycock. Talk of contacting Interpol for the issuance of a Red Warrant has fallen by the wayside as the appropriate application has not been made; and one wonders under what circumstance Interpol would issue one anyway in the absence of an arrest warrant from the British. Mr Asad appears not to have committed any crime, either here or in the UK where he lives and works. He and the newspaper he works for may have ruffled a few diplomatic plumages and dented an ego here and there, but little beyond that. The moral? Check for alligators before crossing the swamp.

Lifeline for the PM

August 28, 2012

There was clearly a change in form, even if not in substance, on both sides in the Supreme Court this Monday. The prime minister showed deference to the bench to the point of being obsequious while the no-nonsense Justice Asif Khosa appeared to be bending over backwards to convince the PPP that the court would address all the ‘legitimate concerns’ of the government pertaining to the possible fallout that writing the Swiss letter could have for President Zardari. Though the court stopped short of accepting the PM’s request to withdraw the show-cause notice of July 25 and adjourned the case for three weeks even as the prime minister asked for six, the court did not appear in any hurry to prosecute and punish Prime Minister Ashraf. Indeed, it appreciated the prime minister for appearing before the court and went as far as to say that he stood there as the legitimate prime minister of Pakistan and not as an accused or a defendant. Clearly, the court is cognisant of the political implications of a decision to send another PM packing and is trying its best to avoid being pushed into a corner where it will be held directly or indirectly responsible for any destabilisation of the system as an unintended consequence of such an act.

As matters stand today, the ball is now squarely in the government’s court. Considering the restricted room for manoeuvre available to the court, the judges have still gone the extra mile and given a lifeline of three weeks to the prime minister – the maximum possible space it can give in the face of a full-court NRO judgment calling for the withdrawal of the Malik Qayyum letter to the Swiss authorities written in 2008. At Monday’s hearing, the PM did not cede to the court’s request of a firm commitment that he would authorise the writing of such a letter; all he promised was a sincere and positive resolution to the deadlock after further consultations with the government’s legal experts and political allies. Importantly, while the PM’s response was good enough to get him a 22-day extension, it fell short of convincing the court to withdraw contempt proceedings against him. The conciliatory mood of the 60-minute-long hearing notwithstanding, the bench made it absolutely clear that ultimately, the government had two options: one, to voluntarily obey the court’s verdict and subsequently secure from it the desired legal protection for President Zardari; or two, keep playing the delaying game and force the court into convicting another PM and devising its own modality for writing the letter. Moving forward, we can only hope that the prime minister will be able to convince his party co-chairman to place the national interest above individual apprehensions. Of course, there is always the option of confrontation and disobedience and, going by the PPP’s track record, the possibility of it choosing to seek electoral salvation through judicial confrontation cannot be ruled out. But this would prove a most unfortunate choice for the country and for its fledgling democracy.

Lyari’s unending strife

August 28, 2012

At the end of an operation that began early on Sunday and continued late into the night in Karachi’s Lyari area, the Rangers say they have held 54 criminals, including gangsters involved in extortion and other crimes. Paramilitary forces had patrolled various parts of the area through the day, disrupting life once more in one of Karachi’s most troubled localities. The sound of gunfire rang out and security forces conducted raids on what they say were gambling dens and other illegal establishments. According to an official statement, an entire arsenal of weapons has been seized along with other contraband items, including drugs. But will this action end the troubles that Lyari has witnessed for so many months and indeed years? Many questions remain unanswered. For now, tensions persist with local people protesting against the operation and the renewed violence it has brought to their streets and homes. These protests have been continuing into Monday. There also appears to be some doubt about who precisely has been targeted and how accurate the official account of events is.

The problems that confront Lyari have continued for far too long. We need to ask if the measures by the security forces alone can solve them. Much is tied up with the politics of the area and the fact that the key political forces back certain gangs or groups of criminals operating in the area. This adds greatly to the complications in clearing up the unrest and violence which plagues the locality and threatens to destroy its once unique culture. The entire matter needs to be thought through in greater depth with the key parties wielding influence in Karachi taken into confidence. Without their support, it is unlikely that the troubles which have shaken Lyari so often will go away. The most important consideration must be to find ways to restore peace and allow people to go about their lives without facing a constant threat of violence or the eruption of tensions which have so often destroyed the flow of activity in the locality and left it as a lawless domain.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Karachi mayhem

August 29, 2012

Despite the authorities’ claims that violence in Karachi has been controlled, there is not much evidence on the ground to substantiate such a claim. On the contrary, the events of Monday alone go to prove that violence may be returning to the city again as a result of political rivalries, the patronage provided to criminals and many other factors. In a period of just 24 hours, two PPP activists were shot dead in Orangi, two MQM men killed in Saeedabad, two members of the Haqiqi group shot at in Kharadar and badly injured – both later succumbing to their injuries – an activist of the Sunni Tehreek was gunned down in Baldia Town and some four other killings, possibly unrelated to politics, taking place around the city. Each killing, of course, only adds to the tensions that run through Karachi.

These crimes reveal the weak structure of law-enforcement in the megapolis. They also indicate that the recent assertion by the city police chief that things have been brought under control bears little resemblance to reality. Indeed, matters appear to be worsening rather rapidly once again. There is still no guarantee of durable peace in the tinderbox called Karachi, and one can never know for sure when things will flare up into a greater orgy of violence with the existing political and sectarian tensions adding to the already inflammatory mix. Despite all the brave but hollow statements that we have heard over the past few months, the authorities seem to have got nowhere in restoring peace to Karachi. There appears to be no strategy in place to either improve the situation or to restore order. It is high time that those responsible for maintaining peace actually formulate a workable plan to resolve the issues that face Karachi, for we cannot afford to see further anarchy in the country’s largest city and key business hub. Some means have to be found to stop the violence and enable the various political forces which function in the city to peacefully coexist without spilling each other’s blood on a regular basis.

Ulema speak out

August 29, 2012

Is some semblance of sanity finally returning to a country that is fast gaining a reputation for growing intolerance toward minorities? In an unprecedented but heartening move, the All Pakistan Ulema Council has joined hands with the Pakistan Interfaith League to call for justice for Rimsha Masih, the minor girl accused on August 16 of burning pages carrying holy verses. Tahir Ashrafi, the chairman of the Council, has declared Rimsha a test case for Pakistan’s Muslims, Pakistan’s minorities and for the government. “We don’t want to see injustice done with anyone. We will work to end this climate of fear,” he said. Together with the Interfaith League, Ashrafi has demanded an unbiased investigation into Rimsha’s case and action against those who abuse the blasphemy laws to settle personal disputes. News that the Council - an umbrella group of Muslim clerics and scholars, which includes representatives from certain hardline groups - has come together with an organisation that represents Christians, Sikhs and other religions, came at the same time that the medical board constituted to ascertain Rimsha’s age determined that she was 14 years old. This is an important development given that age will play a vital role during Rimsha’s trial and could see her case dealt with under the more lenient Juvenile Justice System. However, issues of Rimsha’s age and faculties should not be allowed to crowd out the larger problem, which relates to the law in Pakistan and to the inability of the law enforcement system to protect and serve the downtrodden and the vulnerable.

The move by certain Muslim leaders to support Rimsha’s cause unequivocally is a positive one. One can only hope that other similar organisations will follow suit and come around to seeing the cruelty and irrationality with which minority communities - an integral part of Pakistan - have been treated. Already, much has been said about the growing campaign against Pakistan’s religious minorities, with forced conversions, assassinations and mob intimidation of places of worship increasingly leading minorities to question if there is still a place for them in Pakistan. More than ever before then, it is now time for Muslims leaders, and the Pakistani government, to convince Pakistan’s vulnerable that they are indeed free to go to their churches, temples or any other places of worship and that “we are all citizens, and equal citizens, of one state.”

A steady thaw

August 29, 2012

There is now no doubt that relations between Pakistan and India are improving. There has evolved in the last two years a different type of diplomacy to complement what happens at the formal state-to-state level, and it is providing an interesting and still-developing model of conflict mitigation. The thaw in relations is now multi-tracked. There is the day-to-day contact between diplomats which has fluctuated over the years, reaching a low but never actually ceasing after the Mumbai attacks. Then there is the parliamentary initiative that recently saw MPs from Pakistan visiting India where they were warmly received and returned full of optimism. And then there is what is perhaps best described as ‘Public-Private Partnership’ diplomacy as represented by the Jang Group and Times of India’s Aman ki Asha initiative, and it is here that we can discern true innovation, the thinking out-of-the-box that really does have the capacity to change the game.

The two largest media groups of India and Pakistan have built a bridge over which an increasing number of people and ideas are passing. The latest of these is the first India-Pakistan management conference to be held in Lahore on September 20-21. Over 600 delegates from both countries, the cream of the corporate and business world, are expected to participate. They will be sharing regional ‘best practice’ and case studies and one imagines as well that this will be a prime-time networking opportunity for both sides. It is the creation of interactive networks that emerge from fora such as this that are the foundations of future trade. There has already been a business conference in Lahore and another in Delhi in May 2010. These were the path-breakers which have enabled the setting of a broader agenda related to economic development and prosperity. The latest conference will cement ties and create the practical linkages that are essential to good business. Bilateral relations are always multi-stranded, but in recent years the strands that linked our two countries were frail indeed. We hung by a literal and metaphorical thread. Today, with new agreements emerging and new border crossings becoming operational, the gap between us narrows. Today, India is more opportunity than threat, and we can both be the richer as a result.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Commission mess

August 30, 2012

The parliamentary commission on new provinces seems to have hit a snag. Though the body began its ‘work’ this Tuesday and elected PPP senator and the Presidency spokesperson Farhatullah Babar as its chairperson, the PML-N continued its boycott of proceedings. Indeed, even as the commission members were electing their chairman, Chaudhry Nisar spoke to reporters and unequivocally rejected the commission in its present form, terming it a “political drama” of the PPP to hoodwink voters just before the general elections. And that’s not all: the Punjab Assembly has seen chaos and mayhem over the commission for three consecutive days. On the one side is Assembly Speaker Rana Iqbal who refuses to budge from the party position that the commission formed by the PPP is unacceptable for the PML-N, while on the other are the PPP legislators who laid siege on the speaker to try and force him to nominate two MPAs for the national commission. So far, the PPP’s position is that the commission was formed in the light of resolutions approved by the PML-N in the Punjab Assembly, which the party and the Punjab Government are now backtracking on. The PML-N stand is that the party should have greater representation in the commission, saying if it was meant only for the creation of two new provinces in Punjab, then the PML-N as the single largest party in the province must have 50 percent representation in it. The N-league also has objections to the inclusion of the ANP, MQM and JUI-F in the commission, saying they have no representation in Punjab.

As things stand, it cannot be emphasised enough that the PML-N’s reservations are legitimate and the government must address them immediately to avoid further confrontation. However, it is also important to understand why, after finally agreeing to the idea of new provinces in Punjab, the PML-N now seems to be reverting to its original position of delaying the process. While the PPP sees the intensification of the campaign for new provinces as one of the major implements in its larger campaign tool-kit, the PML-N is clearly conscious of willingly facilitating and allowing the division of territory officially under its name, especially in the run-up to a major election. But the fact of the matter is that the people seem to have spoken on the issue of new provinces, and the demand has emerged as a persistently loud one. If the PML-N is committed to the people, then it must also in turn be committed to their demand for new provinces. It must therefore try and resolve the existing snag through dialogue, nominate its members and end its boycott of the parliamentary commission. On the other hand, PPP members also cannot hold the Punjab Assembly hostage day after day. The fact of the matter is the National Assembly speaker unilaterally nominated PML-N legislators for the commission without consulting the party leadership. There is no doubt that the PML-N was non-cooperative during the nomination phase but that does not justify the PPP’s unilateralism. Either side digging in its heels at this point will lead things nowhere. It is time to end the deadlock with maturity and wisdom. While these parties get their acts together, a public debate must also begin on the pros and cons of creating new provinces, its repercussions and modalities, not just in Punjab but throughout Pakistan. A healthy and full debate is needed.

NAM in Iran

August 30, 2012

Iran, increasingly one of the most isolated nations on the globe, has made its biggest attempt in 33 years to draw itself back into the mainstream of global life by hosting the 16th summit of the 120-member Non-Aligned Movement which formally begins today. Some 30 heads of state, including President Asif Ali Zardari, are expected to attend. But even before the summit gets under way, there is plenty of conjecture and discussion about what it means in the international political context. Iran, for obvious reasons, is attempting to find ways to counter Western criticism of its nuclear programme which stem chiefly from Washington. It is of course also eager to build a coalition against arch-enemy Israel. The row over Iran’s nuclear weapons has of course dominated many world events over the past years. Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar, speaking at the ministerial meeting that preceded the summit, has cautioned that the issue could create regional instability. Pakistan itself is of course also a nuclear-armed nation. But the proceedings in Teheran will go beyond the issue of nukes alone. The role of Egypt’s new president, Mohammad Morsi, will be closely watched as will that of Syria, where Iran has considerable influence.

There has already been controversy. Iran initially invited Hamas to the meeting, earning the wrath of the Palestinian Authority led by President Mahmoud Abbas who warned that only the Palestinian Liberation Organisation should be considered the representative of the Palestinian people. Iran has since then denied inviting Hamas, which has also said it will not be attending the event. What could also be significant is that on the sidelines of the conference, President Zardari is expected to meet India’s prime minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, in what could be an important continuation of the efforts to improve ties between the two nations. But perhaps what is most significant of all is that the NAM summit will allow President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad to present himself before the world in an attempt to find allies; some of those invited argue that Iran has been badly wronged and thus must counter the hostility directed towards it from Western capitals. How far he succeeds in this aim could determine how future events in the region are played out and the role of Iran in the world.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Seal deal

August 31, 2012

The US Navy Seals’ raid that killed Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad was undoubtedly one of the most unsettling moments in Pakistan’s recent history. And yet, very little is known about the real story of what happened on that fateful morning of May 2. A new book, ‘No Easy Day,’ by a member of the US commando team that killed the Al-Qaeda leader raises even more questions where previous ones are as yet unanswered, and contradicts several details of the operation as presented by the US administration. The most important difference in the accounts: an unarmed Bin Laden was shot instantly when the Seals saw him; he wasn’t reaching for a gun, nor did he make any effort to defend himself against the commandos — key details in the US administration’s narrative, which also claimed that a prolonged gunfight took place between the Seals and Bin Laden’s operatives outside the compound, which the author of the new book denies. These and other revelations have understandably raised uncomfortable questions for the Obama administration, especially in a pre-election atmosphere. But are they surprising? Hardly. In the days after the raid, the White House contradicted itself on more than one occasion and it was only likely that alternative accounts would soon emerge about an incident that is possibly one of the most important developments in a long time.

But as Pentagon officials review the new book’s contents to see if it contains classified information and to determine if steps should be taken against the author, it may be a good time to draw attention to the Pakistani government and security establishment’s similar refrain of everything being ‘all too secret to disclose.’ Since May 2, the powers that be here have made all kinds of secrecy and national security claims to deny information and material about the Osama raid. While the Seals are writing books on the raid in the USA, we are still waiting for the findings of the Abbottabad Commission to be made public.While there is something to be said about protecting sensitive information, there is also a downside: it adds to the suspicion around Pakistan’s role in the whole affair. For example, the overnight demolition of the Osama compound this June smacked of defensiveness and concealment on the part of the state, and deepened the mistrust surrounding the raid. Contradictory statements by government officials, including the then Prime Minister Gilani, didn’t make things any clearer. Given all the confusion and suspicion, honest disclosure about the raid and allowing new material to come out may help resolve some of the lingering and serious doubts created by inconsistencies and fallacious claims, coloured by politics, sensationalism, and by some accounts, outright fantasy, that have emerged from both the US and Pakistani sides. An event of this enormity deserves transparency, which is prevented by the state’s knee-jerk appeal to secrecy. If the Osama raid is somehow even partly declassified by the US administration, what reason will remain for continuing to conceal information that would finally reveal what really happened?

Great gas game

August 31, 2012

Recent reports suggest that the coming cooler months are going to see more than usually severe cutbacks in gas supplies, both domestic and industrial. Thus the announcement that the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline is to be built could not be more timely. The project has had a troubled history. The Chinese, who were to help with the funding, have pulled out citing concerns over future sanctions that the US, the EU and Japan may impose, and Russia, which was lukewarm anyway, has also distanced itself. It is possible that some Chinese companies may invest in the project downstream but our needs are both so dire and so urgent that we cannot afford further delay. The deal that has been agreed looks advantageous, principally because Iran has agreed to fund the building of the 800km of pipeline from the border to the distribution hub at Nawabshah, relieving us of the burden of funding a project we could not afford to build ourselves.

The detail of the deal will be finalised when an Iranian delegation visits Pakistan in the first week of September, but it has already been agreed that all the gas in this pipeline will be routed to the power sector, which if nothing else may mitigate the stinging monthly costs of importing oil to burn in our power stations – easily the most costly way of generating electricity. A sticking point may be around the unit pricing of Iranian gas, and there is no definitive word on how any costs will be passed to the domestic and industrial consumers. But the great unknown is not about unit costs or technologies but how other states are going to react to Pakistan flying in the face of considerable opposition and running the risk of sanctions being imposed. Both Pakistan and Iran are between a rock and a hard place. Our energy needs are only ever going to increase if we are to develop our economy at all. Power from Thar coal is a distant dream, we have no oil deposits worthy of exploitation and Iran has a surfeit of gas that it is keen to export – whatever the risks. The geopolitics of gas and oil today hinge on Iran, and the Great Gas Game has just begun.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Death in Quetta

September 01, 2012

It would be surprising if we were to pick up a newspaper and see no headlines narrating tales of sectarian or other kinds of violence from Balochistan. The latest news tells of the killing of additional sessions judge Syed Zulfiqar Naqvi who was gunned down along with his driver and guard while on his way to work from the GOR sector in Quetta. The death is being treated as yet another sectarian killing, with Shia groups and the legal fraternity staging protests across the country. An investigation has been ordered. Will it lead anywhere, we ask? We really do not know. Despite similar inquiries, the frequency of sectarian killings has only grown over the last few years, with the Hazara Shia community bearing the brunt of the killing in many cases. Three more members of that community were shot dead only a few days ago. The murder of the sessions judge was obviously well-planned and carried out by motorcyclists who aimed a hail of bullets into his car as they rode past. It seems obvious that extremist forces are behind the planning and execution of such crimes. Why they cannot be apprehended and a strong message sent out by punishing their leaders under the law is far from clear. The helplessness of the government and the forces of law and order only encourages further violence.

The descent of Balochistan into a spiral of endless death has been recorded by the autonomous Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) in its latest report based on a fact-finding mission to the province. The report notes that things appear to have worsened since 2011 when the last fact-finding mission to the province conducted its work. Greater Talibanisation and the growth of extremism have been noted during the intervening period. The Commission also notes that violence runs in layers, with criminal elements, nationalist elements and sectarian elements all involved in one way or the other. The lack of governance adds to the entire ambit of problems as does the growing rage and feeling of alienation among the people of Balochistan. The pertinent questions at this stage are: why are the authorities unable to ruthlessly clamp down on sectarian forces that operate freely in the area? Are there any solutions to end this ruthless spiral of killings? We certainly do not see them on the horizon. Sectarian violence is splitting Quetta and Balochistan apart. It has created a terrible sense of fear and adds to the dark clouds that hover continuously over the province. The real tragedy is that no winds are blowing from any other direction to blow these dark clouds away.

Walking the talk

September 01, 2012

The PML-N stalwart Chaudhry Nisar’s recent accusations that some TV channels owners and anchors have been bribed by the government ahead of the 2013 elections represents a good moment to reflect on the state of the media since it came into its own in this last decade. Nisar says he has ‘proof’ to back his claims of media corruption and even has in his possession recordings of phone conversations between persons “involved in the whole game.” According to Nisar’s account, he has no intention of maligning the media as a whole but only wants to bring to light the embezzlement of billions from the national exchequer in the name of advertisements and distribution of money to some TV channels “through people working in the garb of media men.” In response to Nisar’s charges, various representative bodies of journalists have urged him to come forward with names of individuals and organisations. “Otherwise such statements malign the journalist community as a whole,” National Press Club President Farooq Faisal lamented. The PPP, too, has responded to the allegations and called them a “conspiracy to defame the entire journalist community.” What are we to make of all this?

There is no gainsaying that if Nisar has ‘evidence’ to back his staggering claims, he must come out with it. There is also no gainsaying that in the last decade, the media in Pakistan has been tilling a deserted furrow in uncovering the truth about corruption, and has always called for honest and impartial investigations into alleged acts of misconduct, whether by those in government, opposition, the armed forces or the judiciary. Where public inquiries and accountability were previously forbidden territory, the media has played a central role in bringing them into the mainstream. The media should therefore hardly shy away from investigations into its own workings or from raising the curtain on those within its own ranks who are muddying the entire waters of journalism through their acts of omission or commission. True power needs a sharp moral compass as well as real and meaningful accountability, and it would indeed be a shame if the media itself failed in terms of these core principles. It thus has to take the first step to put in place rules and regulations to ensure that it can walk its talk. Being open and transparent and holding ourselves up to the same level of scrutiny that we hold others to – that is the need of the hour, as well as the very basis of integrity.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Forceful words

September 02, 2012

President Asif Ali Zardari has delivered a speech at the 16th Non-Aligned Summit in Tehran which tilts strongly in favour of Iran and its people. He has said categorically that force must not be used against the neighbouring country. Instead, any problems should be resolved through dialogue and other peaceful means. The words are important. They come from a country which has long been locked in an uneasy alliance with Washington, and indicate that Pakistan may now be willing to look in some other direction beyond the West. No doubt the speech by President Zardari will be welcomed by Iranian leaders whose main purpose behind holding the summit appears also to have been to make friends in a world in which they have too few. The tone of Zardari’s speech and the forceful note he struck indicates Islamabad may be willing to look at the regional order of things in a different fashion. The Pakistan head of state had also stressed this point during his one-on-one meeting with President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad during which he went ahead with discussions on the controversial Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline which would greatly benefit the people of Pakistan but which is fiercely opposed by Washington in its eagerness to keep Iran isolated and cut off from the rest of the world.

We will need to see what impact this summit and the speeches made in it have on the world. Certainly, Tehran appears to have succeeded in winning over some support and some friends in its neighbourhood. Washington will not be pleased. But the words that came from President Zardari and also other leaders may bring a realisation at the White House that its policy on Iran needs to be rethought. Threats and calls for action against the country have only created more anxiety in the region. This needs to be ended for the sake of all the countries that border Iran. Pakistan has a great deal to gain from better ties with its western neighbour and in this sense the visit by its leaders to the summit, made up countries which represent a majority of UN members, appear to have brought useful results.

Making amends

September 02, 2012

Prime Minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf is clearly eager to make friends. He has made the strange suggestion in a recent interview that he and the judiciary should ‘patch up’ over the NRO issue which led to the dismissal of the last PM and threatens Ashraf’s own stint in office. Ashraf has suggested discussions be held to ‘sort out’ the matter, presumably before his next appearance in court on September 18. Talks and negotiations are of course normally a good thing. But in this case, it must be pointed out that the whole issue is a legal one and not something that can be settled through discussions or other means usually involved in political deal-making. There can after all be no compromises with the law, judges or the judicial benches. They are bound by the Constitution to follow the law and act according to it. The fact is that the government has violated the law again and again leading to the present unstable situation where we do not know how long Raja Pervaiz will be able to cling on to the top political office in the land. He has been given one reprieve by the Supreme Court but now he wants an out-of-court settlement. Surely, this breathing space should be used to ensure the rule of law is adhered to rather than attempting to reach some agreement as happens between two embattled sides.

The whole situation reflects the kind of constitutional problems we face in our country. The rule of law has broken down; so it seems have the rules of ethics and basic fair play. We are in a very sorry fix indeed. It is sad that the chief executive of the land could be thinking of means to evade the law and escape justice rather than support the processes which allow it to be upheld. The example he sets will of course be emulated by others. This is not a healthy situation to find ourselves in. The people have become wary watching the government repeatedly fumble and flip-flop over the NRO issue. Raja Pervaiz Ashraf’s words suggest that the executive still has no clear plan to obey the court’s orders. This could lead us to yet another crisis. In this context, Ashraf’s other words about working for the people and trying to bring about an improvement in their lives mean very little. He must understand that the law holds a supreme place in our country, or at least should do, and it needs to be respected, most of all by those in positions of power. This game of saving a few corrupt must end, and end now.

Red Cross resumes

September 02, 2012

There is good news and bad in the announcement that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is to resume its work on a ‘reduced scale’ in Pakistan. Operations have been suspended for three months since the murder in Quetta of Khalil Rasjed Dale, a health programme manager. The decision to resume work comes with qualifications particularly regarding the safety and security of its staff. The ICRC has worked in Pakistan since 1947 and has stood by it through thick and thin, delivering services alongside Pakistan’s own health professionals and other NGOs and INGOs. The work of all of these organisations, delivering primary, secondary and in some cases tertiary health care, is under threat in many parts of the country, and the ICRC decision is a reflection of that. As a priority they are trying to reopen the surgical hospital in Peshawar, closed after the murder of Dale. Logistical assets will remain in-country in order to support operations both here and in Afghanistan as well as across the region more generally, and physical rehabilitation services will be resumed in Muzaffarabad. And there the good news ends.

Operations by the ICRC will be terminated in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) – all places where the need for health services, whoever delivers them, is desperate. The office in Sindh where flood recovery work is mostly complete is to be closed and so is the office in Quetta. In all, about 100 staff will lose their jobs initially with more job losses to follow as the scale-back is completed. Tens of thousands of people are going to be affected by the ICRC decision, and untold numbers will lose out in the health-care lottery in the future. The ICRC has been a significant health-care provider in some of the neediest and most difficult parts of the country. The scaling back of their operations is going to be a significant loss – but Pakistan has to regard this as a self-inflicted wound, a failure to protect those who come to serve us when we need it most.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Afghan refugees

September 03, 2012

The problem with being a refugee anywhere is that sooner or later — and it could be a lot later — it will be time to go home. The Afghans living in Pakistan, still the largest population of refugees anywhere in the world, now face the difficulty of leaving what for many is ‘home’ and returning to their own country — which for many is not home at all. Broadly speaking, Afghan refugees in Pakistan fall into two categories: registered and unregistered. Many of them are second-generation and were born here. Those that remain are mostly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but they are scattered across the entire country to a greater or lesser degree. There may be as many as three million, and Pakistan has decided it is time for them to go home. Those that wanted to go home already have, which leaves a significant population of Afghans who have little or no desire to return to their home country.

Those registered have a valid status only until December 31 2012, those unregistered have no status whatsoever. The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government had directed all unregistered Afghans to leave by August 31, a deadline now past. The statement is unequivocal in saying that all Afghans, registered and unregistered have to leave by December 31 2012 and a humanitarian crisis is before us. There are reports that other provinces have already been moving to clear their Afghan refugee populations, deporting them via Torkham. Those with businesses — and there are many — are being advised to pack up, liquidate their assets and move back whence they came. The statement flies in the face of that made by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) last month. The UNHCR was quick to deny a report in a foreign newspaper that Pakistan was planning to repatriate the Afghans by the end of the year, a denial now clearly at variance with ground realities. There is going to be no happy or tidy end to the story and persuading — or forcing — nearly three million people back across the border in the next four months is going to be a huge logistical task. The government and the UNHCR need to be reading off the same page which is apparently not the case at the moment; and a joint statement defining the true nature and future of Afghan refugees in Pakistan would be greatly welcomed. This issue must be handled with maturity and with proper planning and resources else it turns into a major source of disturbance and violence in an already troubled situation.

POL pain again

September 03, 2012

After the last rise in POL prices, the government said that it would be issuing weekly revisions in line with global fluctuations in the price of oil — a promise that for once it appears inclined to keep. There was disagreement between ministries as to whether the whole cost of the increases in POL products should be passed to the consumer. The Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Resources wanted to pass on just 50 percent of the total increase, and the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) had likewise wanted to cap the rise. Despite this, the Ministry of Finance decided to pass on the increase in POL and CNG prices anyway, effective immediately. Petrol has gone up by Rs7.77 a litre to Rs104.55, high speed diesel (HSD) now costs Rs112.13 and the price of CNG in Region-I has increased by Rs7.11 per kg and in Region-II by Rs6.50 per kg.

All of this upwards pricing is going to undermine the prime ministerial claim to have brought Pakistan to single-digit inflation well below the waterline. It may have been briefly below ten percent but as most goods are transported using HSD, including all the ‘kitchen’ items and vegetables, it is difficult to see how the rise in POL prices cannot but be reflected in the price of everyday staples. Fuel prices are now at a historical high and given global trends are likely to go higher still. The worsening rupee-dollar exchange rate is going to further exacerbate what is a virtually-certain spike in the headline figures for inflation. There is criticism of the new review schedules from parliamentarians who say that the weekly review is of benefit to the pump owners and the companies that supply them with POL products which ‘hoard’ supplies when a rise is thought to be imminent. With rises now weekly, both are likely to make a killing in the market. As ever the common man — and woman — loses out and the economy drops a notch or two lower.

Reforming prisons

September 03, 2012

The prison system in Pakistan is a national disgrace as was so ably pointed out by a report authored by the International Crisis Group (ICG) last October. There are 91 prisons with an official capacity of 42,617. In January 2011, they held 75,586 inmates, rising to approximately 78,000 by the end of 2011. This represents an occupancy of around 180 percent. The figures would be much lower were more people granted bail, and a startling 70.7 percent of the prison population is not actually convicted of anything; they are held pre-trial or on remand, and the prison system is hostage to the inefficiencies of the justice system. Against this backdrop, the Sindh provincial government has announced plans to set up a separate jail for the ‘most dangerous’ criminals and terrorists, and has set aside Rs2 billion for the purpose. There are around 200 in the ‘most dangerous’ category and currently they are spread around the 25 prisons in Sindh. Overcrowding makes it difficult to segregate the high-risk inmates and a move such as this should improve not just prisoner security but national security as well.

The Sindh jail authorities have received threats of attacks on prisons; and given the highly publicised and very successful jailbreak in Bannu which saw the Taliban spring about 400 prisoners last April such threats must not be taken lightly. The prison service is poorly trained and resourced and corrupt to the core. Prison officers often lack even the most rudimentary training and there is little by way of ‘reform’ built into the system. The new jail in Sindh — assuming all goes as planned — will not only offer greater security but may be a model for other prison reforms as it will incorporate vocational training for prisoners and enhanced training for those that guard them. The prison population is steadily rising and there is no indication that the trend will abate. Other provinces would be wise to follow the Sindh example, because this is a problem that is only going to get worse.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

No end in sight

September 04, 2012

This weekend, five Hazaras returning home after purchasing vegetables and fruits from the Hazar Ganji market, were told by four armed men to disembark from the bus they were on and summarily murdered. Two ‘assailants’ subsequently also shot dead another two members of the Hazara Shia community at the Taftan bus stand minutes after the first shooting. All six killers escaped and chances are that we will never see them again; that they won’t be arrested, tried or prosecuted for these murders committed in cold blood. Indeed, the unaccounted for sectarian killings of people from minority communities has become the norm in Balochistan where this was the third incident of sectarian killings just in the last week, with almost 100 people belonging to Quetta’s Hazara community killed in targeted attacks in this year alone. The pattern of heavily armed assailants stopping buses carrying Hazara passengers has become routine fare; the targets are identified as Hazaras through their physical features and by checking their identity cards for Shia-sounding names; targets are then pulled off the bus and slaughtered one by one. Most appallingly, many such attacks have taken place within half a kilometre of security check posts. Some unconfirmed reports allege over 800 Hazaras have been killed in 30 incidents of mass-murder and 131 targeted ambushes since 2001.

An environment of mourning and insecurity prevailed in the province through this weekend and well into Monday with protests and a shutter-down strike held through Balochistan. But no amount of deaths, or protests, it seems, lead to any tangible action that could put an end to the cycle of violence in the forlorn province. The Supreme Court too has held hearing after hearing and issued orders but no one seems to be listening. The provincial government and its representatives like to spend most of their time in the capital city and the massacre of innocent civilians seems too inconvenient and irrelevant a reality for them to even acknowledge. Responsibility for most sectarian attacks has been claimed by the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, and recently by the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan. In their edicts handed out across Balochistan, LJ has declared the community ‘wajib-ul-qatl’ (worthy of death) and warned of turning settlements in Hazara Town and on Alamdar Road into graveyards. In an open threat letter distributed at Hazara localities in Quetta, Lashkar-i-Jhangvi warned the community to leave Pakistan by 2012. This year, thus, attacks against Hazaras have picked up as sectarian outfits and their partners have intensified their campaign of hate and death to persuade the Hazaras to leave their homes. Already, fear has led many among them to abandon their workspaces, schools and colleges. In the face of all this, security forces have clearly failed to protect these vulnerable communities – or rather, have not made any meaningful efforts to even try to protect them. Hazaras are being targeted, it seems, for being Shia, anti-Taliban, unsupportive of the state’s policy of strategic depth in Afghanistan and unwilling to fight against the Baloch. There is also much propaganda about them being pro-Northern Alliance, making their loyalty to Pakistan suspect, as well as wild conspiracy theories about them receiving funding from Iran to incite a Shia revolution in Pakistan. The Hazaras respond to these allegations by asking how a small community surrounded by military cantonments can bring about a Shia revolution in Pakistan, and why they should fight their Baloch brothers. But all this hokum aside, the crux of the matter is that nothing will change in Balochistan unless there is a change in the mindset of both the security agencies and the political government. More than anything else, it is the apathy and indifference of these two groups that have seen vulnerable groups become such easy targets of the death drives of groups like the LJ. The groups behind the various kinds of violence in Balochistan need to be brought to justice. But for this to happen, the political government and the security agencies both need to be on the side of the province’s people – not entrapped by the raptures of their own parochial interests and callous agendas.

Training for trouble

September 04, 2012

The decision by an American commander to suspend the training of new Afghan Local Police recruits for at least a month pending a re-vetting of those already in post, comes as no surprise. There has been a surge in the killing of western trainers and other troops by ‘insiders’, so-called ‘green on blue’ attacks in the last six months with five US special forces trainers killed in a single week in August. The system by which those of doubtful loyalty were weeded out has come under intense strain as the strength of the Afghan security forces has grown from 100,000 in 2007 to 350,000 today. Many thousands are now to be re-screened and the entire programme is riddled with doubts and uncertainties. There have always been problems, the very problems themselves a reflection of the ills of wider Afghan society – petty thievery in the ranks, extortion, bullying and the possibility, post-withdrawal, that the entire programme will have done little more than train a whole new cadre of unaccountable militias.

It is that latter possibility that may pose a long-term threat to the stability of Afghanistan rather than the short-term effects of a rash of killings by disgruntled men or Taliban sympathizers, bad as that is. Attacks on foreign troops will inevitably wane as there are fewer of them, but in particular for the Americans the training of Afghan troops and police has been a massive investment – an investment that is increasingly looking like it might be a toxic legacy rather than a success story. There are the usual platitudinous statements to the effect that...’While we have full trust and confidence in our Afghan partners, we believe this is a necessary step to validate our vetting process and ensure the quality indicative of Afghan Local Police’ – the statement reveals that the exact opposite is true and that a major re-think is in process. Training for the Afghan National Police and Afghan National Army – which is carried out by Nato rather than the US – will not be affected by the halt. That said, there is little to indicate that either the National Police Force or the army is any less prone to infiltration and instability than local police forces. The withdrawal of foreign forces is not going to be the end of the beginning for ‘new’ Afghanistan, more the beginning of an extended uncertainty.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Peshawar attack

September 05, 2012

In one of the most brazen attacks against Americans in Pakistan in recent years, a suicide bomber Monday rammed his explosives-laden vehicle into a SUV of the US Consulate in Peshawar, killing two people and injuring 22, including two Americans. The attack occurred in a residential area called University Town, which houses the heavily fortified United States consulate general in Peshawar as well as the offices of American diplomats and international aid agencies. While there was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack on the American vehicle, suspicion has fallen on the Taliban who have openly vowed to attack Americans in Pakistan. Indeed, in the aftermath of the attack, one can’t help but wonder why Peshawar, the gateway to the tribal regions along the Afghan border, where Taliban and Al-Qaeda militants have strongholds, isn’t better protected against such attacks. This makes even less sense given that a circular issued to law-enforcement agencies by the interior ministry’s National Crisis Management Cell had warned just days ago that banned outfits were planning attacks on sensitive installations across the country, including Peshawar. Why weren’t better precautionary measures in place? Ironically, the US also recently issued a new travel advisory, warning its citizens against travelling to Pakistan in the wake of possible terror threats and urged American nationals to avoid large gatherings given the threat posed to them by Al-Qaeda, Taliban elements, and indigenous militants in Pakistan.

Sadly, the Americans may have good reason for being apprehensive. This was, after all, by no means the first attack against foreign missions working in Peshawar. The biggest such attack was by a group of suicide bombers last year on the US consulate general, which was foiled. On another occasion, UN Consul General Lynn Tracy survived an attack by suspected militants on her armoured-plated car in 2008. University Town is itself certainly no stranger to violence of this kind, with two US diplomats injured in a bomb attack there last year, while US official Stephen Devance was shot dead in the same area a few years ago. Foreign diplomats and aid workers of other nationalities are not safe either. Three Chinese nationals have been slaughtered in the Daudzai area while a Chinese woman was killed in the Kohati locality of Peshawar. An official of the Iranian Consulate was also killed here not too long ago. No doubt quick action by Pakistani security forces saved the lives of two American diplomats and two Pakistani US consular staff members present in the armoured vehicle on Monday but the attack has also renewed concerns about the safety of westerners working in Pakistan, especially in or near the militant-infested tribal areas. Most importantly, the attack has also drawn attention to the fact that while terrorist attacks in Pakistan had declined in 2010 and 2011, their frequency has picked up yet again. This says something about militant groups being able to regroup, do away with their differences, and making a more coordinated effort to hit targets across the country, as they recently have attacked military installations such as the Kamra air force base and foreign missions based in Pakistan. Unless these terrorists are stopped, it is clear that they can, and will, strike when and where they want to strike. Surely, after being declared an unsafe country for journalists, Pakistan wouldn’t want to become notorious for attacks against foreign nationals also. For many we are already there!

Police promotions

September 05, 2012

Out of turn promotions in every sector of public service are a contributory factor in the decline in quality of public service generally. Such promotions in the police forces of the entire country erode morale and reduce public confidence in a key institution. Last Monday the SC recorded its ‘great exception’ at the defiance of its orders in this respect by the Sindh government, and told the chief secretary to withdraw notifications of promotion made out of turn in the police and to submit a report to the bench by Thursday. This is not a newly arisen situation, and the SC is expressing exasperation that the Sindh government appeared happy to continue to promote police officers above those who by rights were more eligible for elevation. Many officers were said to have been given three or four inappropriate promotions, a violation of fundamental rights. The CS Sindh actually conceded to the bench that aside from a single meeting of the committee which he headed to investigate the matter and regularise promotions, no progress had been made whatsoever in the last three years.

At the bottom of this sorry state of affairs lie politics, nepotism and the preferment of ‘favourites’. None of the representatives of the Sindh government present in the court could offer any explanation as to why the practice continued; neither did they appear to display a shred of remorse for what amounts to both contempt of court and openly corrupt practices. Three officers were promoted despite restraining orders by the court. Where is the rule of law if those tasked with the upholding of the law are able to flout it with such impunity? As if such flagrant contempt were not enough, those officers who had the courage to complain at the way their promotions had been circumvented were abused by other officers outside the court, itself an indicator of just how corrosive such practices are. Bluntly put, a state of deliberately induced chaos exists wherein the rule of law has become a toothless paper exercise, and naked corruption has won another hand in the dirty card-game of governance.

Unprepared

September 05, 2012

The met office has predicted heavy rains in many parts of the country. Many parts of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have already experienced a fair share of rain. Last month, 26 lives were lost in Azad Kashmir and KP as a result of rains and the hill torrents triggered by them in mountainous areas. We seem to wait for natural disaster to strike before we act. The National Disaster Management Authority and its provincial counterparts have said that disaster readiness plans have been prepared with professional help. In Punjab, an extremely detailed blueprint to manage disaster is said to have been worked out.

The problem appears to be that these measures only exist on paper and are not implemented. Coordination between departments is also lacking. Particular care is required this year with international bodies stating that they do not have the funds to help if flooding occurs this year. The Pakistan Humanitarian Forum consisting of some 50 NGOs has said it has spent much of its money to deal with the 2011 and 2010 floods and their aftermath. The local administrations must then remain alert and ensure there is readiness to tackle a difficult situation.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga