Iqbal Khan

Commitment by all political parties of Balochistan about their participation in the forthcoming general elections is rather refreshing. Chief Election Commission’s recent visit to Quetta was quite reassuring. He took various steps to address the difficulties being faced by prospective candidates from Baluchistan. Caretaker Chief Minister of Baluchistan has also resolved to make all efforts to ensure peaceful environment for the election. Pakistan currently faces extraordinary challenges of law and order. The decision to go ahead for the elections was indeed a bold one and it certainly represents the national aspirations.

Now the federal and provincial governments have to put in joint effort to ensure that all political parties and their voters feel safe enough to participate in the elections. With a caretaker Prime Minister from Baluchistan overseeing the political transition at national level and most of the political elements of Baluchistan bracing-up for participation in national and provincial elections, on can safely presume that the restive province is on its way to join the national main stream. At the same time one must not underestimate that prevailing law and order situation presents an encouraging environment to the players who wish to disrupt the electoral process in Baluchistan; they would certainly put in their utmost effort to create a pretext for achieving that end.

People of Baluchistan, like other provinces, aspire to vote on May 11 to join the political process. In 2008, major political parties in Baluchistan had boycotted the general elections. Nationalist parties have realized that their decision of electoral boycott has done no good to the people of Baluchistan. They have now made a prudent choice to do the politics of inclusiveness.
However, the subversive effort by the marginalized separatist entities is likely to continue. On March 12, 2013, armed activists of the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) gunned down Muhammad Ziaullah, District Election Commissioner of Quetta. The BLA was forthright in claiming the responsibility: “We will not let Pakistan hold elections in Baluchistan,” warned the outfit’s spokesperson. Two more militant Baluch entities, the Baluch Liberation Front (BLF) and the Baloch Republican Army (BRA) have also threatened to disrupt the elections. Political parties fear deadly attacks on their election rallies, candidates and voters. Baluchistan certainly remains an area of primary interest for the observers of 2013 electoral processes.

Supreme Court as well as federal and provincial governments have been taking serious notice of the aggravated law and order situation of Balochistan, particularly with reference to the disappeared people. Last week, the judicial commission constituted for the recovery of the missing persons has submitted its progress report in the Supreme Court of Pakistan. Commission claims that it has traced 378 missing persons’ cases while 633 are still pending. In Balochistan, 59 cases were concluded while 48 are still remaining. This commission has done a commendable job by demystifying the missing persons’ issue, especially in the context of Balochistan. It will be in the fitness of things if the commission handles all Balochistan related cases on priority and tries to finalize them well before the election.

Sardar Akhtar Mengal, president of the Balochistan National Party (BNP), has recently opined that discontent amongst the Baloch populace was caused by unabated illegal arrest, torture and murder of the political leaders for which Pakistan’s security forces are blamed.

If these extra-judicial killings do not stop, he warned, elections would be too difficult to hold. Akhtar Mengal is rightly concerned that there has been no improvement in the Balochistan situation; bloodshed continues in the province and the situation is not improving. Indeed Balochistan is still passing through a serious crisis. Mengal has reaffirmed that his party believes in democracy. His return from self exile and participation in elections is of much significance with regard to jump-starting the political process in Baluchistan.

However, reasons for the prevailing situation in Baluchistan go far beyond Akhtar Mengal’s perspective. Baluchistan has been the hub of multi-dimensional ethno-sectarian strife for the last one decade or so. Vacuum created by the government’s lack of capacity to manage the unrest has facilitated the entry of numerous entities which have gained a reasonable regulatory control over the dynamics of ongoing socio-political divergence. Chilling waves of violence unleashed by sectarian groups, ethnic nationalists, armed wings of political parties and death squads believed to be funded by the foreign state and non-state actors are just some of the string-pullers which have plunged Baluchistan to its current sorry state of affairs.

Baluchistan’s is a multiethnic province, with almost equal Baloch and Pashtun population alongside other minority groups. Population of Balochistan is 8 million out of which the Baloch and Brahvis are 4 million, the Pathans 3.5 million and settlers 0.5 million. Within Baloch dominated areas, Sindhi-Baloch community residing in Sibi and Jacobabad areas are peaceful and friendly. Likewise, Pushtuns do not harbour separatist tendencies. Shia Hazaras are strong proponents of Pakistan’s territorial integrity. Majority of the people living along the Makran coast are also peace-loving people. Separatist elements are weak divided and marred by inter as well as intra- tribe rivalries. Personal rifts and jealousies have led to creation of cracks and differences between Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and United Balochistan Army (UBA). These fissures are likely to grow in days to come.

Balochistan does not belong to the Baloch population alone. the Baloch being more volatile and outspoken have been able to project their victimhood and attract foreign sponsors. The runaway scions of three tribal chieftains are trying, in vain, to stir up separatist tendencies. This misguided youth hardly has any standing amongst the great majority of Baloch who are loyal to the concept of Pakistan. Residents of other ethnic origin are playing important role towards restoration of stability in the province; however, they need to assert themselves politically so that real demographic face of the province is duly represented and acknowledged.

After ending the military operation in 2008, the provincial government and political leadership failed to fill the void; unfortunately they chose not to take decisive stance against the trouble makers, rather preferred a strategy of appeasement. Under these circumstances credit goes to the national tier of political and military leadership for adopting a shrewd strategy for arresting the situation and indeed reversing it, both at domestic and international levels.

Successful conduct of elections in Balochistan shall indeed be a watershed. However, the political gains emanating out of a credible electoral process will need careful handling. First priority should be to take visible steps, and indeed launch a protracted campaign to dispel the widespread perception of deprivation and exploitation.

The Baloch people believe that they do not benefit from their own mineral wealth, such as gas, gold and copper, nor are they provided any representation in the country’s civil, armed and foreign services.

A comprehensive compensatory and rehabilitation package should follow, focused at making the common citizen of Baluchistan feel at home. This would need concerted plan of action to bridge the gap between perceptions and reality.

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The deadline for the filing of the nomination papers for the next general election expired on Sunday. Over 10,000 candidates have filed their papers for 849 general seats of the national and provincial assemblies. In 2008 elections, over 15,000 candidates had filed the papers - over 10,000 for the provincial assemblies and around 5,000 for national assembly seats. The decline in nomination is understandable. The provision in the nomination papers has put up an in-built scrutiny on the candidates. The fear of strict scrutiny of nomination papers has seemingly kept thousands of aspiring candidates away from the electoral arena thus dropped the number of candidates to about two-thirds of those who had filed nomination papers in the previous general elections. It is a healthy sign that has been witnessed in the first phase of the elections. Much wanted purge and cleansing of the corrupt parliamentarians has set foot in the political process. Indeed, this is a first step in right direction. The completion of the first phase in a peaceful atmosphere must have encouraged the ECP personnel to perform their duty more authoritatively. Even more important aspect that has been observed is that the elections, considered being a domain of the rich, saw some degree of diversification-even some of candidates from the poor or lower middle class also turned up to submit their nomination papers. Amidst fears of terrorist attacks, on the last day for the filing of the nomination papers, a number of candidates turned to offices of the local Returning Officers in rallies; some rode on bicycles and others on push-cards. Notwithstanding the rich displayed their muscles in splashing cars and vans. The surprise of the day was witnessed in war-torn FATA. The people of the FATA are hard pressed against war on terror. The firing, suicide bombing and turf war have become an order of the day. A large number of residents of the area have been forced to abandon the houses and are living in badly managed so-called relief camps. Yet they showed their keenness to participate in the election regardless they win or lose. The area is virtually under control of extremists. In under-developed FATA, having no precedent of letting a poor male to take part in the election, two brave ladies came forth to file their nomination papers to contest the forthcoming elections of the National Assembly. First nomination came forth in Lower Dir and other in Bajour Agency. Both ladies, irrespective of win or loss, have written a new history of the elections in the country. A 40-year-old Badam Zari, wife of Sultan Khan, filed papers for NA-44, Bajaur and the other woman candidate Nusrat Begum wife of Karim Khan from Lower Dir, filed her papers for NA-34 constituency as an independent candidate. Fearless Ms Zari says she wants to do something for women of area what has never been done by any male member of the parliament before while Nusrat the district vice president of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf picked up the courage to contest the election when her party denied her ticket. She vows to fight for basic amenities to the people, especially women, children and minorities. No doubt it is a major development in the country and a rich reward for the nation that stood for democracy. The two brave ladies must have infused a lot of courage and conviction amongst the women folk of Pakistan putting across a message that the poor women too must stand up for their rights, challenging the writ of the rich families in the power corridors. The residents of the FATA, given the right to vote for the first time, undergo a change wherein now no one can stop even women from taking part in elections and exercising their right to vote. Indeed, the democracy has infused a new spirit amongst the people living in the far-flung areas-- no matter how hard hit are they by extremists or any body else. The two ladies, making a courageous move, deserve rich appreciation, strong support and fool-proof protection to groom their passion for the vote. The task of filing nomination paper is complete. In the second phase, the scrutiny of the papers will continue till April 7. It is a gigantic task but the Election Commission of Pakistan will meet the challenge in the given short time frame. Those who earlier used to manage to enter the assemblies by concealing facts now can be shown the door any time because the new mechanism will pose a constant threat of prosecution and conviction entailing disqualification for committing corrupt practices. New history of Pakistan is in the making, and the ECP led by weak and elderly Election Commissioner will be the founder of corrupt-free Pakistan.

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On Tuesday, for the first time, influential lawmakers were sent to jail for making false declaration to reach the Parliament. In Sibi, Balochistan, former federal minister Humayun Aziz Kurd was sentenced to one year jail and fined Rs 5000 for submitting fake degree to the Election Commission. Kurd was arrested from the courtroom following the sentence, and was sent to the district jail. Therein Dera Ismail Khan, Additional District and Sessions judge sentenced an ex-MPA Khalifa Abdul Qayyum, to three-year imprisonment and imposed a fine of Rs 5000 over fake degree after which the former lawmaker was immediately sent to lock up. Another lower court sentenced former MNA Javaid Iqbal Tarkai from PF-32 Swabi II over holding dual nationality. New judicial history is in the making. Curtains are falling down on those powerful and influential who had cheated on the supreme institutions to serve their personal interests.

Earlier on Monday, the Supreme Court laid down stringent rules for legislators and suggested to them to disclose everything while filing nomination papers because they would have to be chosen by electors as their representatives. The Supreme Court has provided another opportunity to 189 lawmakers to get their certificates verified by April 5 from the Higher Education Commission through the Election Commission of Pakistan. The list includes names of some of the big guns like Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, Afrasiab Khattak, Sardar Jamal Khan Leghari, Engineer Amir Muqam, Bushra Gohar, Attiya Inayatullah, Begum Shahnaz Sheikh, Chaudhry Naseer Ahmed Bhutta, Mahreen Anwar Raja, Mukhdoon Javed Hashmi,Syed Faisal Saleh Hayat, Mian Manzoor Ahmed Khan Wattoo, Bilal Yaseen, Ghulam Farid Khathia, Imtiaz Safdar Warriach, Samina Khalid Ghurki, Rukhsana Bangash, Sardar Arshad Khan Leghari, Shahbaz Bhatti, Sardar Sanaullah Zehri, Malik Nauman Ahmed Langriyal, Qasim Zia and Nadia Gabol. The 189 ex-legislators, perhaps think themselves above the law, are yet to submit their educational certificates to the HEC for verification despite repeated reminders. No system in the world can yield desired results if it is run by cheaters or semi-literates. Unfortunately, the Parliament of Pakistan, that completed its term for the first time, was represented by cheaters, defaulters and semi-literates thus compromised the interests of the nation whenever needed. Well over 50 per cent of the members of the outgoing Parliament cheated in their declarations submitted to the Election Commission in the previous elections. Without any discrimination and relaxation, these cheaters should be dealt in accordance with law of the land. The court has rightly directed the ECP to ask all returning officers to withhold the assessment of nomination papers of those legislators who intended to contest the elections again till the time the HEC decides about the authenticity of their certificates. Regardless of the stature and influence of any leader or representative, no one-be he is Ch Nisar Ali or any body else-should be allowed to contest the next elections if he does not fulfill the criteria under Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution. Nothing less than true and honest representation in the Parliament is acceptable to the nation this time around. The judicial trials of all 54 legislators, holding fake degrees, will set the tune for the fair elections.

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April 03, 2013
A.R. Jerral



The caretakers have finally taken the oath of office. Those who have stepped in to oversee the conduct of elections are visibly PPP sympathisers. The candidates put forward by the PML-N have been totally eliminated. This has been so obvious that one newspaper bluntly wrote: “Zardari makes Sharifs bite the dust.”

The perception in public and some political circles is that our politicians waited
for a nod from the forces, who have major geopolitical stakes in the region. The PML-N’s unquestioned acceptance indicates that these caretakers have the backing of powers that matter and the high drama that preceded their nomination was for public consumption only.

They do not see any difference in the objectives of almost all the political parties. To them, they carry the same self-serving and subjective agendas; indeed, the unanimity demonstrated in passing legislations for personal benefits at the end of the coalition government’s tenure shows amply that the political parties are on the same page for political and personal gains. In any case, the PML-N was a “friendly opposition” and is credited for the PPP government’s five-year stay in power.

Anyway, the caretakers are now tasked to oversee the elections. The tempo is gradually building up and electioneering has started. There are conflicting opinions and an uncertainty about the elections. The political parties have announced their manifestos and are nominating their candidates. While all this is going on, the same parties are voicing their concerns about the conduct and actions of the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP). There is also talk about the application of constitutional articles for the scrutiny of the candidates’ nomination papers. These observations, indeed, force the people to believe that the elections might be delayed.

More so, the Qadri factor is still active. Dr Tahirul Qadri had openly demanded and campaigned for the delay of elections; his demand was to prolong the caretakers’ tenure till his 10-point agenda was enforced. It was clear that he had returned to Pakistan to carry out the agenda of those who wanted a friendly and manageable executive setup in the country. It seems that this danger has not yet abated.

Another factor has been introduced into our domestic politics that may also affect the elections. It is the return of former President Pervez Musharraf, who has shown his intention to contest. Like Dr Qadri, it is assumed that he too is backed by the powerful forces. Reportedly, he was in contact with the US authorities and visited Saudi Arabia before his departure for Pakistan.
Surprisingly also, the PPP and PML-N who were vocal for his legal trial are completely silent on his return, which indicates that it is with the approval of powerful quarters. How his return and activities will affect elections only time will tell. But one thing is certain: the times ahead are not going to be easy.
The question, however, remains: who will get the maximum political and strategic advantage from the delay in elections?

Obviously, a delay in the elections and prolongation of the caretaker setup will help USA to work towards its objective in the region; with no public backing obviously this will be a weak arrangement and prone to pressures.

Against this backdrop, America is in a critical stage of its occupation of Afghanistan. It has announced its withdrawal plans and as projected will leave the country by the end of 2014. Yet, its economic and strategic interests in the region will remain unchanged. The oil and gas exploration in CAR States, its transportation and marketing will remain a vital interest. This interest demands a friendly and stable political administration in Afghanistan and presence of a military capability in the area. So, it is expected that the US will keep its military presence in Afghanistan at least at three places in order to protect its oil and gas companies operating in the region. The strategic military interest dictates that China, Iran and Russia who is flexing its muscles again should be watched.

Moreover, the US fears that Pakistan is the only country that can throw a spanner in the works. While Afghanistan is a country where opposition to a weak domestic political setup can emerge quickly. The internal tribal and ethnic rivalries are unpredictable and if they erupt in post-US Afghanistan, the attitude and conduct of Pakistan cannot be determined.

The Obama Administration, therefore, believes that Pakistan must support and assist Afghanistan once USA ushers in an administration of its own choice. This demands that Islamabad should follow US dictates till a stable, sustainable and friendly political setup in Afghanistan is fully entrenched. This leads to the fact that the Pakistani caretaker setups should be friendly towards USA’s regional objectives. The sceptic, therefore, conclude this caretaker setup will be prolonged till at least the end of 2014. As the interim government will not be answerable to anyone, it can be asked to conduct itself on the guidelines provided from elsewhere. Two domestic political scenarios are probable.

So the elections can be delayed, despite assurances from the political leadership. Perhaps, terrorist activities can pick up momentum after the installation of caretakers that may provide a plausible excuse for it to put off the polls.

Already there are indications that insurgency in the state is on the rise; the delay in selected constituencies will be sufficient to delay the formation of the national and provincial governments. Dr Qadri and Musharraf’s presence may also create conditions that could work towards it. The escalation of terrorist activities is a potent threat for affecting the elections adversely.

Having said that, the other scenario is that elections are held. In the post-election period, the losers may be encouraged to mount a massive agitation against the results on the pretext of rigging. With PPP sympathisers as caretakers, rigging charges will seem tenable.

In 1977, the election results were challenged with such intensity that the country was subjected to military takeover, which lasted for almost a decade. The military rulers’ alliance with the US continues to cast its dark shadows till today.

Thus, a similar political disorder can be planned that will disrupt or delay the formation of a representative government in the country. This arrangement will immensely suit the vested domestic and the US interests. It may even result in another military takeover, if the events take a serious turn.

The current political scenario is quite confusing; political leadership is not showing any political maturity and sagacity. In fact by their belligerence, they are enhancing this confusion that gives the sceptics reason to put forward conspiracy theories.

Pakistan has suffered politically, economically and diplomatically due to uncalled for confusion that our leadership projects for personal and party interests. They should sort out their differences with political maturity for the sake of national integrity. It is, indeed, too weak to withstand the political confusion and disorder any longer.

The writer is a retired brigadier. Email: arjerral@hotmail.com

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April 03, 2013 1



Certainly when the young scion of the Bhutto clan, Bilawal Zardari flies in or out of the country and that too at a time of elections, that is bound to attract attention. Some may even find in it the stuff for rumour mongering. The media was abuzz with speculation after his departure for Dubai a few days back, yet with an element of shock and surprise. Three different explanations were given; first, he was not happy with his father over allotment of tickets to the candidates, second, he left the country over security fears, and third, according to former Prime Minister Gilani it was just a routine visit. Bilawal’s return early Tuesday morning put paid to such thoughts albeit President Zardari’s trip to Dubai in his pursuit gave currency to the reports that this was a fence mending mission.

If the angry young man and the father have made peace with each other that would allow Bilawal to lead the party in the elections in the way he thinks is the right way, so much the better. It might somewhat lift the party’s sagging fortunes, although predictions are not quite favourable. Bilawal’s paradox is that he is the Chairman of the party but not in true sense of the word. He is young, and more importantly, comes with no political baggage as he has yet to claw his way up the success ladder. At least under his influence, the party will draw the much-needed morale.

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April 03, 2013



The Supreme Court, while hearing the fake degrees case, has ordered that 189 ex-parliamentarians to submit their degrees to the Higher Education Commission for verification by April 5, and asked the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to inform the Returning Officers where these ex-parliamentarians have filed nomination forms for the coming election, so that they could be disqualified in case of noncompliance. Whereas it is quite true that anyone who has presented a fake degree in the previous two elections, cannot be judged to qualify under Articles 62 and 63, it must not be forgotten that the graduation condition, that a parliamentarian be a graduate, no longer applies. At the same time, non-graduates were brought into the assemblies by having their nominations accepted. The first assembly elected with the graduation condition, was elected in 2008, and then the second, though Parliament passed the constitutional amendment that reverted to the previous situation where educational qualification is not a condition. However, members of these assemblies remain liable for the degrees they submitted, and if they prove to have submitted fake degrees, they are not qualified for the current election.

The Returning Officers are supposed to carry out ‘strict scrutiny’, which is all very well, as they are supposed to, but they must keep in mind that the scrutiny is not supposed to defeat the purpose of the poll. The purpose they must keep in mind is that of offering the electorate of the constituency the candidates who met the legal requirements. The graduation condition is no longer a requirement. To insist on it for previous elections seems something of a distraction from those who might not qualify because they have not paid utility bills, or have had loans written off. The Returning Officers must remember that so far the ECP has done its best to facilitate candidates and parties, and has not used its powers to put obstacles in the way of either parties or voters from getting their choice of candidates. They should not at this point abandon this accommodating frame of mind.

It is true that these elections are supposed to yield assemblies free of the defects of previous assemblies, but that does not mean that candidates are to be held hostage to a condition for candidature that is no longer applicable. However, it is likewise true that people guilty of fraud and deception cannot be allowed to stand for public office. The Returning Officers must remember this, and also that it is incumbent upon them to conduct the election in their constituency in so free, fair and transparent a manner, that all, including not just candidates and voters, but those not allowed to be either, will accept the result wholeheartedly. This includes the question of who is qualified to be a candidate for election, and thus the best guide for Returning Officers is the law, and if they strictly adhere to it, they cannot go wrong. In this case, they cannot afford to either.

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By:Malik Muhammad Ashraf


All over the world the public representatives, especially the parliamentarians, ministers, chief executives and presidents are expected to set and have high standards of morality and honesty because for the leaders to be able to discharge their public duties and carry forward the mantle of public trust, it is essential that they have an untainted past and an irreproachable integrity. Unfortunately these crucial human traits has been lacking among our parliamentarians and public leaders who – barring a few exceptions – have acted as carpet baggers dedicated to exponentially enhancing their fortunes through fair and unfair means rather than promoting the well being of the masses. Politics, for them is an industry and becoming a member of the parliament is a license to expand their profits. This materialistic bent of mind is a contributory factor to their attempts to circumvent the laws through corrupt practices to become a member of the parliament that confers on them the political power and the fortune that comes with it.

The fake degrees scam is a shameful example of their dirty machinations and a ranting proof of their immorality that portrays them as the worst kind of scoundrels and cheaters. Nevertheless it is heartening to note that finally their day of reckoning has come for some of them and they would find it difficult to escape the dragnet cast by the SC and ECP. The SC has rightly taken a very strong position on the issue and fifty four former parliamentarians whose degrees have already been found fake are surely going to miss the bus besides facing legal action for their acts of forgery. Another 189 who have not presented their degrees and educational certificates for verification have been advised to get their documents verified within three days. To help the process to be completed, reportedly, the offices of ECP, HEC and controllers of examinations of all universities will remain open till mid night of 5th of April. Who knows how many more will join the list of cheaters as a result of this scrutiny. Thanks also to the media which unearthed this scandal, kept it alive and built public pressure for punitive action against these unscrupulous elements and the so-called public representatives.

The sordid aspect of this disgraceful conduct is that the leadership of the political parties has knowingly looked the other way and even attempts have been made to protect the wrongdoers. In a system of numbers game their primary concern has been to have as many winning horses as possible to clinch political power. Though the efforts of the SC, ECP and the media, to ensure that only people with unblemished character and reputation get into the assemblies, are very encouraging but they are not going to bring any substantive change in our political culture unless a change is effected in the way we elect our public representatives. The feudal character of our political system that promotes politics of graft and entitlement is the real culprit and needs to be changed. It is pertinent to note that majority of the 342 constituencies for electing federal parliament is in the rural areas, a bastion of power for the feudal lords. They have a vested interest in the perpetuation of the colonial system of governance and electing public representatives.

The culture of corruption and horse trading are the hallmarks of this brand of politics. Democracy is the only option for this country. The political parties deserve appreciation for ensuring the continuation of the democratic process. However, the democratic dispensation has to be responsive to the ground realities and geared to promoting the national interest and the well being of the people rather than serving the interests of the elite. The system in vogue has brought untold miseries on the hapless masses and done nothing, except for creating islands of affluence among the oceans of poverty. There is a general consensus that we need a change in the political system.

The political parties must learn from history and feel the pulse of the masses. If they fail to cleanse the mess and affect necessary changes, they will become irrelevant to any future arrangement of governance in this country. The best way to break the hold of the feudal lords on the political power in this country is to adopt the system of proportional representation. Under this system people vote for the parties rather than the individual candidates in a single constituency system and the parties get representation in the parliament on the basis of the percentage of votes that they poll.

The advantage of this system is that it reflects the real support for the political parties among the masses and also ensures the presence of smaller and regional parties in the parliament making the legislature a truly representative body. The party leaders are spared of the blackmail of the winning horses and they can nominate really competent and educated people from different walks of national life to represent the party in the parliament. The system also eliminates the possibility of horse trading and floor-crossing for personal gains. The biggest advantage of this system is that it eliminates systemic corruption. To make this system really workable voting will also have to be made compulsory so that every registered voter can exercise his right of franchise.

To effect these changes, amendments in the constitution will have to be made and it will be in the interest of all the political parties and Pakistan that these reforms are given top priority. Now that the parliament stands dissolved there is no possibility of carrying out these reforms before elections. However, after the elections, the parties winning the public franchise must get together and bring the required systemic reforms within six months and hold fresh elections under the new system. One can genuinely hope that through the combined efforts of the SC, ECP and non-partisan caretaker setups committed to holding free and fair elections, we will have good stuff coming to the parliament.

The political parties have already shown commitment to the national causes by unanimously carrying out 18th, 19th and 20th amendments in the constitution and also by adopting the 7th NFC Award with consensus. They must show the same zeal and dedication in changing the system on the foregoing lines to put the country on the course envisioned by the founding father. He must be turning in his grave to see what we have done to his and our Pakistan.

The writer is an academic.

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By: Dr Hasan Askari Rizvi

The process for the 2013 general elections has entered the second stage of scrutiny of nomination papers while the political parties are awarding party tickets. As the nomination papers have sought a lot more information about the candidates than was the case in the past, scrutiny has become a cumbersome task. However, there will not be mass disqualifications of candidates because any disqualification under article 62 and 63, inserted in the constitution by General Zia-ul-Haq, with negative intentions, requires court conviction except when a person is a defaulter of loans or government and utility dues. These matters can be resolved by making payments of utilities bills or government dues.

Imran Khan launched the campaign for Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI) with a massive public meeting in Lahore on March 23. It showed the organisational and mobilisation capacity of the party. Imran Khan’s speech was cut short by windstorm and rain.

The PTI public meeting manifested ideological confusion. Imran Khan opened his speech with a strong religious discourse that exceeded the use of religion in public speeches by the top leadership of the Jamaat-i-Islami. If we put Imran Khan’s use of religious idiom with his sympathetic disposition towards the Taliban, he becomes a strong contender for right-wing conservative and Islamist votes. However, his top advisers and members of manifesto team appear to be more pragmatic and realistic in addressing Pakistan’s problems; some of them were known for moderate and balanced disposition before joining the PTI. The public meeting also had sufficient arrangements for music, songs and dancing for youth and others who view party rallies as a festival. This ideological confusion is likely to add to the party’s internal management problems caused by internal party elections and distribution of party tickets for the elections.

Nawaz Sharif launched the PML-N election campaign with no less impressive public meeting in Mansehra on March 25. He talked of his favourite themes of building roads, motorways and bullet trains and ending energy crisis for changing the fortune of the people. His other popular theme is the highlighting of what he describes as the achievements of his rule in 1997-1999 and that if he had been given ten years to rule he would have changed Pakistan altogether for the better. Referring to the nuclear explosion in 1998, he promised to do an “economic explosion” if got another chance to rule at the federal level.

The PML-N appears to be in the lead in Punjab but Nawaz Sharif will have to overcome the trauma of loss of power in October 1999 and focus on how his party would fulfill the promises made in the manifesto or speeches in view of Pakistan’s troubled economy and the onslaught of religious extremism and terrorism.

The PML-N rule in 1997-99 was controversial because of Nawaz Sharif’s unrestrained bid to concentrate all power in his hands at the expense of state institutions. He humbled the chief justice, the president and party members, stripped the president of the power to dissolve the National Assembly and secured the resignation of one army chief. He moved the 15th constitutional amendment to acquire unlimited power in the name of implementing Islam. This amendment could not get through the legislative process. His overconfidence made him to pursue an ill-conceived plan to replace the Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf with his favourite by announcing General Musharraf’s removal while he was in the aircraft flying back from Sri Lanka to Pakistan. Nawaz Sharif’s civilian coup against General Musharraf failed, enabling Musharraf and his top generals to strike back and knock him out of power.

The PPP plans to start its election campaign on the death anniversary of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on April 4. In addition to the constraints of incumbency, the PPP faces leadership crisis. President Asif Ali Zardari has pulled himself out of visible active politics and left the office of co-chairman of the PPP on March 22 under pressure from the Lahore High Court. This was coupled with the change of the PPP’s secretary general and information secretary. The party faced an embarrassing situation in the Election Commission hearing on the assignment of election symbols when Jehangir Badar and Latif Khosa made simultaneous claims on the post of secretary general. Later, Badar accepted the party decision of his replacement but this accentuated the party’s difficulties in the Punjab where the party failed to find a credible and inspiring provincial leader. Different leaders function autonomously.

The news of estrangement of Bilawal Bhutto from the top power brokers of the PPP is another negative development. Even if this information is not fully correct, there is a lot of unease in the party about the personalised management of the party affairs from the top, especially by Faryal Talpur who seemed to acquire more pivotal role in party affairs after Asif Ali Zardari decided to stay on the sidelines.

The PPP-Parliamentarian and the PPP, interchangeable names for practical purposes, faced challenges to its identity as the genuine PPP from two sources: the PPP-Shaheed Bhutto of Ghinwa Bhutto and the Naheed Khan-Dr Abbas faction. These are too weak to cause any serious problem. The PPP-Patriots, established in 2002, fizzled out over time. Another faction, PPP-Sherpao, dropped out and turned into a Pakhtun nationalist party under a different name. It seems the PPP-P or the PPP does not face any credible challenge to its claim to inherit the legacy of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto. Its problems are inside the party.

General Pervez Musharraf returned to Pakistan on March 24 with a misplaced hope of carving out a significant role in Pakistani politics. He will be faced by court cases relating to various policy measures during his rule rather than playing any significant role in Pakistani politics.

The return of Akhtar Mengal of the BNP (Mengal) on March 25 is a welcome development. It is encouraging that the well-known parties from Balochistan that stayed away from the 2008 elections will now take part in the elections.

The political leaders from Balochistan have made a positive gesture towards the electoral process. It is the responsibility of the provincial government, the federal government and the army and other security agencies to provide maximum security to election campaign and voting in Balochistan because there are extremist and terrorist groups that want to subvert the process. A relatively orderly and acceptable election in Balochistan will go a long way to establish the credibility of the electoral process and democracy in Pakistan.

The writer is an independent political and defence analyst.

http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/columns/

Five years of democratic rule and a minimal realization of past mistakes by the politicians have made the present election different from those in the past. During the period the judiciary acquired independence and started to exert itself, some maintaining that at times it overexerted itself. Constitutional amendments brought into existence an independent and powerful election commission. Consensus caretaker governments were formed at the center and the provinces. While the Election Commission of Pakistan and the caretaker set up have their peculiar weaknesses they along with the Supreme Court are playing a vital role in making the present elections different from the previous exercises.

Dual nationality holders are out except a handful who have renounced their adopted citizenship. Computerized electoral rolls have made it possible for the common voter to verify at one click if his name is on the list and in the right constituency. A big failure of the ECP is that despite promising to provide the overseas Pakistanis the right to vote, it failed to take concrete steps in the direction. While the NADRA has belatedly come up with a scheme, its implementation within the remaining 38 days seems difficult. Those who produced fake degrees in 2002 and 2008 elections when these were mandatory have been debarred from the elections. The Supreme Court has given three days to 189 former parliamentarians who have yet to get their degrees verified to fulfill the requirement. A strict scrutiny of the nomination papers has discouraged many contestants this time with the result that the number of nomination papers filed has come down to over 10,000 from nearly 15,000 in 2008 polls.

With the nomination papers of all candidates filed, the first crucial step towards holding the elections on May 11 has been taken. Next is the scrutiny of the candidates’ papers, extending from April 1 to 7. A central scrutiny committee comprising officials from the ECP, the NAB, the SBP and NADRA is already in place. There are however reports of several Returning Officers not providing copies of the nomination papers to the general public. This will deprive the ECP of crucial input at the stage of scrutiny. Candidates should have been debarred from using religion to demonise their opponents. As this was not done a prominent politician was repeatedly called Shaitan Khan at a JUI-F rally in Lahore. That two women candidates filed nomination papers from the tribal areas indicates that democracy is fast striking roots even in the areas considered politically backward. This should be a lesson for those parties who debar women at places from voting through mutual consent in the name of custom or tradition. The government has to provide full security to these courageous women who could be targeted by the extremists.

http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013...tage-scrutiny/

Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has finally proved that he is his own man. He returns as a more powerful and effective PPP leader. So far he had been treated as a green youth who needed regular tutoring by party elders. While he faces real threats to his life, his handlers used it as an excuse to put restraints on him which he resented and on one occasion sent alarm bells ringing in government circles as he flouted them. It was maintained by those acting as his guardians that he was wet behind the years, knew little about wheeling and dealing and politics of alliances. While some of these objections may have been true, Bilawal could maintain that it were these very practices that had landed the PPP in the dire straits where it finds itself today.

Whatever little Bilawal was allowed to say indicated that he had liberal views, was inspired by idealism and possessed the courage of conviction. A person of the sort would normally shun the type of realpolitik that currently characterises the political leadership. While the rest of the PPP leaders minced words over Salman Taseer’s killing and on protecting the minorities, a defiant Bilawal told a gathering in January 2011 that the assassination was a message from the terrorists, yet “in the tradition of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto, we refuse to bow down”. He then assured the minorities that “those who wish to harm you for a crime you did not commit will have to go through me first.”

Bilawal is returning as a stronger and more authoritative person than before. Within less than a week he has proved that his seniors need him much more than he needs them. Further that it is he who will have the final word in party decisions. To those who remember what Benazir did to some of her patronizing uncles and aunts the message should be clear. Bilawal has challenges ahead. Benazir too had jumped into the political fray at a young age. Through her courage, perseverance and understanding of politics she proved that she alone deserved to inherit Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s mantle. While a liberal outlook and idealism may be assets, they are by no means enough for a leader who is keen to make his mark on national politics. In Bilawal’s absence the PPP was like an army fighting without a commanding officer. His arrival would provide the PPP a Bhutto figure as leader. Realistically speaking this may not overnight change the fortunes of the party. The credit or discredit for whatever performance it puts up in the forthcoming elections will go to those who were taking decisions in Bilwal’s name. The real challenge for him would come after the elections when he will be required to make PPP a popular party.

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