26.01.2014

Road clears for Musharraf

IN ordinary times, the medical facilities of the armed forces are touted as second to none. In ordinary cases, a patient spending his own money can opt for treatment wherever they like and on whatever they want. But context is sometimes everything. The medical board constituted by the special court convened to try Pervez Musharraf has walked a medical and legal tightrope in presenting Mr Musharraf’s own opinion on where he should be treated — abroad — without explicitly stating whether the former army chief’s apprehensions about inadequate cardiac facilities inside Pakistan are reasonable or not. While the team of army doctors can be — and already have been — accused of letting the urge to protect one of their own get in the way of giving a forthright professional judgement, in truth, the responsibility for this growing fiasco rests squarely on the shoulders of Mr Musharraf.

What has become clear is that no trick is below the former army chief if it means delaying the start of his treason trial until some exit can be found. In turning to hospitalisation and emergency medical procedures, Mr Musharraf is certainly not alone. Politicians have also gone down that road in the past. But politicians have presented themselves before courts before — something Mr Musharraf is loath to do in this instance. Perhaps it is the stakes and the reasonably open-and-shut nature of the case; for the former president did not baulk at submitting himself to the judicial process when it came to cases involving the Benazir Bhutto assassination and the assault on Lal Masjid. Still, the contrast is almost impossible to ignore: politicians submitting themselves to even unfair and skewed legal processes over the years and here, a former army chief, embarrassing himself and everyone associated with a trial that the state has tried to keep scrupulously fair and transparent so far.

If embarrassment and humiliation are not above Mr Musharraf in a desperate bid to avoid a conviction and sentencing, perhaps his advisers should try and appeal to his sense of history and country. Surely, in focusing solely on Mr Musharraf and just on the events of November 2007, the state has erred. But even more surely, the former army chief violated the Constitution and betrayed his oath to institution and country. The legal process in this case is not merely about punishment and deterrence: it is about sending a signal about the kind of polity Pakistan wants to be, ie democratic, constitutional and led by civilians. That goal is higher than the fate of an individual who put his own ambitions and personal intentions above the system when he had the power to make that choice. Now, with that power gone, he should be ready to accept the illegitimacy of his actions.

Stopgap measures

IT is a sign of the times that militants can terrorise the state to such an extent that people’s freedom of movement has to be curtailed. In reaction to Tuesday’s deadly bombing in Mastung, in which at least 28 Shia pilgrims were killed, the Balochistan government has stopped bus travel for pilgrims between Pakistan and Iran “for the time being”. Unfortunate as the decision is, it is a necessary precaution to save lives, as the state is unable to secure land routes to Iran. Instead, returning pilgrims are being airlifted from Dalbandin. Balochistan Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch has suggested that PIA launch flights between Quetta and the Iranian city of Mashhad, adding that ferries should also ply from Gwadar and Karachi to ports in Iran. These suggestions should be appreciated; they reflect the positive approach of the Balochistan chief minister, who has made constructive attempts at handling the aftermath of the Mastung tragedy. However, these are stopgap arrangements. These should be added options, not the only option. After all, air travel is an expensive proposition, and for many Pakistanis wishing to travel to religious sites in Iran and Iraq road travel is the only affordable option. Maritime travel, meanwhile, may be possible from Karachi, but who will guarantee that militants will not target those trying to reach Gwadar?

The real solution lies in uprooting the terrorist infrastructure in Balochistan and wherever else the militants have safe havens in the country. Suggesting alternative routes or enhancing security for travellers are well-meaning steps, but they fail to address the core issue. This week’s bombing in Mastung was not the first incident of its kind. Such atrocities have been occurring regularly over the past few years in Balochistan. Even efforts such as making buses travel in convoys or having Frontier Corps or Levies personnel accompany the vehicles have failed as security personnel can do little when a suicide bomber strikes. Security forces have taken action in the Mastung area. But arresting a few suspects or confiscating a few weapons is not enough. Until the elements that plan, finance and carry out acts of terrorism in Pakistan face justice, we will not see lasting peace.

The people bear the brunt

IN a country where officialdom is slow to move and even slower to take heed, it’s hardly surprising that many people feel that unless their protest is disruptive, no one in a position of power will pay attention. So it is that a familiar pattern has been built up: whether the issue is electricity or gas shortages, or — as was the case recently — understandable anger over the killings of Shia Hazaras in Mastung and trepidation over the government’s inability to control terrorism, citizens take to the streets and city life comes to a halt. While the last couple of days or so saw extensive shutdowns across the country mainly as a result of sit-ins that occurred spontaneously as people vented their grief and outrage, a strike call was also issued by religious parties. As a result several areas of Karachi resembled a ghost town on Thursday and Friday. The movement of goods remained suspended as most markets were closed; goods’ and public transport stayed off the roads. A strong message was indeed sent out, and it can only be hoped that it will be followed by effective action.

Yet there is a flip side: the fact that 90pc of businesses in the city remained closed meant that the loss incurred by Karachi over these days of protest was to the tune of Rs12bn, according to the president of the All Karachi Tajir Ittehad, the traders’ forum. Hundreds of thousands of workers, including daily-wage workers for whom the loss of a day’s earning usually translates to no food on the table, remained idle. While the intention behind the sit-ins and the strike call may have been noble, the ones who were actually punished were the people. Can this cycle of misery be brought to an end? It is difficult to see how. And yet, the effort must be made. As it is, Pakistan sustains too much damage on a daily basis; it doesn’t need to inflict more on itself.

27.01.2014

Challenge for the police

WITH another seven policemen killed in Karachi on Saturday, the new year has been a very grim one for the provincial capital’s police force — some 23 policemen have died this month so far. As if the bare statistics were not grim enough, the wide-ranging nature of the threat has rendered it even more complicated to deal with. From Taliban threats to old scores being settled to surely some attacks linked to the ongoing low-profile operation in the city to ordinary criminals emboldened enough to take on the police, the always-stretched and perennially under-resourced Karachi police force is facing a host of challenges simultaneously. Quite what can be done in the short term to mitigate the threats and better protect the police is unclear. By the very nature of their job, policemen are vulnerable to attack — and in a tumultuous, chaotic city that large parts of Karachi can be, the dangers only multiply.

Still, the global experience suggests that two measures are key to keeping the police safe so that they, in turn, can keep the public safe. The first is the intelligence aspect. Killers of policemen or individuals who want to put pressure on the police are usually linked to some kind of wider group, whether political, insurgent or pure criminal. Track those groups, keep a close watch on them and, more often than not, the source of the threat can be identified and dealt with. Of course, in the case of Karachi, knowing where a threat emanates from does not necessarily or automatically mean acting against it. Which is the other part of the equation: bringing to justice the killers of policemen. No police force in the world can operate with the right amount of morale and fearlessness if its own members are picked off seemingly at will — and the killers are never brought to justice. But for that to happen, the age-old problems of political will and a functional judicial system must also be addressed. Realistically though what are the chances of that?

Ultimately, it will come down to what the provincial and federal governments are moved to do, whether of their own accord or because of pressure from the police, or possibly even the public. The prime minister and the Sindh government did demonstrate their willingness to back the police last year when they authorised the latest Karachi operation, but that support now needs to be reiterated and demonstrated anew. To ask the police to take on great risk to try and bring stability to the sprawling city is one thing; to expect them to take the deaths of their colleagues in their stride is quite another — and unacceptable.

Income inequality rises

PAKISTAN’S soaring stock markets may send a positive image to some people, but the fact remains that a very large number of our citizens are growing poorer by the day and income inequality is rising very fast. This holds especially true for those dwelling in the cities as has been indicated by the State Bank of Pakistan in its annual State of the Economy Report for the last financial year. “Population in urban centres is poorer than rural dwellers in Pakistan, and inequality is on the rise for the last 10 years ... The distribution of both income and consumption is highly skewed in urban areas, and this inequality is rising over time,” the report says. The bank’s analysis closely captures the reality as persistent economic slowdown, significant job losses, the crippling energy crunch and runaway food and fuel prices have hit the poor to middle-income residents of cities more than they have affected the country’s rural population.

While city dwellers had no protection from the adverse effects of the economic slowdown of the past five years, the villagers were largely shielded from its impact because of the continuously spiking prices of their crops. This trend is also evident from the shrinking size of the urban savings rate and the increasing rural savings rate. It also means that the urban economy lost more jobs than the rural economy. This does not mean that our villages do not have their share of the poor. However, some of them are migrating to the cities in search of jobs, adding more to the numbers of urban poor. More worrying is the growing income inequality between different segments of the population as the so-called middle class is shrinking in size due to the high cost of living. The top 20pc urban households receive 60pc of the total income and contribute 57pc of the total spending, the bank says. In contrast, the bottom 20pc households share only 5pc of the total income and expenditures. Thus, while corporate profits rising on the back of higher prices may be driving our stock markets, offering our policymakers an opportunity to send out a ‘feel-good’ message to the outside world, they definitely are not helping reduce poverty and inequality in the country.

BCCI offer

THE change in the stance of the Board of Control for Cricket in India towards Pakistan has come as a welcome surprise to followers of the game on both sides of the border. On Friday, the BCCI offered to explore the possibility of holding a short series between the two sides. For more than seven years now, the BCCI had shut its door on our cricketers as far as playing them in Pakistan or any neutral venue, such as the UAE or Malaysia, was concerned. The two rivals last met in a three-match ODI series played in India in December 2012 which was won by Misbah-ul-Haq and his charges. At that time too, the BCCI had displayed a sudden change of heart and invited Pakistan out of the blue to play the ODI series. It had, however, quite bluntly refused to have a similar series in Pakistan, thus openly flouting the ICC’s Future Tours Programme which binds it to pay a return tour almost immediately. The offer made on Friday, however, shows a remarkably flexible intent as the BCCI has talked of squeezing in a short series against Pakistan despite the Indian cricket team’s busy schedule until 2015. The willingness to play Pakistan at a neutral venue of the latter’s choice has come as even more of a surprise.

On the face of it, it is a tremendous development for the millions of cricket lovers in the subcontinent who have been starved for an India-Pakistan contest. However, the offer should be treated with caution as it has other connotations as well. There have been observations that the BCCI is attempting to win Pakistan’s support in the thorny debate of the ‘big three’ proposal, to be tabled at the ICC in the coming months, which could see India in a dominant position with regard to international cricket affairs. PCB chairman Zaka Ashraf while welcoming the BCCI offer has discreetly avoided mixing the two issues, which is the right path to adopt.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

28.01.2014

Unmet development goals

WE can only agree with the assessment of Haoliang Xu, UNDP regional director for Asia and the Pacific, when he says that there is no “sense of urgency” in Pakistan at the national level to deal with this country’s socio-economic crises. To illustrate his point, the UN official, while speaking to this newspaper, highlighted Pakistan’s poor performance where the Millennium Development Goals are concerned. Instead of pushing us further into despondency, such observations, bitter as they are to digest, should prompt us to take remedial measures. Frankly speaking, our performance in the field of socio-economic development is nothing short of shameful. Taking the MDGs as a benchmark, it would be interesting to see how many of our MNAs, for example, could name even a single of the eight goals. The fact is that the state, the politicians, much of civil society and the general population are simply not concerned about human development.

We are in no position to meet the MDGs by 2015. Ever since the global community under the aegis of the UN pledged to meet the goals back in 2000, Pakistan has had only marginal success. For example, UNDP figures show that this country is on track to achieve nine MDG indicators, while we are off track on 25. While Punjab is faring better than other provinces, it is nevertheless true that Pakistan’s most populous province is off track on most indicators. Balochistan, which is at the bottom of the table nationally, has miserable figures all around. In the province, 43pc of children are underweight (against a target of 20pc) while Balochistan’s infant and maternal mortality figures are equally depressing.

It is, ultimately, a matter of priorities. For our state and society, goals like eradicating hunger, achieving universal primary education or ensuring environmental sustainability are evidently not worth focusing on. It is strange that official delegations make it a point to attend international conferences on the MDGs every year, yet the state has very little to show when it comes to actual progress on the goals. Even at a societal level the emphasis is on charity; we are not interested in teaching men to fish, we would much rather give them fish, and that too in unequal measure. Comparatively, others in the region, including Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, are making good progress in meeting the goals. There is still time to act before poverty, illiteracy, hunger and disease combine to completely paralyse the functioning of the state. For this, we will need to reorient ourselves towards achieving social and economic justice. It may be unpalatable to listen to those who say that Pakistan is in “terminal decline”, yet such assessments might prove true unless the rulers and people of this country choose to change the narrative.

How undertrials disappear

IT is not just weak prosecution that allows the accused in Pakistan to sneak out routinely: the police here have perfected many other, simpler options for easily losing suspects. Frequently, undertrial prisoners miraculously unlock their handcuffs, scale walls and disappear into thin air unnoticed by their police escort. Cases have been registered, the ‘negligent’ policemen have been reprimanded and suspended and long-drawn-out inquiries conducted — to little effect. Scenes outside courts across the country confirm there are far too many undertrials for the ever vulnerable police force to handle. Corruption, incompetence, fear of the better-armed criminals, there may be many reasons why fleeing from custody by the men on trial is so uncomplicated. While a couple of in-house inquiries into some such escapes in Okara and Rawalpindi do not go deep into the details of all contributing factors, there are suggestions of a few measures to avoid future incidents.

Some of these proposed steps reflect the desperation within the force to live up to its reputation as the first-stage arbiter of the law. The authors of one of these reports appear to reassert the police’s right to act as arbiter at a basic level when they ask for restoring to the police the power to fetter prisoners. On a more reasonable note, they call for video trials but the extent of the problem is truly revealed in suggestions such as those which seek better-quality handcuffs as a way of preventing prisoner escapes. This is just one of the many other aspects highlighted by the reports — one whose discovery should not really have required investigation by senior policemen. And since the issues have been pretty clear to all concerned for long, these two findings do not inspire too much hope of urgent action and reform. There is a danger of this initiative meeting the fate of most such probes in the country. It may again prove to be the ritual that must follow a goof-up somewhere. Given this record the chances of substantial remedy following a more formal diagnosis are not very bright, unless someone is actually ready to break from the past and impart clear meaning to these inquiries.

Violence in Cairo

IT is difficult not to consider the pro-military rallies in Egypt stage-managed or at least encouraged by the state. On Saturday, thousands of people gathered in Tahrir Square to demonstrate in favour of army chief Gen Abdel Fattah al-Sisi running for president. The same day 49 people were killed in clashes between the police and anti-army protesters who included both Islamists and secularists. In a televised speech on Sunday, acting President Adly Mansour announced the election schedule, advancing the presidential polls to April followed by parliamentary elections in July. This is a favourite ploy of all military rulers. Once in the saddle, Gen Sisi will then be able to manipulate the parliamentary polls and further tighten his grip. The state-run media is now welcoming pro-Sisi rallies, and there is no doubt he will win an election that will be anything but transparent. The situation on the ground, however, is different.

The Muslim Brotherhood, which had spearheaded the movement for democracy against Hosni Mubarak and had won the 2012 elections, is in no mood to accept the status quo. The regime has been harsh to the Brotherhood. Its brutal crackdown on anti-army protesters has killed over 1,000 people, the party has been declared a terrorist organisation, and Mohammed Morsi, the president who was ousted by the army in a coup last year, is in jail facing a number of charges. The party has announced an 18-day campaign — to commemorate the 18 days of protests that led to Mr Mubarak’s fall. The Brotherhood is not alone in rejecting the present dispensation, for liberal elements too have been angered by the regime’s despotic policies restricting civic liberties, including the law requiring police approval for demonstrations. There is no doubt the army has thrown Egypt back to the days of dictatorship. Fraudulent elections may give Gen Sisi fake legitimacy and an army-backed civilian set-up may come into being, but that will merely be a political farce whose unwilling spectators will be the Egyptian people. Their sacrifices in throwing the Mubarak regime out have gone to waste.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

30.01.2014

Back to square one

UNEXPECTEDLY, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif went to parliament yesterday and spoke from the floor of the National Assembly about his government’s plans to combat terrorism and militancy. Then, in line with much of the hype and speculation of recent days, he proceeded to deliver a speech that appeared to be heading towards the only logical conclusion: the dialogue option was being discarded in favour of the use of force against the TTP. But, befitting a prime minister who is giving new meaning to the terms secretiveness and holding one’s cards close to one’s chest, Mr Sharif sprang a surprise that virtually no one saw coming. The government is appointing a four-member committee to give the dialogue option one more chance, the prime minister announced.

If the decision itself was a complete surprise, less surprising were the details: there were none. No deadlines, no red lines, no clarity about who will be reached out to, no specifics about the mandate of the four-member committee — virtually nothing other than the old platitudes about sincere efforts and genuine intentions on the part of the government. Mr Sharif did say that it was unacceptable for the TTP to continue its campaign of violence if the dialogue option is to remain on the table, but, given the litany of attacks since September that the prime minister himself recounted, why is the TTP now supposed to take the prime minister seriously on this count? If all the TTP violence since the dialogue option was endorsed by the APC last September has not taken talks off the table as yet, why would the government wrap up its brand new initiative were a few — even many — more attacks to occur in the days ahead?

Not only does the latest reworking of the government’s anti-militancy strategy look even less like a strategy than the dithering of the past few months, it raises some fundamental questions about the PML-N’s approach to politics and policymaking. Of the four members tasked with helping the government achieve what is by the government’s own admission its principal policy concern, not a single one is a politician. That is a quite remarkable, if implicit, indictment of the PML-N leadership’s trust and faith in the overall political class. And what of the PML-N parliamentarians themselves, who were summoned to a special parliamentary party meeting at the start of the week and whose opinion was sought on what the government needs to do now to address the terror threat? Not only was the general thrust of the PML-N parliamentarians’ advice ignored, they were clearly not even informed of their own leadership’s plans to try and reinvigorate the dialogue option. That hardly bodes well for the transparency Mr Sharif promised in the dialogue process with the TTP.

Dead men can tell tales

ONCE again, there are grim tidings from Balochistan. Barely a few days after the horrific attack on a bus of Shia pilgrims in Mastung, 13 bodies have been found in two locations in Tutak, Khuzdar district. According to reports, local shepherds made the grisly discovery when they came upon two half-buried bodies in a desolate area. After the Levies and Frontier Corps personnel were informed, the bodies were removed from the shallow grave; further digging unearthed 11 more corpses from the site. Given the advanced stage of decomposition, DNA samples were taken to establish the victims’ identity and the bodies were shifted to the district hospital for post-mortem. Aside from the certainty of foul play, one can only speculate at this point as to identity and motive — particularly as Khuzdar district is one of the most volatile parts of the province. Feudal rivalries — both inter and intra — are rife here, and criminal gangs that often enjoy the patronage of local feudals engage in kidnappings, dacoities, etc. Significantly, Khuzdar is also a hotbed of the Baloch insurgency, with a marked security presence, and a large number of enforced disappearances have allegedly taken place here. The hearts of many a family member of the ‘missing’ Baloch must have skipped a beat when the discovery of the bodies came to light.

In such a charged situation, it is scarcely surprising that exaggerated versions of the story have begun doing the rounds. The state is increasingly perceived as being accountable to no one but itself. This impression is enhanced, ironically enough, by the protracted and largely unsuccessful efforts of the Supreme Court to compel security operatives to operate within the ambit of the law and produce before it those individuals that have allegedly been forcibly disappeared. The recently enacted Protection of Pakistan Ordinance, along with its yet more draconian amendment, appears to further institutionalise the state’s impunity. It is imperative that the Balochistan government take proactive measures to investigate the circumstances behind the men’s death in a transparent, credible manner and expose those responsible, even though the truth may be an inconvenient one. The facts of this case must not remain half-buried in the murk of ‘national security imperatives’.

Greed for shahtoosh

NO dowry amongst certain sections of the subcontinent’s elites is complete without it. Incredibly soft and warm, shahtoosh shawls are often so finely woven that the entire length of fabric can be run through a ring. Mothers pass it down to their daughters, grandmothers’ eyes glisten as they recall happy evenings in its warm embrace and men sport more sober specimens of it, in the age-old game of displaying their wealth — tastefully in this case. In fact, the price of a particularly fine sample can touch the million-rupee mark. For good reason does shahtoosh get its name from the Persian term for ‘king of wools’; and it seems that the wealthy just can’t get enough of it.

The problem is, the shahtoosh wool that is used to weave the shawls comes from the Tibetan antelope locally known as the chiru. And the demand for the shawls is so great that the animal has been hunted to near extinction. For the fur to be harvested, the animal has to be killed, and it takes wool from three or four antelopes to create a single shawl — thus, they have been killed in large numbers. In Nepal, they are already extinct. And while the chiru is protected under international law, and both Pakistan and India, which are amongst the countries that host the small remaining migratory population, have laws to bring to an end the trade in these shawls, sales have proved impossible to stamp out. On Tuesday, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa wildlife department issued a reminder that trade in the shawls was a punishable offence, and that strict action would be taken against those involved in it. Unfortunately, much success in this endeavour cannot be expected until the demand goes down — and for that to happen, wealthy circles need to develop a conscience. They need to understand that shahtoosh shawls come at a cost to endangered wildlife, one that is much higher than the hundreds of thousands of rupees paid for a single shawl.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

31.01.2014

The regional reality

DESPITE both sides occasionally trying to project the relationship as more than the sum of its parts, Pak-US ties in 2014 and beyond are almost certain to be shaped by events in Afghanistan. Of course, for Pakistan at least, the importance of what happens next in Afghanistan extends far beyond its implications for the relationship and perhaps even holds the key to the stability of Pakistan itself. So while talk about security assistance and energy cooperation between the US and Pakistan are important, the focus must be elsewhere: on “advancing regional peace and stability” as the relevant section of the ministerial joint statement read.

In that section, there is reference to a “peaceful, stable, independent and united Afghanistan” (independent seems to be a new addition to the ever-flexible definition of the desired end-state in Afghanistan); “a policy of non-interference in Afghanistan, including by all countries of the region”; “Afghan-led peace and reconciliation”; “Pakistan’s important role in supporting Afghan-led reconciliation”; “improved border control”; and to “call on the Taliban to join the political process and enter into dialogue with the Afghan government”. For good measure, there is reference to “the potential for enhanced stability and prosperity from improved bilateral relations between Pakistan and India. Reading between those lines a familiar bottom line emerges: the US and Pakistan talk a good talk, but little concrete is achieved when it comes to ensuring a stable Afghanistan post-2014. With all eyes on the upcoming Afghan presidential elections and the mercurial President Hamid Karzai appearing more determined than ever to keep everyone guessing about what he’ll do next, there’s no certainty about what the Afghan government will look like in a few months’ time.

Still, there is some good news: ostensibly at least, the US and Pakistan have been able to find some common ground when it comes to agreeing that every option should be explored to prevent Afghanistan plunging into turmoil in the immediate years ahead. Both the US and Pakistan stand to lose if Afghanistan descends into chaos. For Pakistan, there is the added burden of knowing that it cannot physically insulate itself from an unstable Afghanistan the way a superpower located several continents away can. But knowledge of what an unravelling Afghanistan could spell for both sides does not mean the US and Pakistan will jointly do what it will take to avoid the worst-case outcome. Both the US and Pakistan have legitimate security interests at stake — keeping each other engaged and working quietly but persistently (as reflected in the resumption of the strategic dialogue) could help yield a mutually

Saving our heritage

THE official approach to preserving heritage in Pakistan has largely been marked by negligence and apathy. It would not be wrong to say that the state and most of society are barely concerned as our heritage crumbles. Take, for example, the method which the management of the Taxila Museum has employed to clear vegetation around the Sirkap World Heritage Site. Instead of hiring landscapers to prune the shrubbery or using other non-destructive methods, those in charge of the area, as reported in this paper, have resorted to setting the vegetation on fire to clear the land. This has resulted in damage being caused to some of the walls of the ancient site. Unesco officials say they are organising a programme to familiarise archaeologists with methods of managing vegetation at ancient sites; let us hope such methods become part of procedure in order to help preserve the monuments at Sirkap.

Meanwhile, the Sindh government is planning to kick off the Sindh Festival at the 5,000-year-old site of Moenjodaro on Saturday. The festival, described as a “cultural coup”, is being spearheaded by PPP head Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and seeks to raise awareness about Pakistan’s culture, particularly that of Sindh. However, some citizens have raised concerns about possible damage that may be caused to Moenjodaro by the festival organisers. In a letter to Unesco’s Islamabad office, the citizens have said digging was being carried out by “non-technical staff” and the work at the ancient site could “destroy already weakened ruins and structures”. Also, in reply to a petition regarding the opening ceremony at the site, the Sindh High Court on Thursday ordered the provincial culture department to ensure no harm comes to Moenjodaro’s archaeological treasures. The organisers’ intentions of preserving and promoting Sindh’s culture may indeed be good. Yet good intentions alone — without being backed by proper planning — may end up doing more harm than good. Already Moenjodaro has suffered from the elements and improper restoration work; utmost care must be taken to preserve what is left of this marvel of ancient urban planning. Sindh’s rich culture needs to be promoted. It should be done in a sustainable manner.

Grey traffic

THERE are times when the determination to make money through any means possible finds ingenious methods. Consider, for example, the matter of grey traffic that has become a problem in recent years. This refers to international telephone calls made to Pakistan that are hijacked by illegal gateway exchanges off the legal routes and sent on to the receiver, to whom it appears that the call is being made from a domestic phone. In 2012, the country’s 14 long distance international operators set up the International Clearing House so that all incoming telephone traffic is terminated by foreign carriers through PTCL, the state-owned telephony organisation, which earns from the traffic. But grey traffic bypasses this system, and given the disparity between tariffs for domestic and international calls, the money that can be made is immense. Instead of the state, however, these millions are going to those who operate the illegal gateway exchanges — amongst them, allegedly, some who have been in government. The issue has attained such proportions that, as reported yesterday, some 95pc of calls to Pakistan originating in Saudi Arabia are being routed either through grey traffickers or a third country, with hijackers making the most of a disagreement between the two countries’ operators over rates. Reportedly, even the family members of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif have complained of receiving calls from Saudi Arabia that appear as domestic numbers, causing him to direct the authorities to look into the matter.

Efforts to address the problem have been made, with the Pakistan Telecommunications Authority having launched an awareness campaign asking people to report any grey numbers received on their phones, information that has led to raids being carried out and some illegal exchanges being shut down. The government has also asked mobile phone operators to set up grey traffic monitoring divisions and to block doubtful SIMs. More urgent efforts are needed, however. Improving technology will only facilitate such illegalities, and the country has to learn to keep up.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

01.02.2014

Obstacle for Musharraf

THE gambit has failed: former military strongman Pervez Musharraf will not be jetting out of Pakistan anytime soon — at least on the medical grounds he claims necessitate his treatment abroad. In rejecting Mr Musharraf’s plea, the special court has done the right and obvious thing, both legally and medically. In essence, the team of army doctors who examined Mr Musharraf and submitted their report to the court had suggested that while Mr Musharraf does need further medical treatment, the real problem was the lack of faith the former president had in Pakistani facilities — and not that the facilities themselves were inadequate. From there it was a fairly easy step to rejecting the request for treatment abroad — though, as events have already proved, there is nothing easy about trying a former army chief for suspending the Constitution.

Medically, it is certainly possible that given his age and the stress of his present predicament, Mr Musharraf could still require treatment that can only be provided abroad. If those conditions do arise and are verified by an independent team of medical experts, the court could, and should, consider a fresh request from the Musharraf team at that point. Short of that, however, the only logical path for Mr Musharraf is clear: he should go to court, defend himself against the charges as best he sees fit and leave the process to decide his fate. There is certainly no evidence at all to date that the process of Mr Musharraf’s trial is in any way compromised, non-transparent or in contravention of due process. That also holds true for the other rights he is entitled to. That the former dictator may be unwilling to accept his crimes against the Constitution is not of much relevance or consequence here.

In truth, the window of opportunity for a Musharraf trial is a limited one — as the government privately acknowledges. Had, for example, a military operation been announced by the prime minister on Monday instead of another attempt at talks with the TTP, the Musharraf trial would have been politically dead in the water. For with Mr Musharraf seemingly determined to drag the army as an institution into the issue of his treason trial, it would have been difficult for the government to simultaneously have soldiers being injured or killed in combat while their former chief was being put on trial for treason. That is just the nature of the public-relations game — one the government has no real ability to shape otherwise. So it is good that the court is showing some urgency in pressing ahead. The bailable warrant for Mr Musharraf’s arrest is fairly standard procedure for a defendant who refuses to come to court. Mr Musharraf should go to court on Feb 7.

‘Centralised’ central bank

FOR a party avowedly committed to modernising the system, the PML-N frequently does something or the other that betrays an irrepressible urge to control and centralise. Even before the recent resignation of the governor of the State Bank of Pakistan, the Nawaz Sharif set-up had problems sharing authority with many top-ranking government officials. In fact, the SBP governor’s exit was perhaps inevitable, given the government’s impatience to find a quick fix for the economy. This hasty approach is reflected strongly in Finance Minister Ishaq Dar’s animated pledges. As SBP governor Yaseen Anwar departs, Mr Dar will find it hard to deny a role in the episode. However, it’s likely that the minister will ignore the criticism and that he will want an ally in the bank who not only shares his vision but also agrees with his methods and is ready to toe the government’s line.

The federal government, it seems, has one size to fit all — be it the passing of the controversial and dangerous Protection of Pakistan Ordinance or making tough economic decisions. Extraordinary circumstances demand extraordinary measures, is the message. Thus, niceties about institution-building and respect for mandates are matters it deems can be put off for better times. Unfortunately, this is the latest doctrine of necessity Pakistanis must bear with. To be fair, the doctrine has also been used by previous governments which asserted their ‘right’ to have the right people in the right posts in order to be steered away from their own extraordinary circumstances. In the span of a few years, Mr Anwar is the third SBP governor to be forced out over differences with the government. Since promises of a turnaround accompanying these ousters did not materialise, it would be worthwhile to shift the focus from individuals to policies. One policy should be to give freedom to institutions such as the SBP. They must be allowed to evolve into autonomous entities that can decide independently and efficiently without fear of their chiefs being vetoed and thrown out by the government. That may be a long route out of the mess but is undeniably a more secure one.

Imran Farooq murder probe

IN an emotional statement on Thursday, MQM chief Altaf Hussain spoke out against the “false allegations” and “negative propaganda” being spread about him, advising party cadres to foil the “conspiracy”. The MQM supremo’s comments appear to have been prompted by a recent BBC report, broadcast in the UK, in which two suspects believed to be involved in Muttahida leader Dr Imran Farooq’s 2010 murder in London have been named. Also on Thursday, the MQM held a press conference in Karachi in which party leaders slammed the UK broadcaster’s programme, saying that the suspects had no links with the Muttahida. The party has been claiming that London’s Metropolitan Police was “harassing” Altaf Hussain. The London-based MQM leader has reportedly been questioned by British authorities in a number of cases, including Dr Farooq’s murder probe as well as a money-laundering investigation. It is not known what the exact nature of the alleged harassment of the MQM leader is. But if the Met is indeed badgering Mr Hussain in a fashion beyond what the law permits, that is unacceptable and the MQM chief could take up the matter in a UK court.

At the same time, while the party’s well within its rights to criticise the BBC programme if it doesn’t agree with the latter’s content, our understanding is that all the show did was to name the suspects in Dr Farooq’s murder case. Nowhere was it said that these individuals were MQM activists. If the Muttahida is interested in unveiling Dr Farooq’s killers — as the party insists it is — then it should welcome any breakthrough in the investigation. After all, Dr Farooq was amongst the MQM’s top-tier leaders. His brutal murder has been seen as a conspiracy against the MQM and the party should fully support the British authorities in unravelling this mystery. The investigation must continue till it reaches its logical conclusion; while the MQM’s concerns about the harassment of its leader should be addressed, the focus must remain on bringing Dr Farooq’s killers to justice.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

Good wishes aren`t enough


THE prime minister wants another committee, this time pursuing peace in Balochistan. In Quetta last week, Nawaz Sharif reasoned a committee was necessary to find a way of talking to the Baloch nationalists. He repeated the usual things: jobs, development projects, security of life, a share in this government`s favourite scheme loans for the youth. And then he reiterated his confidence in a joint effort which everyone believes is most essential for Balochistan but that no one has so far been able to set in motion. The prime minister promised the civilian and military leaderships would together `evolve a comprehensive strategy to restore peace...` However, like so many others in the past, he, too, was unable to give real substance to his statement.

There was little in his statements to indicate that the civilian-military partnership that has been so desperately advocated for so long was afoot in earnest.

The fear has all along been that the civilian administration on its own cannot be expected to navigate Balochistan away from a course that is so dangerous for Pakistan. The advent of Dr Abdul Malik`sgovernment of nationalists did not remove this fear even when this development appeared to provide the peace effort greater impetus and credibility. The few months Dr Malik has been in power have reconfirmed the futility of a Balochistan government trying to find a solution to the longrunning insurgency. There may be periods of relative calm punctuating the long-drawn-out confrontation, but even in such moments the bitterness which some Baloch groups feel is conveyed across and through the walls that are sought to be erected between them and the rest of the country. The missing persons` case that has become so central to the search for an answer to the issue has made little headway despite its high-profile hearing.

On Thursday, as the prime minister visited Quetta, the Supreme Court was told the provincial government had no effective control over the Frontier Corps.

By no means a revelation, this reconfirmation of the truth brought out the emptiness of the prime ministerial vow for civil-military action. It was at best a sincere wish for peace in Balochistan, certainly not a policy statement from the chief executive of a government.

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Fight for your dreams & your dreams will fight for you.

SIXTY organisations have been proscribed by the interior ministry`s National Crisis Management Cell since 2001, each deemed to be a terrorist organisation. But the list of those groups published in this newspaper on Sunday raises at least two questions. First, on what basis have successive governments made their assessments and what is the evidence against each group? A quick scan of the list and it becomes apparent that a number of groups have been included under political, military and international pressure. To label a political group or an organisation championing ethnic rights a terrorist organisation is a double disservice: it denies the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of association of the citizenry while simultaneously detracting from the real threat countering genuine terrorist organisations.

On that score dealing with the real terrorism threat the question is more basic: is there any group that has been banned by the state that has well andtruly been dismantled? Or even severely dented in its ability to operate inside Pakistan? The normal practice for such groups is to quickly rename themselves and then return to business as usual. Where some bank accounts get frozen, fund-raising and other revenuegenerating activities quickly replenish the group`s coffers. Where some leaders are temporarily put under house arrest under preventive detention laws, they are soon enough allowed to be active again. If they are, in the very rare cases, prosecuted, the legal teams of the accused run circles around the state prosecutors.

If the state`s response is flawed enough, political parties have played their part in bestowing credibility and legitimacy on banned groups. Denied at the official, national level but known to one and all at the local, constituency level, electoral adjustments and even outright alliances with terrorist groups are fairly common and not just in a particular province. Of course, all sidesthat ought to be involved in sidelining and gradually making extinct terrorist groups tend to blame each other for the end goal growing ever more distant.

The civilians point towards the military`s long-standing support for some stripes of militancy, the security establishment accuses the civilians of putting politics ahead of everything else, while the different limbs of the state argue whether it is the judiciary`s fault that suspected terrorists are let off or the government and legislature`s fault, etc. Amidst all the fingerpointing, accusations and recriminations, there is only one incontrovertible truth: terrorist groups have proliferated to the point that the state has been nearly battered into submission and has all but accepted them as legitimate stakeholders in the Pakistani system. A list of banned groups maintained and publicised by the interior ministry is meaningless if there is no meaningful action taken on the basis of that list.

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Fight for your dreams & your dreams will fight for you.

11.02.2014

What economic progress?

IT is time for the Nawaz Sharif government to celebrate. The International Monetary Fund has again voted in favour of its economic policies, ensuring the release next month of the third tranche of the $6.7bn Extended Fund Facility. The IMF, on the conclusion of the second review under the EFF programme, is “encouraged” by the overall progress made by Islamabad in pushing ahead with policies to strengthen macroeconomic stability and reviving economic growth. It has revised its growth estimate for the present fiscal from 2.8pc to 3.1pc on the back of reduced electricity shortages and unscheduled power cuts. It has happily noted that Islamabad has met nearly every quantitative performance benchmark and its reform programme remains broadly on track. The IMF is pleased with progress made to cut the power subsidy bill and raise tax revenues to bridge the budget deficit from 8pc to 3.5pc. The privatisation agenda remains on track, even if the government has yet to put up a company for sale.

The successful discussions with the IMF were largely anticipated. A couple of factors that could possibly scuttle the discussions were removed just days before Finance Minister Ishaq Dar left for Dubai. The State Bank governor was forced to resign, and power subsidy for users above 200 units was withdrawn without announcing it. The IMF remains unconcerned about the harsh impact of the ‘stabilisation policies’ on low- to middle-income segments of the population due to significant reduction in energy subsidies and substantial increase in indirect taxation. It is also not bothered about a jobless ‘economic recovery’. After all, it isn’t the job of the IMF to look after the people of a borrowing country.

These are things that governments that care about their people take into account before making policies. Governments that are worried about the plight of the common people make sure that the rich share the larger burden of economic stabilisation so that the poor and low-income segments of the population are spared from taking a hit. Pakistan’s financial managers have done quite the opposite. Still, the kind of recovery they had promised while executing the economic policies doesn’t seem to be getting us anywhere. Inflation is projected to rise more than what the budget had estimated. The budget deficit target, according to the State Bank, will be missed. Pressures on balance of payments are “likely to remain in place for months” as the government has realised just one quarter or $1.5bn of the foreign assistance it had projected in its budget. That too has largely come from the IMF. And the IMF mission’s refusal to come to Pakistan for discussions has sent an extremely negative signal to the world about the security conditions here. So what kind of recovery are we talking about?

Afghan refugees in limbo

WITH stability nowhere in sight in their troubled homeland, it seems that the 1.6 million registered Afghan refugees in Pakistan will be in no hurry to head home. The Afghans started arriving after 1979’s Soviet invasion and near-constant instability in Afghanistan since then has made it difficult for them to return. And with the political forecast in Afghanistan looking highly unstable following the Western withdrawal at the end of this year, a new exodus could result should the Afghan civil war intensify. A whole generation (or two) has grown up here, mostly on the fringes of society, with the refugees placing additional burden on Pakistan’s fragile infrastructure. As reports indicate, the federal government has extended the stay of the refugees for two years, much to the chagrin of the KP administration, while no proper plan has been chalked out for their repatriation. It would go against international humanitarian norms to forcibly evict the refugees, pushing them into a conflict zone. Yet a solution is needed, for at the moment it appears these unfortunate people will stay in Pakistan indefinitely. However, no short- or long-term solution to repatriate the Afghans has been elucidated, leaving the refugees in limbo while placing a burden on Pakistan that it is ill-equipped to bear. Also, there are no solid figures about the number of unregistered Afghans in this country, which is believed to be much higher than the figure for legal refugees. This raises legitimate questions about the security and socio-economic impact of having so many unregistered individuals in the country.

Perhaps the greatest tragedy is that the world has forgotten about the displaced Afghans, and the fact that Pakistan has been a generous host despite its own multiple internal crises. While the UNHCR has tried to rehabilitate and repatriate the refugees, the international community in general seems indifferent. For example, the UN’s refugee body faces a major cash crunch where arranging funds for the displaced Afghans is concerned. The Afghan government must provide internal security and stability so that its citizens can willingly return, while world powers, especially those that have been involved in Afghanistan over the decades, must help Pakistan support and ultimately repatriate the displaced Afghans.

Central

African

disaster

THE global community appears oblivious to the situation in the Central African Republic from where 20pc of the population has reportedly fled to neighbouring countries following widespread killings, rapes and looting. UN officials have warned that without international intervention, the situation can degenerate into genocide. Observers claim that the 1,600-strong French force and some African troops are unable to control the anarchy as frenzied mobs indulge in what the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court called “hundreds of killings, acts of rape and sexual slavery, destruction of property, pillaging, torture, forced displacement” and use of child soldiers. Entire villages have been burnt down and fields abandoned, raising fears of an acute food crisis. A Human Rights Watch official said children were being slaughtered in front of their parents. Nearly a million people, mostly Muslim, have fled to Chad and Cameroon.

The situation in the potentially rich African country has been volatile since Michel Djotodia, a Muslim, captured power in the predominantly Christian state by overthrowing president François Bozize in March last year, thus triggering communal violence. Under pressure from regional countries, Mr Djotodia resigned last month and went into exile, but his militia has continued to exist and is involved in battles with Christian partisans and other groups. Even though all communities have suffered, foreign NGOs say now it is primarily the Muslims who are bearing the brunt of mob fury. There is no doubt the 10-month rule by Muslim rebels, called Seleka, was characterised by great atrocities committed on other communities by the militia for perceived wrongs during Mr Bozize’s rule. Today, as Seleka soldiers withdraw from an area, Christian militants move in and wreak vengeance on the Muslim community. While the ICC prosecutor has begun exploring the possibilities of determining war crimes, it is unfortunate that the OIC has taken no notice of the situation.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

Attack on gas pipelines





PEOPLE in most parts of Punjab were forced to do without gas for almost 48 hours after three main transmission pipelines supplying the fuel to the province were blown up near Rahim Yar Khan on Sunday night. While supply to domestic consumers was reinstated, to some areas partially and fully to others, by Tuesday afternoon, the Sui Northern Gas Pipelines Ltd had told its commercial and industrial users to wait at least one more day before the ruptured lines were repaired to restore their limited supply.

The duration and frequency of power cuts in many parts of Punjab and in other parts of the country have also increased because of interruption in gas supply to power producers. Consequently, factories are facing significant output losses or have switched to expensive alternatives to meet their production deadlines as gas vanishes from the system and power shortages rise. There is little the government has been able to do to mitigate the sufferings of domestic consumers or save commercial and industrial users from financial losses.

The incident in which at least one life was lost and scores of villagers were forced to flee their homes has exposed the vulnerability of similar installations across the country. It isn`t the first time that a gas pipeline has been blown up. It has happened many a time in the past in Balochistan and once in Punjab. Mostly Baloch dissidents have accepted responsibility for carrying out the attacks.

But the fact that it is the first incident of its kind to have taken place in Punjab shows that the dissidents have acquired the capability to attack and destroy important installations deep in this province as well. (The Baloch Republican Army is reported to have accepted responsibility for the Rahim Yar Khan blasts.) A senior police official`s statement that the SNGPL had failed to take proper measures to secure the pipeline even after a previous attempt to blow it up at the same place was fortunately averted just a month ago underscores the bureaucratic lassitude the company is immersed in. It can only be hoped that this incident will prove big enough to awaken the company and the other authorities responsible for protecting such installations from their deep slumber.






The Gaddafi takeover

A MAN who seeks to cling on to the position of the Pakistan Cricket Board chief even when his party loses the general election. A caretaker chief minister going on to chair the PCB. Court battles.

Allegations of conflict of interest and of favouritism in the award of rights to telecast live games. These are things of the past. It`s been a fast downward slide. On Monday Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif sacked Zaka Ashraf as PCB chief and cleared the way for his handpicked Najam Sethi to regain charge of the board. Mr Sethi had been first appointed to look after the PCB after a court ruling in May 2013 held Mr Ashraf`s appointment as board chairman illegal. In a recent twist, Mr Ashraf succeeded in making his way back to the coveted post some three weeks ago. He was allowed to attend an extremely important International Cricket Council meeting where Pakistan opposed the successful andhighly controversial bid for `the big three` India, Australia and England to take control of the game globally. Upon his return home he must have been looking for appreciation for his stand when he was struck by the agents of pragmatism. One allegation emerging against Zaka Ashraf is that he mishandled Pakistan`s case at the ICC. But if that is the case, then the question is, why was he allowed to? Surely his dismissal from the PCB could have come before the ICC meeting, which could have put matters back into the `safe hands` of Najam Sethi.

Apart from this, the sheer manner of Mr Ashraf`s ouster from the board does not reflect well on the elected rulers who swear by democracy, coexistence and the writ of law. The PCB rules were changed to get rid of an unwanted but legally restored official. Mr Ashraf`s statement that he would have complied if he had been asked to quit by the prime minister could be seen as an attempt to gain the moral high ground. He must have seen it coming after the prime minister took no notice of his repeated requests for an audience.

But then, there was an element of force, of arrogance, in the act of his removal, and in the way the new PCB committee seized the headquarters at the Gaddafi Stadium to complete their triumph.

Chairman again, Najam Sethi now promises good times for Pakistan and is expected to get the best possible bargain in the circumstances for Pakistan cricket.

The truth is that the ICC, with all its powers, could not ignore Pakistan, with all its weaknesses and problems. The game is far from over and Pakistan is in no real danger of elimination. Pakistan is a big enough player to count. It cannot be ignored since it offers plenty of talent and thrills to be marketed globally.

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Fight for your dreams & your dreams will fight for you.