Set a scene in your mind, drawing on your cinematic imagination. Somewhere in an inner sanctum of the citadel of power, the leader is sitting on his table of authority. In dramatic lighting, his face stands out against deep shadows. He is thinking. On the table in front, there are some notebooks and an open laptop, with the glow of its screen reflected on the table.
A close-up of his pricey, diamond-studded wristwatch reveals that it is about three in the morning. And then he leans forward, picks up a pen and scratches something on a notebook. Is this, you wonder, a moment of decision – a decision that would alter the course of history?
We know that this is not how Nawaz Sharif can be pictured, even in some fictionalised portrayal of his third tenure as the prime minister. But he is surely placed in a key role at a very critical juncture in his country’s history. He must make some momentous decisions. On his table lies, if only in a proverbial sense, his government’s national security policy and his strategy to counter terrorism. He has to run through it one more time and then, with a firm hand, sign the document. Hopefully, this would change Pakistan.
Irrespective of how you look at it, there is little doubt that these are the times that, in Tom Paine’s words, ‘try men’s souls’. Can Nawaz Sharif rise to the occasion? Does he have the potential to become a great leader and take courageous decisions and then see them through in the face of so much confusion and distortions of reality?
In the first place, this focus on the person of the prime minister may seem rather inappropriate because it is the collective leadership, or the cabinet, that will have to own the policy that is finally adopted. A high-level consultative process is in progress for some time. Initially, an APC – the all-parties conference – was designed as the climax of this process in an elusive search for consensus. It was scheduled to be held on July 12 but was cancelled – and not because the date coincided with Malala’s birthday and her address to a special session of the United Nations.
Forgive me for dropping Malala’s name like this but it has at least some relevance to an understanding of how terrorist and extremist elements have played havoc with our society. In the same manner, we will have to look beyond the larger strategic issues to bear in mind the longings and the aspirations of the ordinary citizens that relate to the ideals of democracy and social justice. This means that Nawaz Sharif should also consult with social scientists and creative individuals from different segments of society.
And yet, there is a limit to how long this process should go on. There is a great sense of urgency about putting into action a comprehensive plan to confront terrorist and extremist forces. We do have other very pressing challenges to deal with, such as the economy and the energy crisis. But events that have greeted Nawaz Sharif’s government immediately after its induction have phenomenally enhanced the threat that is posed by terrorism. Who, for instance, could have imagined the killings of foreign trekkers at the base camp of Nanga Parbat?
On Wednesday, Shahbaz Sharif, a leading player in his elder brother’s team, put it simply. Talking to a delegation of political leaders from Fata, he said that the survival of the country depended on the elimination of terrorism. This realisation has repeatedly been expressed by Nawaz Sharif himself and by other leaders, though not always in such a candid manner.
Published reports about Nawaz Sharif’s five-hour visit to the headquarters of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) quoted him as saying that the country could not move ahead until the root and branch elimination of terrorism and extremism. One only hopes that he has grasped the nature of the crisis that has engulfed Pakistan, root and branch. It is encouraging to see that he has interacted with an entire range of opinion and, surely, biases. It has been a lot of homework.
One problem, naturally, would be to respond to assessments and opinions that are at variance with his own previously held judgement. As it is, Pakistan is held hostage by a set of ruling ideas and obsessions. That the path that was chosen by our rulers has eventually led us to the edge of the precipice is something that is not fully recognised. One silver lining, though, is the acknowledgment on the part of the army that it is the enemy within – and not the country on our eastern borders – that poses a larger threat to our security and survival.
Let me return to why I think the prime minister personifies the strategic depth that we need to embark on our future course of action. In a situation of crisis, it is the leader who has to make the final decision after carefully examining all the viable options. In our case, we have arrived at a point where the civilian leadership must take charge in a manner that does not ruffle the feathers of the security establishment.
In this process, it is expected that the prime minister has seen the point of not trying to bring everyone on the same page. That would never allow you to forge ahead in a given direction. It is possible that the decision taken is of a radical nature, demanding some ruthless operational strategies. Somehow, we have repeatedly avoided hard decisions that are likely to be met with strong popular reaction. When you affirm again and again that failure is not an option it also means that recourse to expediency or mindless submission to an ideological stance would be suicidal.
Is Nawaz Sharif ready for this tryst with destiny? Can we trust his gut instincts? Can he lead us out of this darkness in which we find it hard to identify our real enemies? Can he clearly distinguish between tactical imperatives and long-term goals? Can he contend with his reputation as a right-winger, soft on religious militants? And, lastly, is he ready?
Be that as it may, the buck stops at his desk. He will have to own the policy that is put into action. After all the consultations that he has held, he will be alone in making the decision. That really is the burden of leadership. One would be tempted to advise him to be mindful of history and learn from leaders who have had to, in an allegorical sense, cross the Rubicon. But it is late in the day and the die is cast.
The writer is a staff member.
Email: ghazi_salahuddin@hotmail. com

http://e.thenews.com.pk/7-21-2013/page7.asp#;