15.12.2013

How the East was lost
What happened in 1971 was certainly worse, yet the worst is the unremitting obnoxious intransigence of the unfazed perpetrators even today
By Naseer Memon

December dusts searing past to remind a reality that was preposterously denied for a quarter century and was recognized only after leaving an indelible trail of blood. While creation of Bangladesh entails a petrifying human catastrophe and an everlasting reference to state-perpetrated fratricide, it also trivialised a waffle narrative of Islamic-nationhood.

The episode reiterated that a multi-nation federation can only exist with socio-political justice, absence of which derides all ideological conjectures. Creation of Bangladesh reinforced the fact that Pakistan was not a creation of any Islamic ideology but was in fact a derivative of an ominous political alienation of Muslims in India. For Bengalis, Pakistan turned out to be a mere perpetuation of the same alienation. Flippant negation of their culture, abominable economic exploitation and brazen denial of their right to rule culminated into the birth of Bangladesh on December 16, 1971.
Share of Bengalis in senior level civil services was also flagrantly violated. During the first five years of the country, senior cadres of several departments were completely bereft of Bengalis.

Snobbish civil and military leadership grossly underestimated the powder keg of East Pakistan that left deep scars of embarrassment in the national history. While language and culture are central to most of the ethno-national movements, economic and political marginalisation are key triggers to stoke irreversible hatred.

Undeniably, the social fabric and political configuration of East and West Pakistan were diametrically opposite to each other. While West Pakistani politics and society was yanked by a myopic feudal oligarchy, East Pakistan inherited a much refined middle-class lead socio-political ambiance. After 1857 insurgency, Bengal became the first province under British democracy. It was the first regulation province of India under the jurisdiction of a high court. Society and politics in Bengal was erected on starkly different building blocks and it did not chime-in with the other provinces of Pakistan where British rule clamped typical colonial structures.

Landed aristocracy that shaped today’s Pakistan was trounced in Bengal in 1950 with the introduction of “East Bengal Estate Acquisition and Tenancy Act”. It effectively routed the landlordism in Bengal by fixing individual holding at only 3.3 acres per head or 33.3 acres of land per family whichever was less. Agriculture census of 1963-64 shows that out of 6.2 million farms some 6 million were of less than 12.5 acres size and 50 per cent of them were only 2.5 acres or less.

On the contrary, West Pakistan was marked by large landholdings specially in Punjab and Sindh provinces. For example, 30 per cent of the land in Sindh in 1952 was owned by only one per cent of the owners and the average holding was above 500 acres. In Punjab, 50 per cent of the land was under the control of Zamindars. This sufficiently indicates the distinct social and political milieu of the two wings. Since West Pakistan held hegemony over the decision making, the vibrant middle class-led East Pakistan often loathed the policies manufactured and imposed by the landed aristocracy of West Pakistan.

Resource hemorrhage and discrimination in pecuniary matters against East Pakistan was the key cause of conflict. In 1948-50 when East Pakistan had a net balance of payment surplus of Rs622 million, West Pakistan had a net deficit of Rs912 million. Similarly, the foreign and inter-wing trade balance of the two wings from 1949-50 to 1957-58 shows East Pakistan having a surplus of Rs3,636 million as balance of trade with foreign countries against the net deficit of Rs3,047 million of West Pakistan on the same account. The trend remained consistent during the first and second five years plans when East Pakistan had net surplus and West Pakistan had net deficit in foreign trade and the surplus of East Pakistan was used to offset the deficit. This prompted Shaikh Mujib to demand for two separate currencies for the two wings under his popular six-point formula.

Conflict on resource sharing could have been assuaged had avaricious establishment of West Pakistan maintained a judicious balance in benefit sharing. What irked Bengalis was relentless discrimination in development opportunities. For example, GDP growth in East Pakistan during the period was 2.2 per cent against the heavily skewed 3.1 per cent of West Pakistan. During the same period per capita income in East Pakistan dwindled to -0.1 per cent against +0.8 per cent increase in the West Pakistan. Likewise during five years from 1954-55 to 1959-60, GDP growth in East Pakistan was only 1.6 per cent i.e. half of the West Pakistan’s 3.2 per cent. Per capita income in East Pakistan plummeted to -0.7 per cent against +1.2 per cent in the West Pakistan.

East Pakistan having almost 54 per cent population was also discriminated in public sector development. During the first five year plan, total revenue expenditure in East Pakistan was Rs2,540 million which was less than one third of the Rs8,980 of the West Pakistan. It was marginally jacked-up in the second five-year plan from 1960-61 to 1964-65 when East Pakistan received Rs6,254 million under public sector development programme against Rs7,696 million of the West Pakistan, yet it was still 19 per cent less.

Not only that East Pakistan was kept economically deprived and politically suppressed, it was also under represented in the state structure. Share of Bengalis in senior level civil services was also flagrantly violated. During the first five years of the country, senior cadres of several departments were completely bereft of Bengalis. There were no Bengalis on any senior positions in the Departments of Commerce, Intelligence& Statistics, Supply & Development, Petroleum, Paper & Stationery Wing, Inspection Wing, General Concession Wing, Central Engineering Authority, Coal Commissioner and Textiles.

Apart from economic exploitation, West Pakistani leadership always demeaned and demonised Bengalis. General Ayub rabidly detested Bengalis. He once vented his spleen by saying that “I am surprised by Bengali outlook. They have cut themselves off from Muslim culture through abhorrence of the Urdu language…..making themselves vulnerable to Hindu culture.” On 7th September 1967, he wrote “God has been very unkind to us in giving the sort of neighbours [India] and compatriots [Bengalis]. We could not think of a worst combination. Hindus and Bengalis…. If worst comes to the worst, we shall not hesitate to fight a relentless battle against the disruptionists in East Pakistan. Rivers of blood will flow if need be, unhappily. We will arise to save our crores of Muslims from Hindu slavery”.

Gen. Ayub was no exception in his fulmination against Bengalis. Major General Khadim Hussain Raja, the then GOC, who threatened to “raze Dhakah to the ground” if Shaikh Mujib proclaimed independence during his speech at Race Course ground on 7th March 1971, has made startling revelations about moral bankruptcy of military leadership. In his recently published book “a stranger in my own country”, he has quoted nauseating turpitude of General Niazi during a debriefing meeting. He writes “Niazi became abusive and started raving. Breaking into Urdu he said: ‘Main is haramzadi qaum ki nasal badal doon ga. Yeh mujhey kiya samjhtey hain’. He threatened that he would let his soldiers loose on their womenfolk. There was pin-drop silence at these remarks. Officers looked at each other in silence, taken aback by his vulgarity. The meeting dispersed on this unhappy note with sullen faces. The next morning, we were given sad news. A Bengali Office, Major Mushtaq, who had served under me in Jessore, went into a bathroom at the Command Headquarter and shot himself in head. He died instantaneously.”

What happened in 1971 was certainly worse, yet the worst is the unremitting obnoxious intransigence of the unfazed perpetrators. Fundamental rights are denied with same zeal, forced disappearance, dumping of corpses in the name of national interest continues with alarming madness and natural endowment of federating units are being exploited ruthlessly. Oppressed segments who demand their rights are inexorably construed as traitors. What prevails in Pakistan today can potentially repeat what happened yesterday.

15.12.2013

Bitter realities of a sweet crop
Sugarcane growers prefer making gur rather than selling the crop to mills owners
By Tahir Ali

It is gur-making season in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, especially in Peshawar, Charsadda, Mardan and Nowshera. The estimated sugarcane production in KP is around 1.3 million tonnes. Almost half of it is used for gur making. Gur produced in Charsadda and Mardan is very popular countrywide.

Gur is the main sweetener for around 60 per cent people in KP and Federally and Provincially-administered tribal areas (Fata and Pata). It is exported to Afghanistan, Middle Eastern and Central Asian states where it is believed to be used as a sweetener and in winemaking.
Mardan and Peshawar are the hubs of gur trade. Around ten to twelve thousands of purs are traded in the Pipal Mandi gur market when the trade is in full swing. Gur commission agents are also very active these days.

Thousands of tonnes of gur is traded in the province or taken out of the country daily. Majority of the sugarcane growers prefer using their cane-produce for gur-making rather than taking it to mills for its comparative advantages. It fetches them good prices. They have to feed their animals with cane-grass which necessitates intermittent cutting of crop as allowed by gur-making and not simultaneous harvesting of the entire crop as demanded by the mills option. And they usually use gur in their homes. Gur is used in juices, sweets and eaten with bread as curry with bread by the poor.

In Punjab, a kind of gur, named Duplicate, is prepared by mixing gur, glucose and other ingredients. It is good-looking as well as cheaper and tasteful, according to some farmers.

While sugar-mills began crushing season in early November, gur-making is usually started in late September or early October. It lasts till April next year.

Gur prepared in the initial stage is of inferior quality but can fetch more. Late production increases yield and standard. The gur made in January, February and March is much better in quality and is liked the most. Similarly, gur without alteration is the best for human consumption while that mixed with artificial colour tastes bad, though people residing in remote areas prefer it for its bright colour. Again, the gur made from the roots of the last year’s crop is good in quality while that from fresh canes is not that good.

According to Murad Ali Khan, a farmers’ leader from Charsadda, gur is more competitive for the farmers at the current rate.

“A pur of gur (having 75-80 kilograms) fetches a price up to Rs5000 depending upon its colour, taste and quality in the local market. Sugarcane yield per acre is around 400 maunds which can produce 20 purs (a pur consumes 20-25 maunds of cane). These can earn a farmer Rs100,000 or more. It exceeds the price offered by sugar-mills these days,” he says.

According to another farmer, quality sugarcane can give as much as 40 purs per acre. But, he says, farmers in KP will only benefit from the crop when its per acre yield of 350-400 maunds is increased to that of 650-700 maunds in Punjab. At present, gur-making through rented gur-ganee (machines) is less beneficial for farmers while those who own ganees are the real beneficiaries,” he opines.

Muhammad Zahir Khan, another growers’ representative, says hitches in supply of gur to Fata, Pata and the ban on export of gur to Afghanistan and the central Asian states, however, have lowered gur prices of late to the detriment of gur farmers. “Gur can be a healthy addition to the countries’ depleting export earnings if its export is allowed after value addition.”

Masud Khan, the manager of the Premier Sugar Mills Mardan, says though the minimum sugarcane support price is Rs170 per 40 kilogrammes in other provinces, the local sugar mills offer Rs180. “We have to compete with gur-ganees. While our per kg cost of production has increased for higher prices and wages offered to farmers and employees, escalating fuel prices and various taxes, gur-ganees have no such taxes and responsibilities. How can we compete with them? Sugar industry will be on verge of closure if not supported,” he says. The industry has been campaigning for ban on gur export, taxes on gur industry and eventual moratorium on gur production.

Rizwanullah Khan, the president of the Kissan Board KP, however, says prices of all the things are on the rise while last year’s cane price has remained unchanged. “In 2010, mills had offered Rs240 per 40kg. Cane price be increased as per cost of production. We have planned agitation to press for good cane-prices.”

Gur was once the food of the poor. Though it has become costlier than sugar for few years now, the poor still prefer it for its taste and health benefits.

A farmer said gur agents and big farmers have installed generator-run modern gur-ganees with several furnaces which help prepare plenty of purs daily.

In 1996, average retail gur price was 14 rupees a kilo. Currently, it is sold at Rs66-75/kg. The sugarcane growers, unfortunately, haven’t been able to get advantage of this hike. Growers say the gur commission agents have devoured most of the surplus value in the shape of huge commission or deduction of 5-8kg gur/a pur.

Mardan and Peshawar are the hubs of gur trade. Around ten to twelve thousands of purs are traded in the Pipal Mandi gur market when the trade is in full swing. Gur commission agents work pretty much like the property dealers or motor vehicle bargainers who are only concerned with their commission.

“The gur agents enter advance agreements with farmers by making payments for standing crops. They provide farmers seasonal/crop-based loans which they use for buying inputs and fulfilling their domestic needs,” a farmer says.

An official of the Sugarcane Crops Research Institute said though KP’s cane has better quality and sucrose content, its average yield is between 16-24 metric tonnes, much less than that of Sindh and Punjab. He cited insufficient use of fertiliser and pesticides, non-attractive price given by mills, intercropping, use of less than recommended seed (4 ton/acre) and shortage of irrigation water as reasons for lesser acreage and production.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

15.12.2013

Spiritual and the real
‘Allah, Ka’aba aur Banda’ is not simply a travelogue, it is an essential guide for Hajj pilgrims and policymakers
Shahzada Irfan Ahmed

The book titled ‘Allah Kaaba aur Banda’ is a unique travelogue written by Dr Asif Mahmood Jah who went to Saudi Arabia for pilgrimage and while there documented all his worldly and spiritual experiences in a highly appealing manner. The narrative is candid and fascinating, transporting the readers to the venue which the writer is describing.

Those who have been to Makkah and Madina for pilgrimage earlier have an urge to return and observe what they had missed. The minute details mentioned by the author surprise even the regular visitors to the holy land who are all praise for his strong sense of observation.
Dr Asif points out that around three million Muslims perform Haj every year. He observes pilgrims of different nationalities and ethnicities and concludes their behaviour has a lot to do with their origins.

And those who haven’t been there cannot resist the temptation of flying to that part of the world. It would not be an over-statement if one says this travelogue is a must-read for all those who are planning to go to Saudi Arabia for Haj or Umra. The reason simply is that this book discusses almost all the issues that confront or may confront pilgrims, starting from their departure to their arrival in Saudi Arabia till the completion of the pilgrimage and their return to their homeland.

For example, the author warns the intending pilgrims of fraudulent activities of some private Hajj operators, penalties imposed by Saudi government on those carrying contraband items and narcotics, the risks of not getting vaccinated before embarking on the journey, the common diseases contracted by pilgrims, the problems related to health service delivery etc. He does not only identify the problems but gives solutions and suggestions as well.

This information is extremely important keeping in mind that a large number of Pakistani pilgrims embark on this journey in their old age. They have slow reflexes, problems with mobility, difficulty in communicating with Saudi officials and sometimes serious health issues. This is in total contrast to pilgrims coming from Indonesia where people try to perform Hajj before they are married off.

Dr Asif claims the content of the book is relevant to many and has an impact on readers. The reason is that he has written the book in real time while making all these observations and depended less on his memory. To make the message clear and far-reaching, he has identified various characters and described different situations through them.

Another distinctive feature of this travelogue is that is not merely a narration of events and description of scenes in a chronological order. In fact, it discusses things in their context, traces the history of various religious traditions, recreates the events of pre-Islamic era and those during and after the times of the Prophet (SAW) through imagination, makes comparisons between older and modern times and discusses the philosophy of Hajj. He also tries to find out how much pilgrims gain from performance of this religious ritual and what are the wrong attitudes and behaviours that make the whole exercise futile for many.

Dr Asif points it out in the travelogue that around three million Muslims perform Haj every year. They come from all over the world and behave differently. There are pilgrims from Pakistan, India, Turkey, Arab countries, Africa, Malaysia, Indonesia and so on. He praises the Saudi government, the police and the armed forces for controlling the flow of events, arranging fool-proof security and managing such a huge population so efficiently.

He observes pilgrims of different nationalities and ethnicities and concludes their behaviour has a lot to do with their origins. There may be exceptions but he narrates in the book that in order to reach Hajre-e-Aswad and acquire a place in Riadh-al-Jannat, people wriggle through crowds and resort to pushing each other with full force.

He finds Pashtuns and Africans to be the most aggressive, followed by non-Pashtun Pakistanis, Indians and Bangladeshis. On the other hand, he finds Indonesians, Malaysians, Nepalese and Turks totally harmless. They are calm and composed and polite and accommodating towards other pilgrims.

In this book, Dr Asif counts the difficulties encountered by pilgrims during their stay in Makkah and Madina and gives suggestions to pre-empt them. He also shares his personal experiences of dealing with pilgrims who suffer from cold and flu, bronchial diseases and stomach disorders. Being himself a medical doctor, he explains reasons why these diseases spread during Hajj and how he provided free medical treatment to the affected pilgrims, and distributed medicines amongst them.

He regrets some people are shamelessly involved in negative activities in the name of facilitating pilgrims. For example, he says, there are tour operators and travel agents whose attitude totally changes once they have pocketed money from intending pilgrims. They forget the promises they had made and leave the pilgrims in the lurch. His point is that while it is the duty of the state to take them to task, the clients should also know how to distinguish the genuine service providers from the non-genuine ones.

He tells the adventurous pilgrims that there are more than 1300 steps to Ghar-e-Hira (The Cave of Light). However, he soothes them by saying that many Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis and people from Africa have established their shops along the path. The pilgrims can take rest there and purchase juices or hot cups of tea.

His description of how the car he was travelling in achieved great speed in Wadi-e-Jinn (Valley of Djinns), with engines switched off, fascinates the readers a lot. They keep wondering whether djinns push the car with great force or it’s the magnetic field at work.

Being a senior civil servant who has a lot of charity and relief work to his credit, Dr Asif knows where the problems lie at policy level and what are the major issues related to awareness and service delivery in Pakistan. He has made such issues a premise of this book in context of Hajj management and participation of Pakistanis in this religious ritual.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

22.12.2013

All roads to EU markets
GSP Plus gains will materialise only if Pakistan takes appropriate steps to remove supply-side bottlenecks and meets EU conditions
By Alauddin Masood

The European Parliament voted, on December 12, 2013, with an overwhelming majority, to grant GSP Plus (Generalised Scheme of Preferences) status to Pakistan from January 1, 2014. Much awaited GSP Plus market access will enable Pakistan to export goods, at preferential rate, to 27 EU countries till 2017.

Earlier, the EU used to grant GSP Plus facility for five years but Islamabad, along with other 16 countries, has been allowed this incentive for three years. In addition to Pakistan and 11 Latin American states, five other countries which have been allowed GSP Plus status include: Georgia, Moldavia, Mongolia, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

According to analysts, Pakistan’s immediate potential gains from the GSP Plus access facility for its 3,500 products, in particular textile and clothing, to the EU countries are likely to be around $500 million to $1,000 million additional export revenues annually and creation of around a million new jobs. However, Finance Minister, Ishaq Dar seems to be more optimistic and believes that Pakistan’s exports might increase by $2 billion per annum.

But, according to the European Commission’s preliminary estimates, Pakistan’s exports to the 27 EU countries will increase by Euro 574 million annually as a result of the reduction of tariffs on over 90 per cent of all product categories exported by Pakistan.

Currently, bulk of Pakistan’s exports to EU countries comprise textile goods and GSP Plus facility will enable Pakistan to export 20 per cent textile goods at zero tariff and 70 per cent at preferential rate to the EU countries. The duty in EU countries ranges between 5.6 per cent and 9.6 per cent, therefore, Pakistan’s textile sector would get benefit in terms of reduction in duty in the range of 2.5 per cent to 5.6 per cent.
Pakistan is the fifth top cotton producing country in the world. In view of cotton sector’s great potential in the development, all stakeholders in the country need to focus on value addition in cotton and production of quality products.

However, GSP Plus status would cease to exist if there was an unusual surge in exports of a GSP Plus recipient country. In the case of the textile sector, if the country’s exports go up by 14.5 per cent in the EU market then the GSP Plus facility could be withdrawn. In case of other products, this limit stood at 17.5 per cent increase that could also lead to the withdrawal of GSP Plus.

But, GSP Plus gains will materialise when Pakistan takes appropriate steps to remove supply-side bottlenecks, especially in the context of energy shortages and tough conditions relating to compliance with EU requirements for GSP Plus qualification. Among others, these conditions include granting permission for third party evaluation review to gauge Pakistan’s performance on 27 conventions.

Pakistan has ratified all conventions listed as requirements for GSP Plus qualification. Sources said that similar to the IMF, now there will be another review by the EU to evaluate Islamabad’s performance on the 27 ratified conventions. To retain the GSP Plus status, therefore, Pakistan needs a sustainable development and good governance, including strict monitoring and combined efforts by textile manufacturers, exporters and government agencies.

Another critical aspect relates to the ceding of some powers by the federal government to the provincial governments. Pakistan government has already complied with this requirement by adopting the 18th Constitutional Amendment Bill in 2010. While the federal government is authorised to negotiate foreign treaties and is the authority that will deal with matters such as those related to the reporting and monitoring of the 27 conventions in the light of the EU’s GSP Plus 2014 scheme; on the ground implementation of the corresponding domestic legislation is the preserve of provincial governments.

Though constitutional devolution has occurred, provincial governments have so far neither developed the required legal framework or legislation for compliance with international obligations, nor authorised the federal government to act on their behalf in this matter.

In addition to granting GSP Plus incentive to 16 other countries, the EU has already granted incentives to India and China under its facility called “Everything But Arms” (EBA) so there will be tough competition among GSP Plus and EBA countries to maximise their benefits.

But, still the GSP Plus facility holds the promise of transforming Pakistan’s economy by reviving closed manufacturing facilities, attracting new investment, especially in sectors like value-added made-up textiles. Besides this facility will not only halt the trend of shifting or relocating of industries, especially textiles, to other neighbouring countries, it might bring them back and also encourage them to invest more in Pakistan.

However, to get maximum benefits from GSP Plus facility, Pakistan will have to diversify its exports. The EU consumers will benefit as well from cheaper imports from Pakistan. The EU is Pakistan’s largest trading partner. In 2012, total EU-Pakistan trade amounted to Euro 8.2 billion.

Considered worldwide an important cash crop, cotton has played a significant role in the industrial growth of many countries. According to Australian economist J.A. Schumpeter, England owes its ascendance to a single industry – the textiles. The same can be said of China and the rest of East Asia.

Japan used cheap labour to surpass England to become the leading exporter of cotton garments by 1930. When Washington forced Tokyo to accept ‘voluntary’ quota in 1955, Japanese investors’ instinct to stay in business impelled them to fund garment companies in Hong Kong, Taiwan and South Korea. Japanese intervention in East Asia led to the up-gradation and modernisation of garment industry in the region. In due course, labour-intensive garment factories laid the seeds for broad-based industrialisation in East Asia, working spectacularly in China after its opening up in 1980s.

Traditionally, some 60 countries had been exporting garments to the West. After expiry of the quota regime on January 1st, 2005, exports of several dozen of them had been witnessing a decline as trade and manufacturing consolidated in nations that excelled in skills, machinery, marketing techniques and the ability to cater to the rapidly changing global market trends and fashions.

Initially, China came on the top in efforts for control over $360 billion textile industry due to high quality of its garments, good managerial skills, state-of-the-art factories and rapid strides in communication. China’s garment industry, which stood at US$50 billion in December 2005, annually produced over 40 billion finished garments, roughly four pieces of clothing for every person on the Earth. However, of late, China’s garment industry has been losing orders due to high prices and worldwide demand for cheap clothing.

Meanwhile, Bangladesh and India have been striving hard to boost their textile exports. For Bangladesh, the recent global economic turmoil has proved a boon for its garment industry, which grew rapidly despite recession in some other countries. Following massive diversion of orders from China, Bangladesh’s garment sector has been more than compensated for the initial setback, which had impelled its over 5,000 apparel makers to seek government help when US and European buyers postponed and cut orders in the wake of global financial crisis. Now, Bangladesh has become the top choice for producing low-priced basic items like T-shirts, denim pants, sweaters and shirts.

Accounting for 80 per cent of exports and employing 40 per cent of industrial workforce, Bangladesh’s garment sector specialises in low-end clothing and is the impoverished nation’s main industry. Bangladesh has already emerged as the world’s second largest producer of apparel, according to IMF, and it might continue to dominate in the basic apparel sector if it scales up investment in new factories. To reap the bonanza, even some of Pakistan’s textile tycoons re-located their units to Bangladesh.

Pakistan is the fifth top cotton producing country in the world. In view of cotton sector’s great potential in the development, growth and progress of nations, all stakeholders in the country need to focus on value addition in cotton and production of quality products, keeping in view the demand in each and every region of the world. Increase in exports could bail out the country from its current economic crunch.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

22.12.2013

Literary response
Through literature, cultural plurality can be celebrated
By Tahir Kamran

Forty two years ago, on December 16, 1971 when the flickering flame of national unity died out, resulting in the cessation of East Pakistan, I witnessed two starkly contrasting reactions in my house. First, my youngest uncle, an impulsive second year student at King Edward Medical College, spanked Gen Yahya Khan’s photograph, expressing his pathos and poignancy by actually crying. Many people reacted in the same ‘impulsive’ way, which was quite typical of the Pakistanis. Such a reaction is, more often than not, quirky and momentary.

The second reaction was that of my father (Mr Jiwan Khan) which was a ‘contemplative’ response to the dismemberment of the country. He sat down to write a novel in Urdu, Deepti, set against the backdrop of East Pakistan. As a young civil servant, he had had the opportunity to serve in districts like Rajshahi and Rangpur in East Pakistan, where he had gained a decent smattering of Bengali language, an understanding of the pervading cultural ethos and sufficient knowledge of the riverine terrain of East Pakistan. This equipped him with the wherewithal to write a profound and pithy piece of literature.

That there exists such a limited corpus of literature on a subject of such vital importance attests to our collective inanity.

Through literature, cultural plurality can be celebrated and a sense of mutuality, in spite of our great diversity, can also be cultivated. Literary writing, or indeed writing on any realm of knowledge, is an extremely serious business. In the very act of ‘writing’ on any event, and particularly one that is tragic in its essence, the writer is meant to engage with it from a distance in order to view it dispassionately. Coupled with this distance, though it may seem to be a bit contradictory, the writer needs to have empathy and pathos, both essential stimuli for addressing such a theme through any literary genre.

The novel’s plot is about a Hindu Bengali girl, Deepti, who offers refuge to a West Pakistani officer, Ali Azam, posted in East Pakistan and running for his life in the midst of 1971 crisis. Coincidentally, he goes to her house and she hides him in a room that she and her family members occasionally use for a Puja of the goddess Kali. The fate forced a young Muslim man to spend a few days at the feet of a goddess, a despicable entity for any Muslim of the Subcontinent.

Deepti’s compassion for Ali Azam subsequently turns into a finer feeling of love. Eventually after many twists and turns in the story, Ali Azam manages to escape but ill-fated Deepti falls prey to the atrocities at the hands of those striving for Bengali liberation. She is raped and tortured and also separated from the son that she had with Ali Azam. Despite her physical torment, her soul remains devoted to the love of her life, Ali Azam, and thus the essence of her ‘being’ remains pure and unadulterated.

All of the confusion, carnage and killing had been a manifestation of the results of giving precedence to the ‘physical’ over the ‘spiritual’ which causes this travesty and which became Deepti’s destiny. In the novel, however, the primacy of the ‘spiritual’ does not shroud the ‘physical’ realities shaping up themselves with their corollaries and ramifications. Parallel to the main story is a graphic description of the agitation orchestrated by Bengali nationalists in various districts.

Bengali nationalists and their cause, of course, had the last laugh but at the cost of humanity (Insaniyat) because so many innocent souls, like Deepti, fell prey to the politics of hatred and exclusion. The novel is indeed a profound reflection on the way history unfolded itself in East Pakistan.

That novel did not attract the attention of many. One reason might be that the author had no clout in Pakistani literary circles, which is a prerequisite for the success of any author or his writing. But, more importantly, among the Pakistani public, engagement with tragedy and rupture has been markedly tenuous. I earnestly believe that tragedy and social and political upheavals provide a great stimulus for the best literature. An appreciation of the cause that conjures it up is also necessary.

It is important, though, that the processes underlying the tragedy, and the events which cause it to take place, are initiated for internal reasons. Quite contrary to that premise, Pakistanis, more often than not, attribute the cause of any tragedy to some extraneous factor like the Hindus, or the Jews, or the West, and therefore it does not become internalised. Instead, conspiracy theories start circulating and gain credence as an authoritative source.

We must learn to accept our deficiencies and shortcomings, and analyse properly the tragic situations that come to pass. Sensitivity to tragedy and a full cognizance of what it brings in its wake is absolutely essential for the cultural and political maturity of the people. Accepting the responsibility for our adversities will enable us to come up with a contemplative response to catastrophic situations instead of momentary and impulsive reaction. The strongest cultural responses to adversity come through literature, which is then able to inflect the national discourse.

Another point worth pondering is the absence of the present in our literary articulations. Nostalgia (with the past) constitutes an immensely strong component of our literary prose, as well as our poetry. Some conscious effort to bring the ‘present’ into the fold of literature would be an extremely worthwhile undertaking, one that could undoubtedly bring literature and politics together, as great literature cannot be produced independently of politics.

‘Smaller’ provinces hardly find any space in the mainstream cultural discourse in Pakistan. Cultural critique of the ‘political’ is absolutely vital for any polity, something that seems conspicuously missing in our milieu.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

22.12.2013

Multilateralism vs regionalism
The spirit of multilateralism prevailed as the World Trade Organisation’s Bali ministerial conference delivered the first ever trade liberalisation package
By Pradeep S Mehta

It was touch and go, over a period of six intense days at Bali early December. In the end, the World Trade Organisation’s Bali ministerial conference delivered a trade liberalisation package — the first ever deal that the WTO could craft ever since it came into being in 1995. This came about against the backdrop of a frustrating 12-year stalemated Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and a spaghetti bowl of regional trade agreements being pursued widely. Thus, the spirit of multilateralism prevailed.

The seven-year Uruguay Round Agreement (URAs) negotiations ended in the establishment of the WTO in 1995. Getting the WTO itself was a big achievement in spite of US’s opposition. The WTO included a binding dispute resolution system, and new disciplines on services, intellectual property, agriculture, textiles etc. The deals were done in a single undertaking manner i.e. ‘all or nothing’, which meant trade offs.

Following the WTO agreement, the first ever full scale negotiation, DDA, was launched in Doha in 2001. Its remit was to address problems with the URAs, which were negotiated in the 1980s when the developing world had little understanding. It was launched against the backdrop of the 9/11 tragedy to send a signal to the world that the international community will not be cowed down. The only way to get the poor to join the talks was to label DDA as a development round.

As negotiations on the DDA progressed, the poor realised that the rich want only better market access while paying lip service to development, hence the continuing stalemate. On the other hand, western agriculture subsidies were always the spoiler. Europe inter alia wanted new deals on investment, competition, transparency in government procurement and trade facilitation as a trade off against reforms of their farm subsidy regime. However, many in the developing world were opposed to all the four issues and the Cancun Ministerial conference of 2003 collapsed without any conclusion.
As expected, the level of ambition between the rich and the poor are always at crossroads and thus the text on trade facilitation was not a consensus one, but it was sorted out in the end.

The Cancun collapse was salvaged in Geneva in July, 2004 and it was agreed that DDA negotiations should continue, but retaining only trade facilitation among the four issues. Thus, WTO members have been working relentlessly on the DDA to try and arrive at a conclusion. That came close in July 2008 when members agreed on 90 per cent of the issues, but that too failed due to the US opposition to India and China’s stand on special safeguards on farm good imports. Thus, India and China became the spoilsport. In fact, it was the US reluctance to address its subsidy regime on cotton which was the real deal breaker, as it affected many African countries.

As expected, the level of ambition between the rich and the poor are always at crossroads and thus the text on trade facilitation was not a consensus one, but it was sorted out in the end. That was possible after the agreement on public stockholding of food grains breaching the 10 per cent subsidy limit was crafted without tying it down to a four-year peace clause, but until a permanent solution is found. As India’s trade minister, Anand Sharma, triumphantly said: “A historic day for the WTO. India’s food security concerns are addressed”.

The USA was recalcitrant, as it has little appetite for the DDA and has therefore been pursuing two mega regional deals. India’s hard stand made pundits feel that she is walking into a trap and thus negotiators will go back empty handed. Miraculously, a deal was struck at Bali.

The US wanted the accord on trade facilitation badly which was the trade off that India used for its demand on food security flexibility. However, trade facilitation i.e. cutting down the red tape in customs procedures is a win win deal, which was welcomed by all. This deal is expected to generate about $1tn gain to all countries, of which most will accrue to the developing world.

In the end, multilateralism stood its ground, which is the best way forward for all. The scene will now shift to Geneva, where negotiators will work out the nuts and bolts of what they have agreed at Bali, and tackle the unfinished agenda of the DDA over 2014 and beyond.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

22.12.2013

Houses in disorder
There is no dearth of flagship projects with political tags, but shelter for the poor is still a far cry
By Dr Noman Ahmed

The prime minister has announced a housing delivery programme titled as ‘Apna Ghar’ a few weeks ago. The total target is kept at 500,000 units. A physical planning guideline is also provided where procurement of land and delivery of finished housing through the engagement of builders and developers is being processed. There are teams of experts that are deliberating to finalise the details of this programme.

Given the fact that estimates of urban housing demand is at least six times the stated number of the programme, this may appear to be another supply driven token initiative. However, it will be useful to analyse the potential of a housing initiative of this kind and suggest how it could be modified for better impacts on the sector.

The dilemma with the various housing projects and programmes has been that they focused on cumulative supply of land or housing without linking it within the actual needy groups. In Karachi alone, several schemes launched in the name of urban poor were drastically affected by this shortcoming. The Shah Latif Town, a very large land supply scheme launched by the defunct KDA, floated over 43000 plots of land.

As the mechanism of launch was kept open for all, the land for housing was quickly accessed and booked by small scale middle class investors or large scale hoarders of land for future speculation. As the scheme was relatively distant from the developed part of the city, it could not gain momentum for construction by the allottees. Since 1979, more than three decades have passed and the scheme even today bears a deserted look. The other sub-urban territories of Taiser and Hawkes Bay Town are no different in status and appearance.
Proper governance of land and its transparent and judicious disposal are prerequisites to ensuring access by the poor to housing. Land is such a resource which cannot be regenerated. Its inappropriate usage must be checked.

The public sector agencies also floated built unit schemes in the form of apartments or single unit homes of limited scale. However, very little success could be achieved.

In Pakistan, shelter has become a grave problem for a vast majority of population. The low income groups in urban and rural contexts face the burgeoning challenge. The number and typology of vulnerable groups is escalating at an exponential rate. People are displaced due to ingress of militant groups and consequent state strikes.

The access to housing is denied on count of religious beliefs, ethnic origins, social orientations and even cultural preferences. Cyclic displacements of population from disaster prone and economically degenerating regions to relatively prosperous contexts have become rampant.

Karachi in Sindh; Quetta in Balochistan; Faisalabad, Lahore and Rawalpindi in Punjab and Peshawar in KPK are all facing the brunt of this haywire phenomenon. With census indefinitely delayed, proper quantification has become utmost difficult.

Land has now become a commodity which is transacted on the basis of political expediency and commercial gains. It is no longer treated as a social asset for the benefit of masses. Decisions for land disposal are taken in an arbitrary manner. Laws for disposal of urban lands have been repealed in more urbanised provinces such as Sindh. No public consultation, invitation of public objection, approval by planning agencies through a stipulated process or even competitive bidding – which is the bare minimum yardstick of fairness – are applied in these deals. This state of affairs clearly establishes the fact that the laissez-faire capitalism has outperformed all the logical, regulatory and administrative approaches in respect of land development. Scores of land development schemes that are randomly announced in various cities are examples.

Schemes for land and housing for the low income groups have not been prepared for a very long time. There has been no dearth of flagship projects with political tags but their scale and profile is extremely limited. Traditionally, existing pattern of land ownership has a direct bearing on its transition in the urban scenario. The clan influences, appropriation and possession of land were the important factors that governed the directions of development. When land was in private ownership under traditional landlords, they lobbied with the public sector officials to devise the development policies/priorities to maximise their own benefit.

Planning and development of communication schemes, transportation projects and investment in infrastructure schemes were largely manipulated on the same basis. The fringes of large cities are the most important choices in this regard. The north western outskirts of Karachi is one of the main locations where local landlords have traditionally benefited from the growth of the city.

The poor, lower middle and middle income groups in the country have an extremely constrained access to housing credit which is the key prerequisite to home ownership. The cities, which account for nearly 40 per cent of population, do not have subsidy of any kind in the domain of housing. Even when subsidies were available, mechanisms of distribution were not compatible for the real needy to benefit from them.

As the commercial financial institutions do not have credit line touching base with socio-economics of the downtrodden, public credit agencies becomes the sole point of hope. The House Building Finance Corporation is struggling to survive due to a number of operational and management reasons. It requires instant overhauling in the larger interest of genuine clients that it is supposed to serve.

Proper preparation and updating of land records and their communication to all stakeholder groups is a pre-requisite to effective land management. Three decades ago, the Karachi Metropolitan Corporation commissioned a broad based study of urban land use and management. The study, which was supported by the World Bank, aimed at analysing the various trends and dynamics of land utilisation patterns. The study provided a comprehensive analysis of the urban land market, real estate trends in various key locations, informal settlements and legal and administrative elements affecting the overall land supply and development. Whereas the study was undertaken as part of the Karachi Special Development Project under donor assistance, it served as a useful tool for understanding the Karachi’s land use and development scenario.

Recently, the housing experts at the NED University conducted a study with an objective to analyse the accessibility of land for housing. It verified the fact that increasing distortions in planning, management and distribution procedures has alienated the poor from accessing land.

Proper governance of land and its transparent and judicious disposal are prerequisites to ensuring access by the poor to housing. It must be clearly understood that land is such a resource which cannot be regenerated. Its inappropriate usage must be checked.

An effective means to deal with this vital issue is to structure an information base which provides factual knowledge without dispute. The creation of such a resource shall frustrate corrupt practices by itself. Building of information base shall help streamline the transactions, land use planning as well as preparation of overall development scenario for the urban contexts. Modern day markets can only be enhanced through availability of up to date information that creates level playing fields for all stakeholders under relevant regulatory framework.

As a starting point, it may be started from few cities such as Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. Thereafter it can be applied to all the cities and regions in the country.

A housing resource centre in each district of the country is also a doable option. This centre can be equipped with information base, housing choice options and capacity to serve the needy and underprivileged. A pilot project can help in testing this workable institutional alternative.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

22.12.2013

Land of landlords
Uniformity is necessary for determining the expression “agricultural income” so that all provincial laws conform to the Constitution
By Huzaima Bukhari & Dr Ikramul Haq

Levying of “agricultural income tax” is the sole prerogative of provinces under the 1973 Constitution (hereinafter: “the Constitution”). All four provinces have enacted laws for imposing ‘agricultural income tax’, but these are mere deceptions. In reality, the provincial assemblies have violated the constitutional provisions relating to income tax on “agricultural income”. They have failed to realise that if the expression “agricultural income” can be construed in any manner, it can render the application of Entry 47 of the Federal Legislative List contained in the Constitution as meaningless.

The national Parliament also violated the Constitution in 1988 by adding two provisos in clause (1), Second Schedule to the repealed Income Tax Ordinance 1979 requiring that in the case of directors of companies and persons engaged in business or profession, “agricultural income” should be included in their total income for “rate purpose.” The Parliament, in fact, indirectly levied tax on “agricultural income” violating the cardinal principle that what is not permitted directly is equally prohibited indirectly. This gross violation of Article 70(4) &142(c) read with Entry 47 of Federal Legislative List was challenged in writ petitions and the matter is sub judice before a High Court for the last 25 years!

The vital question as to what constitutes “agricultural income” for the purpose of Entry 47, Part 1 of Federal Legislative List provided in Fourth Schedule to the Constitution, has been ignored by all. It is obvious that if no authoritative definition of “agricultural income” exists, the national and provincial Parliaments can encroach upon each other’s constitutional jurisdiction. Uniformity is necessary for determining the expression “agricultural income” so that all provincial laws conform to the Constitutional command and no discrimination occurs among the people of the four provinces and those living in federally-administrated areas. The answer as to what constitutes “agricultural income” is available in Article 260(1) of the Constitution, which says:

In the constitution, unless the context otherwise requires, the following expressions have the meaning hereby respectively assigned to them that is to say, –

“Agricultural income” mans agricultural income as defined for the purpose of the law relating to income tax.
The enactments of laws about “net agricultural income” are favourable for the rich land barons and detrimental to small farmers, who are paying exorbitant sales tax on many inputs used by them.

This is an exhaustive and exclusive definition leaving no room for any controversy. In terms of Article 70(4) read with Entry No. 47, Part 1 of the Federal Legislative List and Article 142(c) of the Constitution of Pakistan, the provinces alone are competent to levy income tax on “agricultural income”, as defined in the Income Tax Law. Unfortunately, no Provincial Legislature paid attention to this constitutional command. The definition of “agricultural income” as contained in Income Tax Law cannot be altered even by the national Parliament without the prior sanction of the President of Pakistan as provided in Article 162 of the Constitution that says:

Prior sanction of President required to Bills affecting taxation in which Provinces are interested: - No Bill or amendment which imposes or varies a tax or duty the whole or pat of the net proceeds whereof is assigned to any Province, or which varies the meaning of the expression “agricultural income” as defined for the purposes of the enactments relating to income-tax, or which affects the principles on which under any of the foregoing provisions of this Chapter, moneys are or may be distributable to Provinces, shall be introduced or moved in the National Assembly except with the previous sanction of the President.”

Since the issue is that of distribution of legislative powers between Federation and Provinces, the Constitution is unequivocal in defining what “agricultural income” is. For protection of the rights of Provinces it imposes a restriction on the national Parliament not to introduce any Bill aimed at varying the meaning of the expression “agricultural income” except with the previous sanction of President of Pakistan.

Very few people know that in the wake of the tragic coup d’état on July 5, 1977, a military dictator not only overthrew the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto but also thwarted the historic decision of taxing “agricultural income” made through Finance (Supplementary) Act, 1977. The feudal legacy under Zia’s 11-year rule continued, rather strengthened as mighty generals emerged as the ‘new land barons’ — see details in chapter 7 of Military INC: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy by Ayesha Siddiqa. Absentee landlords that include politicians and mighty militro-judicial-civil complex pay not a single penny or negligible amount as agricultural income tax.

The provinces have no will to collect income tax from the rich and mighty absentee landlords. Even a cursory look at laws promulgated by them to tax “agricultural income” (and amendments therein from time to time) proves this point. KPK has not even provided the definition of “agricultural income” in its Agricultural Income Tax Ordinance, 1993.

The tax levied under the name of “Income Tax” is, in fact, a land tax on the basis of produce index units. The same has been the case with Sindh Agricultural Income Tax Act of 1994 as amended from time to time similar to the Punjab Agricultural Income Tax of 1997. No effort was made till 2000 to impose income tax on total income earned from this source. A face-saving device was restored to satisfy the foreign donors by enhancing land tax on acre basis providing different rates in respect of irrigated and non-irrigated lands.

In Balochistan, the position was no different till 2000. From 1993 to 1999, the Balochistan Legislature promulgated various Agricultural Income Tax Ordinances, amended from time to time, following the same pattern as was adopted in the other three provinces. Neither any province nor the federal government for areas administered by it has provided basis for computing “net agricultural income”. They also extend no exemption to small farmers. The enactments are favourable for the rich land barons and detrimental to small farmers, who are paying exorbitant sales tax on many inputs used by them.

The above analysis shows that all the four provinces and federal government, while levying tax on “agricultural income”, violated Article 260 of the Constitution. The so-called laws imposing income tax on “agricultural incomes” are nothing but land tax. No income tax on net agricultural income has been levied till today as was the case under Finance (Supplementary) Act, 1977, passed by the National Assembly in the last year of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s rule. All the military and so-called democratic governments since then have shown no will to tax rich absentee landlords — many politicians, judges and members of civil-military bureaucracy own substantial cultivated lands, in some cases given to them as perks or gallantry awards.

It is tragic that while the poor farmers pay 16-20 per cent sales tax, the rich and mighty absentee land barons enjoy state lands as perks and pay no taxes. The provinces either do not levy income tax on “agricultural income” (as defined in the Constitution) and where such a tax is imposed, it is just eyewash.

The military as well as civil governments are guilty of total disrespect to the Constitution. This explains why democracy has failed to work in Pakistan. No country can become a democratic society by just holding elections unless it demonstrates respect for rule of law by action and not through mere lip-service (highly widespread in Pakistan). In our country, we have witnessed just the opposite; lawmakers themselves violate the law while advising others to show respect for rule of law!

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

22.12.2013

Rights of the martyrs?
In addition to taking care of material needs of the families of the martyrs, the government needs to formally legislate and recognise martyrs’ rights
By Dr Ehtasham Anwar

Men continue to fall, one after another, in one of the most complicated and protracted war Pakistan has ever been faced with. Unfortunately, however, this time the war is not being fought on, or out of, our borders but right within the geographical bounds of the country. Some call it war on terror; others are confused or confusing others.

Though civilian casualties have been no less in number, those dying mostly belong to law-enforcing agencies. The response of the central and provincial governments towards those who die in the line of duty — the martyrs — is not uniform, to say the least. When some high ranking official is killed, or the incident as a whole gets media attention, compensation packages are readily announced. However, low ranking men get killed on almost daily basis, but given the frequency and remoteness of such killings, fail to make it to the headlines. Whether compensation is announced or not, one thing is certain: with complicated processes and multiple government offices involved, there is no smooth road for their families to actually get the compensation. Situation is somewhat better in case of certain well-organised institutions (read army); hopeless when it comes to others.

Now that a problem is at hand and everyone has become, or is becoming, aware of it, why not to start getting it resolved? People are giving their lives, in the line of duty, for us to live in peace so should we not take care of them, if and when they embrace martyrdom? And mind you, we would still not be doing them any favour; only that we are trying to acknowledge the greatest sacrifice one can make for one’s people and take care of their near and dear ones, who would otherwise have to languish for the rest of their lives. We should rather do it as a matter of their rights: the rights of the martyrs. Have not heard of these rights? Have not seen them in text books either? So what?

The concept of human rights grew gradually over last many centuries and continues to do so. For how long would we keep on borrowing those rights from the western world? Let’s start something original for the first time ourselves, in view of our peculiar circumstances, and make others to follow.

Martyrs never die, and this is something our Prophet (PBUH) told us too, so they need to be treated accordingly. Their salaries as well as other perks and privileges should continue, rather grow, as if they happen to be physically not only living amongst ourselves but flourishing in their personal and professional lives. All other benefits which generally accrue at the time of retirement such as pension, gratuity etc. should also be given at due time. Their children should be provided free education within the country; not merely education, but the best possible education, which a living father would like to provide to his children in given circumstances.
The concept of human rights grew gradually over last many centuries and continues to do so. For how long would we keep on borrowing those rights from the western world? Let’s start something original for the first time ourselves.

The leading institutions from all over the world should also be identified and if the children of the martyrs get admission in certain approved Masters’ and professional programmes of those institutions on merit, they should be given scholarships for the same.

Similarly, wholesome healthcare facilities should also be extended to the families of the martyrs. Finally, a special needs fund should be created for such families to meet emergencies like marriages and funerals. The idea is to do our best to take financial worries away from the personnel of law enforcing agencies, as they fight, and from their families, if they die.

It should also be ensured that the afore-mentioned rights are bestowed on the families without any hassle and, more importantly, without compromising on their dignity and self-respect. The legislation should start at federal level, and the provinces should follow suit.

An office of commissioner of martyrs should be created in each province to carry out necessary coordination with all departments in this behalf, and a separate budget line be approved in annual budgets. Data should be duly maintained and audit be carried out at regular intervals, with full public access to all such information.

As it appears that the issue of terrorism is going to live with us, or vice versa, at least for the foreseeable future, it is high time for the society to act as a whole. Seeing the agony of the families of martyrs is one thing; undergoing the same is altogether different. We cannot redress the actual damage done but, at least, we should all feel obliged to alleviate their sufferings.

Similarly, such rights should also be extended to those who become permanently disabled in the line of duty. It is heartening to note that Institute of Social and Policy Sciences, an Islamabad-based organisation, is already working on compensation for civilian victims of conflict and terrorism and has even prevailed upon the Balochistan Assembly to pass legislation to that effect. Someone now needs to take the lead and enunciate rights of martyrs for the government machinery as well.

In conclusion, one would also like to mention here that in addition to taking care of material needs of the families of the martyrs, the formal recognition of such rights would have psychological benefits as well. It would raise the morale, and level of courage, of those who are in frontlines in our war on terror, on one hand and on the other, would take at least some sense of achievement from the terrorist organisations and individuals, if and when they get our men.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

22.12.2013

Changing times
The moot at CPPG Lahore questioned why violence, civil strife, insurgencies are on the rise and peace, social justice remain a distant goal?
By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed

The historic Forman Christian College (FCC) in Lahore is striving hard to set exemplary standards of modern education and research since its denationalisation in 2003. It may be an attempt to prove that the nationalisation of this institute in 1972 was a wrong decision which compromised the quality of education to a certain degree.

The FCC acquired the charter of a university in 2004 and set up a Centre for Public Policy and Governance (CPPG) in July 2007. The Centre is the first of its kind in Lahore and is headed by renowned public policy expert Dr Saeed Shafqat who is a Ph.D in Political Science from University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

Since its inception in July 2007, CPPG has organised over 65 seminars, 20 policy dialogues, 10 trainings and collaborated with Population Association of Pakistan (PAP) in hosting an international conference.

This month, it organised an International Conference on “Social Change and Security Imperatives: Challenges for Leadership and Democratic Governance in Pakistan” in collaboration with the Embassy of France.

The event aimed to explore key drivers and issues of social change in Pakistan. It brought together a variety of academics and researchers from France, US, Afghanistan and all over Pakistan who presented research papers on this theme. Paula Newberg, Professor & Wilson Chair Fellow, University of Texas-Austin, USA made a special appearance at the event.

In words of Dr Saeed: “This is our response to the growing concern among civil society activists, parents and citizens that public policy and governance issues have not received the attention they deserve from the politicians, elites and policy makers in Pakistan.”
Religious militancy & liberal-secular resistance in Pakistan, media and religious discourse in Pakistan,democracy and governance in Pakistan were some of other topics discussed at the event.

He believes the theme of the conference is timely, relevant and meaningful as “it offers us an opportunity to ask why violence, civil strife and varying varieties of insurgencies are on the rise in Pakistan and Greater South Asia and peace and social justice remains a distant goal.”

During the conference, Dr Saeed pointed out that “the diversity of language, religion and ethnicity makes Pakistan one of the most dynamic societies and yet increasingly the fabric of this society is being torn apart by escalation in violence, religious militancy, street protests and loss of faith in government, rise in the number of ungovernable spaces, thus causing erosion of glue that holds the communities and makes societies resilient and sustainable.” Pursuing democratic governance in Pakistan, he believes, demands imagining a culture of peace and that implies dismantling, disrupting and destroying the nexus of poverty, social injustice and economic inequities.”

The issue of regional security was at the center of discussion. Ehsan Zia, CEO Tadbeer Consulting Inc from Afghanistan, emphasised the need for continuing regional and international support for Afghanistan, if the country is to make this transition successfully.

Dr Ijaz Khan from Peshawar University discussed security imperatives with respect to regional environment as a subject of study. He expressed his opinion that Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and Iran appear good example of a region where security policies of different countries are entwined to a level that they cannot be studied in isolation from each other. Besides, he said, the US, Europe, USSR and China are very significant actors in this region and have vital security interests and roles. The way the US policy is implemented in the area, now and post-2014, suggest the internal and regional tensions will continue to lead economic interests.

The issue of the Pakistan’s India-centrism was also raised at the event, with the question of what can be done to reduce it in the long term.

Another highlight of the event was the presentation by Dr Mariam Abu Zahab, Lecturer, Institute of Oriental Languages, Paris, France. She analysed the anti-Shia sentiments in the country. She said, “Shias are more and more designated by the media and the people as the ‘Shia minority’ and in the Pakistani context to designate Shias as a minority is a way of marginalising them and excluding them from the Muslim community.” Besides, she said, “the perception of Shias as a minority is a victory of sectarian discourse in the country.”

She also observed that the (Pakistani) government had been very slow in recognising sectarianism as the core of security challenges faced by the country and no counter narrative has been elaborated by the main political parties”.

There was a dedicated session on governance and terrorism as well. Muhammad Amir Rana, Director Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS) Islamabad, counted reasons for failure in curbing terrorism. He said coordination and trust was absent among different intelligence and law enforcement departments, and the need for processing of data and analysis of information remained largely ignored. On the other hand, unity among terrorist groups was a source of their strength. They also gained strength from fragmentation and confusion over the war on terror among the security, political and civil society leadership in Pakistan.

“Does bad governance introduce terrorism or does terrorism create bad governance is like putting the horse before the cart” was the premise of Dr Ayesha Siddiqa’s presentation. In her opinion, the terrorism-governance linkage must be examined from the perspective of the nature of a state.

Sino-Pak ties, trust and cooperation, religious militancy & liberal-secular resistance in Pakistan, globalisation, media and religious discourse in Pakistan, Facebook as new public space for youth in Pakistan, leadership, democracy and governance in Pakistan, the Indus Water Treaty and failed economic development were some of other topics discussed at the event.

The conference concluded with a roundtable with the panelists to obtain final comments and thoughts on the conference. Dr Paula Newberg observed that the conference sessions had very rich, robust and respectful discussion and that the tone of narrative was constructive.

Some of the questions brought forth by the panelists for future discussion were: What direction is the strong nationalism in Pakistan going to take? What do we imagine citizenship to look like? How do different factors affect different regions?

Another subject of discussion was that whether the space for dialogue in society is decreasing. There was a consensus on such conferences being a good beginning for creating minimum consensus or reaching commonalities on different issues.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)