Malakand police

Thursday, 06 Aug, 2009

IN another heartening development in Malakand division, a recruitment drive for the police forces in Swat, Buner, Upper Dir, Lower Dir and Shangla has been met with an overwhelming response by locals. More than 12,500 people have applied for the 6,700 posts of which 3,000 have already been filled. Resurrecting the police in Malakand division will be a key factor in returning normality to the area. For one, having locals involved in providing security to neighbourhoods, towns and villages sends a positive signal to the local population — army troops, while currently absolutely necessary, are a constant reminder that an area is in a state of war or has been recently, and that in and of itself sends a disconcerting signal to those trying to rebuild their lives. For another, local policemen can be, and have been, used effectively in joint patrols and raids with the paramilitary and army troops because the locals have much better knowledge of the terrain and can help troops find and arrest or kill militants still hiding in the area.

The latter becomes doubly important in a situation where the so-called HVTs, high-value targets, among the militants’ leadership have yet to be found. One of the greatest fears in Malakand right now is that those militant leaders may be hiding in the hope of living to fight some day again. Many, if not most, of them have gone incommunicado and this makes it all the more difficult to trace them. Intelligence-gathering, therefore, takes on a much greater role in such a scenario, and the more locals there are involved in that process the greater the likelihood that some valuable information leading to the capture or elimination of militant commanders will be found. A note of caution though: in rebuilding the decimated ranks of the police, care must be taken to not repeat the mistakes of the past. Clearly, there must be a sense of urgency in the process, but it should not come at the cost of including undesirable elements in the police force and at the cost of imposing an under-trained force on the locals.

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A step forward

Thursday, 06 Aug, 2009

THE bill outlawing domestic violence passed by the National Assembly on Tuesday is a step in the right direction. The abuse of women and children is endemic in the country, particularly in the domestic sphere where some estimates put the figure over 95 per cent for various forms of physical and emotional violence taken together. Once enacted into law, the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Bill will make Pakistan one of the few dozen countries to adopt specific legislation on the issue. The 28-clause bill lays out provisions for protection orders and monetary and other forms of relief for victims, and punishment in the form of fines and jail terms for those who violate protection orders. The fact that the courts will have to set hearings and give decisions within a stipulated time frame is also of value: justice delayed is justice denied. The bill must be passed by the Senate so that the law can come into force as soon as possible.

Domestic abuse is rampant partly because the lack of legislation is understood as a refusal by the law to recognise violence in the domestic sphere as a crime. As a result, although certain severe forms of abuse merit being treated as assault as defined in the Pakistan Penal Code, such transgressions often go unreported as they are considered a private matter. Bringing domestic violence into the domain of the justice system will promote societal consensus against it.

It is noteworthy that the bill defines a “domestic relationship” as one inclusive of ties through kinship, adoption, joint family, employment and domestic help. “Vulnerable” persons are defined as those at risk because of “old age, mental illness or handicap or physical disability or other special reasons”. The definition is also applied to domestic help. The law would thus extend protection to domestic servants — men, women and children who are abused and whose economic dependence renders them silent. It addresses the plight of family members such as daughters-in-law and stepchildren who are commonly abused at home. It is imperative that vulnerable persons be made aware of their rights and the protection provided by law to safeguard these. Once the bill becomes law, the federal and provincial governments must immediately constitute the stipulated protection committees and install protection officers. Awareness campaigns sensitising society at large to the issue of domestic abuse must also be undertaken. Most importantly, this bill must be followed up with further stringent legislation protecting the rights of the vulnerable.

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Fatah’s mistakes

Thursday, 06 Aug, 2009

FATAH’S decline in the aftermath of Yasser Arafat’s death is a major tragedy for the Palestinian liberation movement. As one of the factions of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, Fatah, founded in 1954, played a major role in reviving the Palestinian question, which most thought was dead after Israels 1967 victory over the Arab armies. Fatah’s stunning resistance to the Israeli attack on Karameh added to its stature, and Mr Arafat and Fatah became symbols of the Palestinian people’s resolve to gain freedom. The defining moment came when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Mr Arafat had that famous handshake and signed the historic Declaration of Principles on the lawns of the White House in September 1993.

Yasser Arafat’s death led to Fatah’s rapid decline. There were allegations that the aid coming in from Arab and non-Arab sources for running the Palestinian Authority was not well utilised, that there was corruption among Fatah cadres, and that jobs had been given to favourites to create a bureaucracy that was out of proportion with the PA’s needs. The result was to be seen in the parliamentary election in 2006 when the Palestinian people voted overwhelmingly for Hamas and Fatah suffered a devastating defeat. Hamas had also won the people’s sympathies by running a well-organised social welfare network that provided healthcare and monetary benefits to widows and orphans. Among the mistakes to which President Mahmoud Abbas did not refer in his address to the Fatah congress in Bethlehem on Tuesday was its failure to reconcile to loss of power. The fratricide between Hamas and Fatah has frozen the peace process, and the West Bank and Gaza have become two cantons with no status in international law. Fatah can undo this mistake by ending its feud with Hamas, because unity is a prerequisite for a successful struggle for the liberation of Palestine.

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OTHER VOICES - Middle East Press Doomed to suffer Doomed to suffer

Thursday, 06 Aug, 2009

WHILE Egypt’s output of natural gas continues to increase, reaching 65.7 billion cubic metres in 2008, consumers in certain governorates are complaining of an acute shortage of butane gas cylinders…. Residents of provincial towns and villages … depend entirely on … cylinders for domestic purposes. The problem is that exploitation has reared its ugly head, depriving consumers of their right to get these cylinders at the subsidised price determined by the government. Distribution centres find it far more profitable to sell their quota of cylinders on the black market…. Nowadays, it’s not unusual to see long queues of consumers waiting outside the distribution centres … hours before they actually open….

The crisis is not due to low production but to poor supervision by the agencies concerned…. Meanwhile, poultry farms and brick kilns have shifted to using butane gas cylinders instead of fuel oil which has caused a shortage for domestic users. Egyptians suffer crisis after crisis, because of poor planning and lack of proper control. First it was bread and then fuel, so what’s next...? — (Aug 2)

Industrialising Oman

AL BATINAH has begun playing a major role once again in shaping the industrial destiny of the sultanate. The Batinah coast as the area is popularly known … [is] the hub of agriculture, fishery and trading with easy access to the sea, opening on to the Gulf of Oman. Indeed, after the petroleum industry, Sohar … has begun playing the most important role in the industrial revolution of Oman….

The first phase development of Free Zone Sohar has begun with an ambitious initiative that has the potential to transform the Batinah region into Oman’s industrial hub. Free Zone Sohar will be developed in phases eventually covering an area of 500 hectares. The zone will feature a number of downstream industrial and petrochemical ventures, warehousing and logistics services…. It has been announced that priority will be given to investments that add value…. The policy of no minimum capital requirements, 100 per cent foreign ownership, free repatriation of capital and profits, relaxed corporate tax holiday, competitive land lease tariffs, has been hammered out to give a boost to industry and attract investors…. — (Aug 3)

NA treason resolution

Friday, 07 Aug, 2009

IN response to a demand from the PML-N that the government seek the trial of Gen Pervez Musharraf, Prime Minister Gilani has pledged to do so if the National Assembly passes a unanimous resolution on the issue. The prime minister’s suggestion creates an interesting dilemma for at least two parties, the PML-Q, a party essentially created by Mr Musharraf and one that sanctified his military takeover in October 1999, and the MQM, which is presently a part of the ruling coalition in Islamabad and Karachi but was also an important member of the Musharraf-era governments at the centre and in Sindh. It remains to be seen how the two parties will vote on a resolution calling for the trial of Mr Musharraf on charges of high treason, if indeed such a resolution is eventually tabled in the National Assembly. Will loyalty to their former benefactor trump political considerations of the day? There is also some irony in the fact that the PML-N, which enjoyed the patronage of a previous dictator, Gen Ziaul Haq, and became a significant national force during his rule, is now pressing for the trial of a dictator that the party found itself on the wrong side of. It seems there is simply no escaping the twists and turns of Pakistan’s chequered constitutional and political history.

Be that as it may, if the National Assembly does pass a unanimous resolution calling for the trial of Gen Musharraf, it may set a good precedent. A clear signal that military strongmen can be held to account for their actions, even after they have been ousted from power, may alert would-be dictators in the army’s ranks that there could be a steep personal price to pay for their actions. That really ought to be the main issue in pursuing Mr Musharraf in a court of law — the effect it will have on posterity. Therefore, we suggest that the National Assembly resolution be a comprehensive statement against military dictatorships and provide a mechanism to bind politicians and military men to upholding the constitution in future. In this regard, the Charter of Democracy contains a code of conduct for politicians and a set of recommendations to redress the gross imbalance in civil-military relations that provide practical, sensible and potentially game-changing suggestions. A resolution incorporating the CoD recommendations would have much more significance than one simply focusing on Mr Musharraf because it would be forward-looking and not just about settling scores against an individual who ruled illegitimately with the help of many others.

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Choice before Iran

Friday, 07 Aug, 2009

AS reported by the western media, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s speech at his second inauguration on Wednesday seemed to focus more on Iran’s foreign policy than on the country’s domestic politics. At a ceremony that was boycotted by the opposition, and which included such prestigious figures as Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mr Ahmadinejad lashed out at America, saying the Iranians welcomed neither “your scowling and bullying nor your smiles and greetings”. He pledged continued defiance of “oppressive powers” and resolved “to try to correct the global discriminatory mechanisms” in a way that would help all nations of the world. It is not clear in what way this rhetoric will help the Iranian people, improve the economy and create political normality in a country still reeling from the shocks of the anti-government rioting in the wake of June’s controversial presidential election.

President Barack Obama has given Iran the end of September by which to resume talks on its uranium enrichment programme. Regrettably, in Wednesday’s speech, the Iranian president gave no hint about Tehran’s stance on the nuclear question. There are two reasons why Iran should have meaningful talks with the West. First, a failure to reach understanding with America and the EU is likely to lead to harsher sanctions. As reported in the press, the sanctions could include action against multinationals doing business with Tehran and a ban on Iranian ships and planes from using western harbours and air space. Second, talks with the West will foreclose Israels military option against Iran.

With another four years ahead of him, Mr Ahmadinejad should be clear about his priorities. His first one should be the domestic scene. What the people want is a less oppressive political climate, an end to inflation and reforms, especially with regard to the media. His second priority should be to avoid an attack by Israel. This means Iran must find a solution to its nuclear question in a way that removes western apprehensions about Iran’s real aims regarding uranium enrichment. The West must reciprocate every step Iran takes in the right direction.

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Influence of pirs

Friday, 07 Aug, 2009

THE murder in Bahawalnagar of a five-year-old boy by his own father cannot fail to shock. Accused of slitting his son’s throat, the man told the police that he committed the crime upon the command of his pir. The barbaric act is illustrative of the manner in which so-called spiritual leaders and faith-healers gain inordinate influence over a superstitious and under-educated populace. There is no dearth of cases where pirs exploit their devotees to extract livestock, goods, cash and even land. In some reported incidents, women and children are given over into the ‘care’ of pirs, condemned thereby to anything from a life of prostitution to slavery. In the Bahawalnagar case, it is difficult to immediately perceive how the pir stood to gain from instigating the crime; nevertheless, it is clear that if the pir indeed gave such instructions, his influence was unquestioned and absolute.

Such ‘spiritual leaders’ can exploit with ease because of the combination of a backward societal mindset and an inefficient state. For example, a large number of women in the rural areas approach pirs, seeking ‘cures’ for childlessness or mental instability. The actual medical problem often goes unrecognised because of lack of awareness, or cannot be treated properly because of poverty, although blind faith in pirs is not restricted to the disadvantaged sections of society.

Certainly, the institution of the pir has a long history in the subcontinent, stemming partly from the Islamic Sufi tradition and partly from the more general ascetic ‘holy man’ traditions in other subcontinental religions. But the manner in which they have gained unbridled influence amongst Pakistan’s citizenry is unacceptable. The ambit of their authority must be curtailed through education and awareness-raising. Improving socio-economic conditions in general would go a long way towards undermining a superstitious societal mindset.

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OTHER VOICES - Pushto Press PPP’s performance

Friday, 07 Aug, 2009

IN the wake of the Supreme Court’s landmark decision President Asif Ali Zardari has directed the PCO-II judges to suspend their work. The fate of 82 judges hangs in the balance until the Supreme Judicial Council makes a decision. The Supreme Court has transferred the services of the former Chief Justice of the Islamabad High Court, which has been dissolved now, to the Lahore High Court. Similarly, seven other judges of the defunct IHC and six in Peshawar have been asked to stop working.

President Zardari’s directives in the light of the Supreme Court decision show that the PPP came into power as it was the people’s choice and was given their mandate. The opposition on many occasions has claimed that policies of the incumbent government are a continuation of the Musharraf regime — they have been proved wrong.

The PPP has been taking concrete steps for the strengthening of democracy and removing the remnants of the last dictatorship.

We expect that the government will take more steps like this in the near future. After all the people want solutions to other problems as well. — (Aug 4)

Upcoming elections

TALIBAN’S shura in Quetta has decided to sabotage the upcoming presidential elections in Afghanistan by directing its members to use every possible means.

The Taliban’s machinations are of utmost concern especially at a time when the Afghan government is pursuing a policy of reconciliation in the country which has also been welcomed by the international community. There is no doubt that this is in fact the policy of intelligence agencies in Islamabad which prefer crisis to peace in Afghanistan.

These agencies still consider a sustained crisis in the region as part of their strategy. But now the question is: whether western countries, especially the US, can deal with Pakistan’s intelligence agencies.

The upcoming elections are important for Afghanistan, but they are far more important for the western world in general and the US in particular. It is yet to be seen whether the West will keep mum about the Taliban threat or it will take notice of it.But keeping silent is unlikely because the western governments are answerable to their people. — (Aug 5)

Selected and translated by Faizullah Jan

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Pre-Ramazan prices

Monday, 10 Aug, 2009

PRICES have an odd relationship with demand and supply in Pakistan. When demand rises and supply comes under pressure, prices go up with unfailing regularity. But when demand slackens and supply is abundant, they refuse to climb down. Come Ramazan, and this anomaly becomes more apparent. Even though the holy month is still some days away, we are once again witnessing a steep rise in food prices. Sugar, wheat flour and fruit are selling at rates much higher than what they were only weeks earlier. If this is the case before the month of fasting, how high will prices go once we are well into it? It would be fair to say that it is difficult to assess to what extent the rise in prices is a function of demand and supply. Commonsense suggests that the consumption of meat, fruit, drinks and cornflour will rise in the holy month. But shouldn’t it be accompanied by a corresponding decrease in the consumption of bread, roti, vegetables and tea? Also, these changes in the intake of food occur in Ramazan alone, not in the days and weeks preceding it. Why should prices soar when food consumption patterns have yet to change?

One of the key explanations is that there are large cracks in the administrative mechanism for price control. Keeping prices under strict official check has hardly been the priority of any government, all the price-control committees and task forces notwithstanding. Sporadic price checks and occasional raids against hoarders are the way such bodies go about their job. For effective price control, however, we need proper alternatives and the will to crack down on those who do not follow the price lists issued by the government. Failure to do so will deepen financial woes.

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A nuclear-free world

Monday, 10 Aug, 2009

MILITARY strategists regard the atom bomb as the ultimate weapon of security because of its potential for mass destruction. Mercifully there are statesmen who know how deceptive this security can be. That is why the call by Hiroshima’s mayor on Thursday for the abolition of nuclear arms by 2020 is both timely and poignant, coming as it does from a city that lost 140,000 of its citizens and lay in ruins when the atomic bomb struck in 1945. The mayor’s appeal carries weight because he linked it to President Barack Obama’s statement last April on America’s “moral responsibility”, as the only nation to have used the atomic bomb in combat, to rid the world of nuclear weapons. The significance of this should not be lost on anyone. Until now, the nuclear-weapon powers have only spoken in terms of arms reduction.

With 24,000 nuclear weapons deployed around the world, disarmament can be tricky. With the US as the only superpower today, it is only logical that the initiative come from Washington. Hence the conference of the UN Security Council members in September at America’s invitation will be welcomed since it has nuclear disarmament on its agenda. The need is also for the big powers to move with greater speed towards ending the divide between the nuclear-haves and have-nots. This can be done by devising a new security framework that doesn’t rely on nuclear arms. Many proposals have been put forward in this context. The time has come to address them seriously such as developing nuclear-free zones and non-nuclear umbrellas.

While it makes sense for the members of the nuclear club to launch an arms-cut process, the latter doesn’t absolve others of their responsibility in the matter. How can India and Pakistan justify their massive spending on nuclear weapons when millions of their people live below the poverty line? To begin with the two countries could enter into an agreement on a moratorium on developing or producing nuclear arms, non-resort to first-strike and other self-restraining measures to boost confidence-building. This would pave the way for an arms-cut initiative.

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Rental power

Monday, 10 Aug, 2009

FEDERAL Minister for Water and Power Raja Parvez Ashraf has angrily rejected allegations of corruption and kickbacks involving rental power projects in Pakistan and claimed he is “prepared to be hanged” if any of the allegations are proved. Hyperbole and political mud-slinging aside, the government’s ferocious pursuit of 1,909 MW of rental power to help bridge the power deficit in the country does raise some troubling questions that have yet to be answered satisfactorily by the government. It is an established fact that rental power will be more expensive than the power currently available, though the precise figures are disputed by all involved. So the first question to be asked is: do we necessarily need expensive rental power? Currently, partly due to the circular debt and partly due to operational reasons, a chunk of power-generation capacity available with the Independent Power Producers is lying unutilised. So rather than opting for new rental projects, could the government not focus more on solving the financial problems facing existing power-generation facilities?

Moreover, fixing operational problems at the power-generation end as well as in the transmission and distribution systems could help the system provide more electricity to end-users. Given that rental power projects are being signed on for three- to five-year periods, couldn’t the government in the same time-frame fix many of the problems at the generation, transmission and distribution levels? There is no obvious reason why it cannot.

Next, the process by which rental power projects are being introduced has raised questions about transparency and fairness. Of particular concern are the advance payments, to the tune of 14 per cent, that the government has apparently agreed to provide the RPPs. How was this figure arrived at and has the government been overly generous? Furthermore, there is a big question mark over where the RPPs will be able to raise the funds from to finance their projects — currently estimated to be Rs214bn. At a time when the international credit markets are dry, the only likely option is the local banks. But the local banks seem to be baulking at the possibility — and when financial institutions do so, it immediately raises the question whether they believe it is a good investment or not. Perhaps the banks are simply wary of additional exposure to a power sector that they are already deeply involved in, or perhaps they have been scared off by the prospect of deals in which problems are apparent down the road. So if the government does get its way, it will also need to reassure the public that the funding is being arranged transparently and judiciously.

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OTHER VOICES - North American Press As long as it’s still a war

Monday, 10 Aug, 2009

THOUGH the White House says it hasn’t confirmed the reports, it appears that a CIA-directed drone missile attack has killed Baitullah Mehsud, leader of the Taliban in Pakistan. If true — as many credible reports from the region suggest — that’s good news indeed. As presidential press secretary Robert Gibbs said, Pakistanis are a whole lot safer with Mehsud dead.

Ironically, news of this major victory in the war on terror comes even as the Obama administration was confirming that the United States is no longer engaged in a ‘war on terror’. John Brennan, head of the White House Office of Homeland Security, disclosed in a speech Thursday that the terms ‘war on terror’, ‘global war’ and ‘jihadists’ are now off the table, as far as the administration is concerned. That’s because “terrorism is but a tactic”, and “you can never fully defeat a tactic like terrorism, any more than you can defeat the tactic of war itself”.

All that Obama & Co. are prepared to declare, he said, is that “we are at war with Al Qaeda ... [and] its violent extremist allies”. That’s all gibberish, of course — but at least it’s better than “overseas contingency operation”, which the Pentagon’s Office of Security Review put forward last March as its preferred term. What’s important, in any event, is that the CIA apparently is prepared to keep launching drone missiles that manage to bring down the Middle East’s leading jihadists — oops, tacticians.

So, in the long run, it really doesn’t matter what the White House calls such operations. Better to wage a war on terror without calling it such than the other way around. — (Aug 8)

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More IMF money

Tuesday, 11 Aug, 2009

ON Aug 7, the IMF Executive Board agreed to increase lending to Pakistan by $3.2bn, taking the total lending in the latest phase of the country’s long history with the IMF to $11.3bn. Was this an indication of the country’s progress and the IMF’s confidence in Pakistan’s reform agenda or an emergency stopgap measure to prevent the teetering economy from keeling over? A careful reading of the IMF’s press release and country survey suggests the latter. “The main purpose is to provide bridge financing until donor support pledged at an April donors conference in Tokyo starts to come in. Donors pledged $5.7 billion to Pakistan over three years,” states the country survey report. The press release reiterates this point: “This financing is temporary and should be used as a bridge until the revenue reforms bear fruit.” Translation, no one else is stepping up to give Pakistan the money it needs immediately, so while the country gets its act together, here’s a financial lifeline. It’s difficult to state with certainty, but perhaps if Pakistan wasn’t a frontline state in the fight against Al Qaeda and militancy, such beneficence would not have been forthcoming.

The IMF has clearly stated that Pakistan has got the money despite missing at least three end-June 2009 performance criteria. One, the fiscal deficit target was missed by an equivalent of 0.9 per cent of the GDP. Two, parliamentary legislation for enhancing the State Bank’s supervision of the banking sector was not introduced. Three, legislation harmonising the sales- and income-tax laws and reducing exemptions was not passed. Therein lies the rub, while IMF money may keep the economy temporarily afloat, long-term improvement can only come about by introducing structural reforms that enable the government to raise the revenue it needs to pay for its expenditures — reform that is always promised, but in the end somehow always evaded.

Reform of the taxation structure in the country is perhaps the most fundamental change that is required. There are two major flaws in the sector. One, the amount of tax raised by the government is abysmally low, coming in at less than 10 per cent of GDP last year while the government needs somewhere between 15 to 18 per cent to pay for the country’s and her people’s needs. Two, the tax revenue that is currently raised is done so in a highly unjust manner, with indirect taxation — which hurts the poor more than the rich — far exceeding direct taxation. Reform has been pledged by the government, but its pace and degree raise questions about the government’s sincerity.

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Underage driving

Tuesday, 11 Aug, 2009

Implementing traffic laws in Pakistan has traditionally proved difficult. The challenges range from illiterate drivers who are unaware of the regulations to others who are virtually above the law. Meanwhile, low salaries and political interference have meant that corruption and bribery is rampant among the traffic police. The revamping of the traffic police in Lahore and Islamabad, with changes such as raising salaries and increasing the departments’ autonomy, has yielded some dividends. Strict policing can dramatically improve the traffic pattern, as has been proved in many areas in terms of wearing motorcycle helmets and desisting motorists from talking on the phone while driving. An important issue that remains to be addressed, however, is that of underage drivers. The legal age for obtaining a provisional learner’s driving licence is 18 years. Yet underage children, mainly boys, commonly drive cars, jeeps and motorcycles on public roads. These drivers pose a serious danger to their own and others’ safety; on Sunday, for example, an underage driver killed a labourer and seriously injured three others in Karachi’s DHA.

The issue with underage drivers is not just that the law is being broken. It is also that a theory exam followed by a practical must be passed before a driving licence can be issued. Underage drivers, clearly, have taken neither and may be entirely incompetent or unaware of road and driving rules. The means of preventing such potentially life-threatening infringements of the law is two-fold. First, a method must be devised and strictly enforced for penalising underage drivers, and traffic wardens must remain vigilant. Secondly, and more importantly, the parents and guardians of underage children must instil in them a respect for the law and educate them about the dangers of driving without the proper qualifications. Underage children do not own the vehicles they pilot. One must ask why their families are allowing them to put themselves and others at risk.

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Lyari’s mobsters

Tuesday, 11 Aug, 2009

THE killing of Rehman Dakait, notorious underworld kingpin of Lyari, Karachi, in an alleged encounter with the police raises some troubling questions about law enforcement and the political process in the city. According to the police, the mobster was intercepted at a police checkpoint and died in a hail of gunfire after trying to resist arrest. But the circumstances of Dakait’s and his accomplices’ deaths suggest extraordinary luck and fortitude by the police. In a city with a long, unfortunate history of ‘extra-judicial killings’ and ‘police encounters’, the deaths must be fully investigated. It has been known to happen before that wanted criminals were in the custody of some or the other law-enforcement or intelligence agency and then mysteriously killed in encounters for equally mysterious reasons. If Karachi’s police is to rid the city of its criminal elements, it must be done in a lawful manner. Anything less and it would be difficult to distinguish between the law enforcers and the criminals and it will not serve the long-term security of the city.

Furthermore, the death of Rehman Dakait may not in and of itself be a big blow to organised crime in Lyari. Others will step forward to take his place and may launch yet another violent phase in that unfortunate neighbourhood. The point is, politics and the underworld appear to be entwined in Lyari and too often the city’s administrators have either looked the other way or only half-heartedly tried to clamp down on organised crime there. True, Lyari is a poorly developed area, its lanes and neighbourhoods are difficult to navigate and crime is rampant in other parts of the city as well. Yet, the scale of the criminal organisations that have taken root there and the impunity with which they control the area is difficult to explain away. For too long, the emphasis seems to have been on ‘managing’ crime rather than eliminating crime through the transparent and firm enforcement of the law. That must change. The people of Lyari have been living in fear for years and the city’s administrators must help them rebuild a strife-torn community.

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OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press Water protests

Tuesday, 11 Aug, 2009

The protests of growers against shortage of water have become the order of the day. Reports pouring in from Sindh reveal that growers in almost every district are complaining of water shortage. At some places growers are on hunger strike…. Worse, irrigation officials are exploiting the situation and are minting money.

Sindh is not getting its due share of water. On the other hand, whatever quantity of water it gets, it is not distributed fairly and judiciously….

One thing is clear: mismanagement of the irrigation department has deepened the water crisis in the province…. There also reports of breaches in the canals. The media is trying to draw the attention of high-ups in the Sindh government but to no avail. The government should to look into the matter of acute shortage of water and mismanagement of the officials. —(Aug 8)

Minister’s killing

BALOCHISTAN Minster for Excise Mir Rustam Khan Jamali was recently killed in Karachi. The Sindh government has constituted a committee headed by DIG Karachi to probe this high profile murder…. The Sindh chief minister has said that his government was not informed about the visit of the minister, otherwise the government would have provided him security.

This incident shows that there appears to be no law and order in the province. The interior of Sindh is bearing the brunt of kidnappings and robberies while in Karachi target killings have claimed the lives of over 150 activists of different parties. The federal minister for interior has recently said that from now onward there would be no incident of target killing. But it continues. — (Aug 9)

Selected and translated by Sohail Solangi

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The Geneva Conventions

Wednesday, 12 Aug, 2009

THE 60th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions today draws attention to the paradoxes of international relations in the modern age. The humanitarian spirit underlying these conventions can be traced to 1864 when the ICRC was founded and the first convention signed. But in due course, the number of conventions grew to four; the last one was signed in 1949. Since then some protocols have been added. Given the wide prevalence of conflict in present times, the broadening of the parameters of war by non-state actors and the development of weapons of mass destruction, it is something of a contradiction that the world community should have failed to abolish war but is unanimous in seeking to humanise it. That is what the Geneva Conventions seek to do by putting checks on how wars are to be fought, and it is a remarkable achievement that 194 states have agreed to be signatories. But that has in no way ensured the implementation of these conventions, the first three of which deal with the treatment to be given to combatants while the last focuses on civilians who are caught in the crossfire.

Hence not surprisingly the ICRC has used this occasion to appeal to all states to show the political will required to observe their obligations under the Geneva Conventions. It has done well to conduct a survey in eight war-affected countries where it found opinion to be overwhelmingly in favour of making a clear distinction between combatants and civilians when fighting takes place. Three out of four people asked for limits to be set on combatants. But do the views of civilians matter to those who are responsible for violating the conventions — the armed forces and those non-state actors taking up arms? The war crimes that have been reported in recent conflicts — in Bosnia, Iraq or Swat and Fata — were the doings of armies and militias that seem to recognise no limits. While the observation of the Geneva Conventions will go a long way towards easing the suffering of people during wartime, the real effort will have to be in the area of conflict resolution.

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Musharraf FIR

Wednesday, 12 Aug, 2009

ON the orders of a sessions court, the Islamabad police have registered an unprecedented FIR against a former army chief, Pervez Musharraf, alleging that he illegally confined judges of the superior judiciary after his Nov 3, 2007 emergency. An FIR is only a first step towards a criminal prosecution and it remains to be seen if the former dictator will actually be prosecuted; nevertheless, it may signal the start of a dangerous confrontation between Mr Musharraf’s critics and those who supported his imposition of the emergency. As army chief, Mr Musharraf may have signed the Proclamation of Emergency and the Provisional Constitutional Order, 2007, but the text of the proclamation makes clear that he acted after the “situation [had] been reviewed in meetings with the prime minister, governors of all four provinces, and with Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, Chiefs of the Armed Forces, Vice-Chief of Army Staff and Corps Commanders of the Pakistan Army”.

The proclamation also states that the emergency was imposed “in pursuance of the deliberations and decisions of the said meetings”. Logically, then, a trial of Mr Musharraf would open the door to the trial of those who advised him in their official capacities to impose the emergency and take the subsequent actions that he did. Could we be about to witness calls for the trial of other military and civilian high officials who supported Gen Musharraf (retd)?

Institutional support or not, however, there is no denying that were it not for Mr Musharraf’s own self-serving determination to cling to power come what may, the country’s political and constitutional framework would not have been damaged so badly. So there is some logic to the demand that at least Mr Musharraf, as the fountainhead of the last era of dictatorship, be held responsible for acts that clearly violated the constitution. But if that is in fact the course the country’s political spectrum wants to embark on, then it should also be prepared to deal with the potential impact on the current democratic dispensation. It’s difficult to imagine Musharraf and his former supporters meekly surrendering themselves at the altar of justice. Since few in Pakistan can genuinely claim to have clean hands or an unambiguous record of opposing dictators, the question then is, should not the focus be on looking forward and sustaining the transition to democracy? The lesson of the Musharraf era, and of the dictators before him, is clearly that institutions need to be strengthened and imbued with a democratic spirit. That perhaps is where the nation’s energies should be focused.

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Swine flu risk

Wednesday, 12 Aug, 2009

THE health ministry’s confirmation of the country’s first swine flu case is cause for concern. The pandemic H1N1 influenza virus has been confirmed in at least 168 countries and has claimed some 800 lives worldwide. The World Health Organisation warns that the number of cases will rise significantly, predicting that two billion — or one in three — people would be infected over the next two years. The rising figures have caused fears that the gathering of pilgrims in Saudi Arabia for Haj this year will become a flashpoint for the spread of the virus. After some Muslim countries proposed a suspension of the annual pilgrimage, an estimated $7bn industry, Arab health ministers decided to bar individuals under 12 and over 65, and those with chronic illnesses. Precautionary measures such as laboratory scanners and health quarantine wards are also being put in place. Nevertheless, some countries such as Egypt, Syria and Iran have issued warnings against performing Haj this year.

No such warning has been issued in Pakistan, and indeed WHO does not recommend travel restrictions noting their limited benefit — the virus is already present in most countries. Yet it is essential that the health authorities implement measures to detect possible carriers and prepare for a possible outbreak. Hospitals and health service providers must be put on standby, while the rapid identification of cases and the provision of proper medical treatment must be ensured. An awareness campaign regarding swine flu and its symptoms needs to be set in motion. Intending pilgrims should be made aware of the risk and informed that those who are sick should cancel their plans this year. Returning travellers found to be ill should be exhorted to seek proper medical attention. Furthermore, airlines carrying pilgrims must ensure properly ventilated cabins and provide masks and hand-sanitisers for the protection of the crew and passengers.

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OTHER VOICES - European Press The little things that matter most

Wednesday, 12 Aug, 2009

THE growing feeling of a sense of lack of political leadership seems to be permeating the country. At least, we know the prime minister’s grip on public matters is being called into question…. But … Lawrence Gonzi is no longer riding on a high wave as he was back in 2008 after re-election.

… His cabinet is far too small with the limited number of ministers having large portfolios, which only one or two can cope with.

The prime minister’s challenges are further compounded by his own large portfolio, rather than him ruthlessly overseeing his ministers’ implementation of cabinet policy. …

…Government must address people’s concerns, amongst which is an ever-growing difficulty for persons to keep up with the cost of living, caused amongst other things by government-induced costs; growing unemployment … the horrendous state of the roads; the general untidiness in the environment; long waiting lists in hospital; the delays in the courts.

…This week the National Statistics Office revealed data of how more people are depending on part-time employment. That is a cause of concern. Likewise, the hike in the price of gas. Businesses are gasping at the costs which they are finding insurmountable, having to pass them on to consumers.

… Much as Lawrence Gonzi advertises his government’s success in dreaming up grand projects, the perception of his success will be moulded at street-level. That’s where the small things start to matter. — (Aug 9)

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Baloch ‘independence’

Thursday, 13 Aug, 2009

ON the so-called ‘Kalat Independence Day’ on Aug 11, Mir Suleman Dawood, grandson of the last ruler of Kalat, announced the creation of a council of Baloch separatist elements in Pakistan and Iran who will press for the formation of an ‘independent Balochistan’. Mr Dawood’s demand for an ‘independent’ Baloch state clearly cannot be countenanced; tomorrow marks the 62nd anniversary of Pakistan’s creation and there simply isn’t any room for debate about altering the physical boundaries of the country today. Pakistan’s problems — and, yes, there are many — can only realistically and viably be solved within the framework of Pakistan. Yet, while Mr Dawood’s demand must necessarily be dismissed, it points to ongoing problems in Balochistan that show no sign of abating, and this 18 months after national elections to usher in a new, democratic government in the country.

Mr Dawood’s personal grievances date back to March 1948, when his grandfather, Ahmad Yar Khan, negotiated an agreement with Mohammad Ali Jinnah that brought the State of Kalat, located in the centre and southwest of present-day Balochistan, into the fold of Pakistan. According to the then ruler of Kalat, the agreement had been to accept the state’s unique status and to incorporate it into Pakistan as an independent and autonomous unit along the lines of countries that are part of the European Union today. But this has never been proved and is rejected by Pakistan. Resultantly, a sense of having suffered a great injustice has continued over the decades, even as the Khan of Kalat’s family receded into relative obscurity. A return to prominence was effected in the wake of Nawab Akbar Bugti’s killing in August 2006 as Mr Dawood convened a grand jirga — the first in approximately 100 years — that brought together virtually all of Balochistan’s tribal leaders. Even so, what was decided there has been diluted somewhat by the fact that some of the most prominent tribal leaders are today part of the federal and Balochistan provincial governments. But Mr Dawood has continued his dissent against the constitutional status of Balochistan, leading up to the commemoration for the first time of Kalat’s independence on Aug 11 — the day in 1947 that the British allegedly accepted the independence of the State of Kalat.

Whatever the history, the fact is that Balochistan has continued to suffer from the relative neglect of the country’s new leaders. Change has been promised, but in fact the trust deficit between the nationalists and the state has widened. That must change. Whatever the challenges in the rest of the country, the legitimate grievances of the people of Balochistan must be addressed.

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Trivialising the issue

Thursday, 13 Aug, 2009

MR Rehman Malik should have thought twice before saying that the onus was on the Taliban to prove that Baitullah Mehsud was still alive. It should have occurred to him that many would consider it his responsibility to verify the death of one of Pakistan’s most-feared terrorists, especially after similar claims earlier on were proved wrong. It was America which said that there was a high probability that the TTP leader was killed in a drone attack. One hopes that Islamabad accepted the US view after verifying his death through its own sources. This takes us to the question of Islamabad’s quality of intelligence-gathering. Ultimately, notwithstanding all the technical intelligence and the laser technology that zeroes in on a target, it is human intelligence — or humint — that counts in locating, if not killing, the enemy.

From this point of view, Pakistan’s humint has been shockingly below what is required in militancy-infested places like Fata and Swat. In fact, the DNA test that an interior ministry official said would be conducted to ascertain Baitullah Mehsud’s death appears highly unlikely considering the inaccessibility to the location of the drone attack that is said to have killed him or even to his grave if the site of the latter is verified. Moreover, we were also told that Hakeemullah and Waliur Rahman, both candidates for the TTP leadership, were killed in a shoot-out. Now the interior ministry wants the ‘dead’ Hakeemullah to give proof of Mehsud’s existence.

The government should not confound the issue further as this would give the Taliban spokesmen a chance to keep spreading what could well be disinformation. If Baitullah Mehsud is dead — and there is a strong possibility that he is —the truth will come out sooner or later, claims and counterclaims notwithstanding. Let the TTP choose his successor. That will settle the issue. The least Mr Malik can do is to spare us his daily press talk that serves no purpose. The media too should approach the issue with caution, for no newsperson was around for miles when the drone did the job.

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Ban on Indian films?

Thursday, 13 Aug, 2009

THE moral outrage displayed in the National Assembly on Tuesday against the airing of Indian films on the country’s cable television networks can hardly be considered legitimate grounds for a Pemra ban on such movies. MNAs Bushra Rahman of the PML-Q and Maulana Fazlur Rahman of the JUI-F argued that the projection of Indian culture is causing “grave concern among the public”. This claim is belied by the immense popularity of Indian films in Pakistan. Secondly, the traditions of freedom of choice and a free media demand that citizens be allowed the right to access whatever legal form of the media they desire. An arbitrary or selective ban imposed by the government amounts to censorship.

The fear underlying the outrage refers to the swamping of Pakistani culture by foreign influences. What is needed, therefore, is for the state to actively support and promote the local film, television and performing arts industries. In these fields, there is a dearth of state-supported training institutes in Pakistan. The government-run arts councils can do far more to meet their brief of promoting local cultural productions.

A case against the airing of films — whether they are from India or elsewhere — on local cable television networks can be made, however, in terms of economic and copyright concerns. Such broadcasts made by private cable operators and channels from DVDs are usually pirated. No royalties are paid, and the government earns neither tax nor any other form of revenue. The broadcaster, by contrast, earns through selling advertisement slots. Given that the country has often been criticised for its failure to control piracy and enforce copyright laws, there is a need to devise codes under which foreign films can be legally aired on local television networks, and no party is denied due revenue.

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OTHER VOICES - Middle East Press Resisting Israeli designs

Thursday, 13 Aug, 2009

ISRAEL’S angry reaction to a resolution passed by Fatah Congress that the Palestinian movement still stands by its right to resistance to achieve its goal of a Palestinian state shows the intolerance of the Jewish state … At its first congress in 20 years and the first ever on occupied Palestinian soil, Fatah stressed “its commitment to the pursuit of a comprehensive peace but reiterates the Palestinian people’s right to resistance to occupation in all its forms in line with international law,” its new charter said….

Fatah’s reiteration of its right to resistance is a welcome sign…. …Palestinians have been the heavy losers in the conflict, with a recalcitrant Israel trampling on their rights … as in the construction of the separation wall, expansion of settlements and uncompromising stands on all issues.… — (Aug 10)

Sudan’s Lubna Hussein

IN a world where press freedom is under relentless assault, we know the situation well in Turkey… But … a more urgent subject … is the case of Lubna Hussein, a Sudanese journalist sentenced to 40 lashes. Her crime? Wearing trousers…. Hussein … was arrested with a dozen other trouser-wearing women…. Ten of the women accepted the punishment of 10 lashes, but Hussein and two others did not.

She sent out hundreds of cards inviting people to her trial … [W]e support her … It is easy to defy oppressive governments from a distance. It is always difficult to defy them from within. And it [is] for this that we commend Ms Hussein….

Your support for the rights of women can be directed to the Sudanese minister of justice, Abdul-Basit Sabdarat. The address is: moj@moj.gov.sd … — (Aug 8)

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Sunday, 16 Aug, 2009


A very curious thing is playing out in the national media: some officials known to be close to President Zardari are fiercely rejecting the possibility of the implementation of a so-called ‘minus one’ formula. Without explaining the origins of this rumour or why they are denying something that has yet to be traced back to any public statement, the president’s supporters are rallying around him and decrying ‘undemocratic’ forces trying to ‘undermine’ the present set-up.

It is difficult to assess the ‘threat’, if any, because not much, indeed nothing, is known about it publicly. However, there is little doubt that a mere 18 months since the country’s latest return to democratic governance, the threats to democracy that have bedevilled Pakistan over the decades have not been defeated. While mere rumours cannot of themselves create great instability, the fact is that a stable institutional framework has yet to be erected from the detritus of Pakistan’s constitutional and political history.

We need look no further than the debate over the fate of former president-cum-general Pervez Musharraf to find some of the dangers to democracy today. Nawaz Sharif, speaking at an Independence Day function in Lahore, has rightly asked: ‘If a violator of a traffic signal can be penalised, why should a person who violated the basic law of the land go scot-free?’ But in the same speech, as reported in this paper, he also said that
the ‘country could not afford another martial law.’

Therein lies the rub: while holding Gen Musharraf (retd) responsible for his unconstitutional actions is an independently sound demand, the possible repercussions for the present democratically elected set-up in Pakistan must be carefully weighed. This is not to say that holding Mr Musharraf accountable is necessarily precluded, but that if it is to be done it must be done in a way that does not pit politician against politician or the judiciary, the politicians and the army high command against one another.

As with many other political problems faced today, the Charter of Democracy signed by Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto in May 2006 has some good suggestions that may lead to a sense of closure on the Musharraf era. Specifically, the CoD’s Code of Conduct section calls for the creation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission ‘to acknowledge victims of torture, imprisonment, state-sponsored persecution, targeted legislation, and politically motivated accountability. The commission will also examine and report its findings on military coups and civil removals of governments from 1996.’ The country clearly needs truth and reconciliation more than it needs politics potentially infused with vendettas

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Faith is the bird that sings when the dawn is still dark.

Swat suicide attack

Dawn Editorial






The day after the residents of Swat came out on the streets to celebrate Independence Day, a suicide bomber struck on a road about a dozen kilometres from the district’s headquarters, Mingora, killing three soldiers and two civilians at a security checkpoint. A grim juxtaposition and a reminder, if one was needed, that the battle for the control of Swat is far from over.

Despite the apparent successes of Operation Rah-i-Rast, launched over three months ago, there is still at least one major outstanding issue: the capture or elimination of the top tier of the militant leadership in Malakand division. While the second- and third-tier leadership is believed to have been dealt severe blows, the capacity for the militants to potentially reorganise themselves and launch a guerrilla war remains a grave danger as long as the top leaders of the TTP remain at large.

It appears that several top commanders may have decamped to the northern fringes of Swat, hiding in the hills at heights of over 7,000 feet above sea level. Worryingly, not all the militant leaders have even felt the need to have gone incommunicado. Muslim Khan, the TTP spokesman in Swat, continues to communicate with reporters and media personnel via mobile phone, a quite astonishing fact given that the security forces are supposed to have reasonable surveillance equipment at their disposal. No one from the government or the security forces has been able to explain yet why Muslim Khan feels comfortable enough to continue to use mobile phones to communicate with the outside world.

The contrast between the return of hope to Swat and the continuing problems with eliminating the militants could not be starker. On Aug 14, the confidence and the exuberance of the people of Swat was palpable; reports from the area indicate that people, including women and children, were out on the streets in a festive atmosphere until 3 a.m. The suffering of those people over the last few months, and even before, was extraordinary and yet they have shown that they are willing to pick up the pieces and build their lives anew. But if suicide bombings return and the militants begin to ramp up attacks against the security forces again, fear will once more take over the lives of the people of Swat.

Classical counter-insurgency doctrine suggests that victory cannot be had until the top leadership of the insurgents is defeated. In Swat, mere rumours and governmental claims that Maulana Fazlullah is injured or worse will not do. The demands that the security forces ‘do more’ are not mere carping; ‘do more’ is essential to reclaiming Swat once and for all.

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Faith is the bird that sings when the dawn is still dark.

It’s all in the timing

Tuesday, 18 Aug, 2009

KEEP the leash on monetary policy a little longer than needed, and the economy goes into a tailspin. Loosen it somewhat earlier than is advisable and the economy goes belly-up. No doubt some aspects of the economy are showing signs of recovery. But the easing of inflationary pressures, signs of external adjustment and reserve stability are still in a nascent state. On the other hand, the crisis in the power sector, the high budgetary cost of subsidies and the problem of inter-corporate circular debt are factors that, if unresolved before the current fiscal year is out, would nullify the effects of any easing of the monetary policy. There is also the volatility of world oil prices to keep in mind.

Circumstances beyond its control forced the government to seek the IMF’s emergency assistance and buy a lifeline at a high price. It would be wrong to assume that the extent of recovery achieved so far would have been possible without adhering to the Fund’s prescription. No doubt, the common man is suffering, truly and deeply. But his suffering is not the result of the current IMF programme. An untimely easing of the monetary policy can only add to his woes. The common man’s problem is not the high interest rates but the low tax-to-GDP ratio. This is so because the rich have so far refused to share the burden of the price that an IMF programme demands from the recipient nation. Behind every failed IMF programme we can discern the impatience of the private sector with the Fund’s prescriptions, especially those conditions that demand that it share the resulting dislocation. Even following the latest Fund review the condition of withdrawing some tax exemptions given to certain sectors was waived on request. This is not to say that it was the wrong time to cut the interest rate, but to endorse what the State Bank chief said while announcing the new monetary policy: the challenge is to strike a balance between stabilisation and sustainable recovery in an environment of nascent ‘positives’ on the one hand and complex structural ‘negatives’ on the other.

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The best option

Tuesday, 18 Aug, 2009

US SPECIAL Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke has claimed that the US will focus more on “energy-related issues”, a laudable objective given Pakistan’s acute electricity crisis but an area in which it is difficult to see an immediate American contribution to the solution. Presently, circular debt is crippling power generation, with many IPPs producing electricity significantly below their capacity because they claim they have no money to purchase fuel. So will the Americans nudge the IFIs to help sort out the circular debt issue? Medium to long term, the problem is really of securing new energy supplies and changing the mix of power-sector fuel to reduce our unhealthy dependence on imported-oil-based fuels.

One of the major initiatives that the Government of Pakistan is hoping to push through is the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, in the hope of using much of the gas thus acquired to produce electricity here. But the Americans are opposed to the project because of the source — Iran. The Americans prefer the proposed Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan pipeline, but security concerns in Afghanistan and the need to first verify that the assigned gas fields in Turkmenistan actually have enough gas to make a pipeline feasible have put that project in doubt. So will the Americans continue to block access to international funding for the IP pipeline or will they give Pakistan a viable alternative? With civilian nuclear cooperation ruled out by the US, there aren’t many other options.

Trade though remains the best bet if the US really wants to help Pakistan stand on its own feet economically. A report of the Pakistan Policy Working Group last year highlighted the tariff issue:

“We raise the same tariff revenue from Pakistan’s $3.7bn in exports to the US as from France’s $37bn in textile exports to the US. The average US tariff rate on Chinese exports to the US is three per cent, compared to 10 per cent on Pakistani exports.” The recently announced textile policy here hopes to raise textile exports to $25bn by 2014, a three-fold rise from present levels. More access to the US market by lowering the tariff barriers could significantly help achieve that goal. Even with the worst recession in decades gripping the US economy, the fact is that Pakistani textile imports contribute only a fraction to the US market, meaning that there is a great deal of room for growth. The question is: will Congress allow it? Protectionist sentiment is running high in the US, so it may find it easier to simply sanction more aid. But, as ever, we need more trade and not just aid.

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Flash floods

Tuesday, 18 Aug, 2009

TORRENTIAL rains leading to flash floods have devastated large areas of Mardan, Swabi and Peshawar districts. District administrations have declared emergencies and called for help in a crisis that has already killed over a dozen people and destroyed hundreds of houses. The damage is likely to mount since extensive flooding leads to waterborne and hygiene-related illnesses while posing a continued risk to still-standing structures.

To compound their problems, although the residents of these areas were spared the military operation against the Taliban in Malakand, they have not been able to escape the ripple effect of the hostilities. The affected districts hosted thousands of IDPs from other areas. Many IDPs have returned to their native areas, but there are still several families waiting to do so. The village Shahbaz Garhi, one of the most badly affected by the flooding in Mardan district, was in fact one of the transport points for the IDPs.The provincial and federal governments must, therefore, double their efforts and expedite the repatriation of the IDPs. Everything possible must be done, meanwhile, to aid all affected citizens in terms of shelter, food, potable water and medical aid. The areas devastated by the floods must be drained and cleaned as soon as possible, and a contingency plan formulated in case of further rain. In the long-term, however, the state must develop a strategy for minimising the risk of flooding and its consequent effects. Mardan and Peshawar districts have always been prone to flash floods but few precautionary measures have been taken. One possible solution, for example, could be the construction of small reservoirs that could contain the seasonal deluge while also countering the imminent water-stress predicted for Pakistan. To be sure, natural calamities cannot be prevented; but planning and some blue-sky thinking can reduce the damage.

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OTHER VOICES - Sindhi Press The supremacy of parliament

Tuesday, 18 Aug, 2009

PRIME Minister Gilani … has expressed the determination of his government to scrap the 17th Amendment and Article 58-2(b), along with all other laws that negate the spirit of the 1973 constitution.

…He also reiterated [the need] to eliminate the sense of deprivation in Balochistan and reformulate the NFC award to meet the financial needs of the provinces. In fact, the award is a major bone of contention between Punjab and the other provinces. …It was only after the separation of Bengal, that Punjab became a majority province; hence ... Punjab decided the NFC on the basis of population. Sindh was the worst sufferer. If the NFC award is decided on the basis of area, Balochistan is the largest province; if population is the yardstick Punjab has the largest number of people; if revenue is the criterion then Sindh tops the list.

Sindh contributes 70.2 per cent of the federal government’s revenue but gets less than its share in return. … Punjab’s monopoly continues to hit the smaller provinces. Punjab also enjoys a majority in the armed forces and civilian bureaucracy. …

Sindh has received unaccountable political, cultural and emotional injuries from the big province over the past 62 years. Balochistan experienced … operations....

In this situation what can the federation offer which is acceptable to the smaller provinces? The only option is to implement the 1940 resolution…. The NFC award should be decided on the basis of revenue generation and provincial autonomy be given in letter and spirit. … Parliamentary stability and supremacy are only possible through this means. …We respect the … supremacy of parliament. But the rights of the provinces should not be ignored…. — (Aug 16)

Selected and translated by Sohail Sangi

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PM Singh’s comments

Wednesday, 19 Aug, 2009

INAUGURATING the Chief Ministers’ Conference on Internal Security, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made a disturbing claim: “There is credible information of ongoing plans of terrorist groups in Pakistan to carry out fresh attacks. The area of operation of these terrorists today extends far beyond the confines of Jammu & Kashmir and covers all parts of our country.” Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and the Foreign Office have reacted sharply to Mr Singh’s claim, and there have been calls for India to share with Pakistan whatever information it has on the alleged plots.

Whatever the truth behind the allegations, it is regrettable that Mr Singh chose to air his concerns publicly rather than take up the matter with Pakistani authorities in private. Other than pandering to a domestic lobby that is increasingly hawkish on Pakistan, it is difficult to see what purpose Mr Singh’s remarks serve. If there is indeed a threat — and it is unrealistic to believe that there is absolutely no possibility of attacks on Indian soil — then the primary aim of the Indian authorities should be to thwart it. That translates into meaningful cooperation with Pakistan, not sensational claims at high-profile events. And if the Indian security establishment needed to be informed, which the chief ministers undoubtedly do, then there are other channels of communication open to the Indian prime minister.

But Pakistan should not get too carried away in its official response. On Aug 15, Prime Minister Singh marked Indian Independence Day with a speech that was noticeably restrained on Pakistan. “As far as our neighbours are concerned, we want to live with them in peace and harmony. We will make every possible effort to create an environment conducive to the social and economic development of the whole of South Asia.” ‘Neighbours’ is usually code for Pakistan in India. And when Mr Singh did refer to the Mumbai attacks, he made no mention of Pakistan, but instead focused on the steps taken to beef up India’s security and intelligence apparatus. Similarly, the mention of Indian-administered Kashmir did not bring any claim of cross-border infiltration, but the prime minister did speak of the need to respect human rights and ensure the people live “a life of peace and dignity” there. Here in Pakistan, meanwhile, Prime Minister Gilani, in his speech on Aug 14, refrained from criticising India for dragging its feet on resuming peace talks with Pakistan. The net effect: Mr Singh continues to be tugged in opposite directions, but his instincts, rightly, appear to be to restart talks, and for that he has a ready partner in Pakistan.

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Extrajudicial killings

Wednesday, 19 Aug, 2009

CITING “credible” information gleaned from local accounts, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has called for a parliamentary probe into allegations of extrajudicial killings in Swat. The issue is cause for great concern. There is no doubt that Swat and other districts in the Malakand division suffered greatly at the hands of the Taliban. But the country cannot afford a vengeful response — on the part of the people or the security agencies —for this could lead to uncontrollable violence that would plunge the area into deeper chaos. The HRCP team reports a number of Swat residents as having seen mass graves and being witnesses to mass burials. In some cases, the dead appeared to be Taliban militants. There are also harrowing accounts of bodies strung up in public places as a warning to supporters of the militants.

These accounts are reminiscent of the fear tactics used by the Taliban. The public’s anger is understandable — particularly on the part of the thousands who were forced to leave their towns and villages and are now returning to devastated homes. Yet a collective policy of revenge can only spell disaster. Local populations of the conflict-hit zones are being encouraged to raise private lashkars to ward off remnant militant cells and individuals. But they must be encouraged to do so in a manner that does not violate legal norms. There is great danger of individuals being wrongly identified and treated as terrorists, or for the lashkars to be used as tools to settle private scores. A Taliban witch-hunt must be avoided at all cost. Neither state nor society should be allowed to resort to tactics that smack of Taliban brutality: all suspected militants must be dealt with through a transparent judicial process. Anything less would mean adopting the same lawless means that characterised the Taliban’s actions.

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Avoidable lapses

Wednesday, 19 Aug, 2009

OUR economic managers are guilty of yet another lapse. This time they were unable to anticipate the looming sugar crisis despite a timely warning of a 20 per cent shortfall in sugarcane production. With demand outstripping supplies, sugar prices were sky-high — a welcome development for hoarders who, together with mill owners, took full advantage of the situation. By the time it was decided to import the commodity in order to stabilise prices, the latter had already gone through the ceiling at home and from $410 to $620 per tonne in the world market. In the developed world, such a lapse would have taken a huge political toll, with the concerned ministers resigning and economic managers being shown the door after being made to face a probe. The government, too, would have tendered a public apology.

Indeed, if in 2005-06 former President Pervez Musharraf had not stopped the National Accountability Bureau from going ahead with a probe into an almost identical crisis perhaps we would have been spared the current predicament. At that time, a number of prominent members of the then ruling party, including certain federal ministers, all sugar mill owners, were named and shamed by the media for allegedly influencing the economic decision-making process, manipulating the sugar market to make a killing and blackmailing the president to get them off the NAB hook. This time too the same powerful lobby, whose members belong to both sides of the political aisle, is said to have adopted identical tactics to achieve the same ends. As was the case previously, the government is again blaming the hoarders and mill owners while the latter are holding the former responsible for the crisis. Both parties wish to escape accountability. Should they be successful in doing so, it would leave the door open for them to wreak more of them same with greater impunity in future. It is imperative that this time a comprehensive probe is conducted into the sugar crisis so that the real culprits are named and made publicly accountable for their lapses.

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OTHER VOICES - European Press Child crime must be tackled

Wednesday, 19 Aug, 2009

IN Britain’s cities, there are many children who are left unsupervised, and who have not been taught even the most basic elements of civilised behaviour. There was outrage last week when it was claimed that Britain locks up more children than any other country in Europe. Outrage will also no doubt be the principal reaction to our revelation today that thousands of children are stopped and searched by the police in Britain every year. In truth, however, much of the indignation will be misplaced. Police stop, search and arrest a lot of children because there is a very high level of child crime. The young are used by adult criminals to commit offences such as transporting illegal drugs or guns, because children under the age of 10 are below the age of criminal responsibility, and so cannot be convicted of any crime. The terrible effects of family breakdown also mean that, in Britain’s cities, there are many children who are left unsupervised, and who have not been taught even the most basic elements of civilised behaviour. Those children, as we all know, can be an intolerable nuisance at best, and a serious danger to public order (and even to public safety) at worst. The police and the law are the only institutions left that are capable of dealing with them.

The problem with so much of the venom directed at the police for their treatment of juvenile criminals is that there is no realistic alternative. The best that critics can come up with is an insistence that child criminals should be given “community punishments”. But the The Telegraph

record of the Youth Justice Board’s replacements for prison is so dire that officials in the service have falsified records to try to convince the inspectorate that they were able to ‘help’ child criminals in their care. The police and the law are blunt instruments by which to stop children from becoming criminals. But they are better than nothing — which, at the moment, is the only alternative. — (Aug 15)

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