Flawed security policy

The launch of ground operations against militants in North Waziristan is a relevant time to reiterate why a military operation is so necessary. Militancy is spread across Pakistan and there is no real, physical centre of gravity anymore but that should not in any way diminish the importance of North Waziristan to militancy of every stripe. To begin with, virtually every major attack inside Pakistan in recent years has been traced back to planning and organisation in North Waziristan. In addition, virtually every highprofile victim of kidnapping is smuggled into the area. Then there is the reality of doing business: the militants` control of large swathes of an agency populated by hundreds of thousands of people meant a lucrative fiefdom feeding the militancy machine and becoming a justification for it. Moreover, there has been the intense problem of cross-pollination and the mixing and matching of extremist ideologies in North Waziristan, which produced a lethal cocktail of militancy posing a threat to Pakistan, Afghanistan, the region and even the world at large.

Yet, necessary as an operation in North Waziristan is, an old problem seems to be once again reasserting itself: the tendency for military strategy to overwhelm and be put ahead of a national security strategy. To make Pakistan internally safe and secure, military strategy ie battles, operations, troops, bases and the like alone will not suffice. There seemed to be some awareness of this problem with the drawing up by the interior ministry of a National Internal Security Policy, but not much appears to have come of that.

And where there has been work on the non-military aspects of the internal security policy, it has come in the form of the Protection of Pakistan Ordinance, a piece of legislation set to be approved by parliament in a somewhat diluted form but still with deep and very problematic issues from a rights perspective. In essence, the overall thinking on fighting militancy still appears to come down to eliminating militants with guns and bullets and little attention is paid to the causes of militancy and how to begin rolling back the infrastructure of jihad that has proliferated across Pakistan.

Nor are the trade-offs involved seemingly ever considered. If a military operation was necessary, did it make sense to botch the handling of IDPs? If the security forces need protection in the cities when they take on militants, does it mean giving them near carte blanche as the PPO has? Finally, there is the problem that even when the country`s security architects purport to think strategically, they make disastrous choices. If, as claimed by former military sources, the North Waziristan Agency operation was in part delayed by concerns about the Haqqani network, can anyone explain what rational national-security cost-benefit analysis made putting it off for years a worthwhile choice?

Inactive committees

HE democratic project in Pakistan is still evolving with otherwise normal processes, such as elected governments and legislatures completing their tenures, considered small victories. But for democracy to put down firm roots, lawmakers must do more than get elected and occasionally show up for parliamentary sessions. Unfortunately, the record of our lawmakers taking part in productive legislative business that works to strengthen good governance has been unsatisfactory. Consider the example of the KP Assembly. As reported on Tuesday, nine out of 36 standing committees of the provincial legislature failed to hold even a single meeting during the last parliamentary year. This figure included committees assigned to oversee such crucial departments as law and parliamentary affairs, inter-provincial coordination and transport. Apparently, the chairmen of these committees had little interest in convening meetings. Standing committees are an essential part of the legislative system, overseeing legislation and keeping an eye on government departments. But KP is not the only province where legislators have shown a lack of enthusiasm in activating committees. In fact, all four provincial legislatures are in the same boat. The Sindh Assembly only got round to setting up the committees in April while Balochistan`s legislature just finalised the constitution of the bodies during the last assembly session. And while committees have been functioning in the Punjab Assembly, the frequency of their meetings and their output are not impressive. Comparatively, the Senate and National Assembly committees have been more active than their provincial counterparts.

With devolution placing immense responsibilities upon the provinces, the four elected houses in Quetta, Karachi, Lahore and Peshawar must vastly improve their legislative performance. The committees in provincial assemblies must meet regularly to take up the long list of issues that vex the people so that democracy is seen to be delivering. It is incumbent on both the ruling and opposition parties to wholeheartedly participate to make standing committees effective. Parliament and the standing committees are the best forum to oversee the workings of government departments. Unless the elected representatives use these to make a difference in the common man`s life, popular faith in democracy will only erode.

Low-cost housing

HERE can be no argument that urban Pakistan needs affordable housing, and on an urgent basis. This is the most urbanised nation in South Asia, with a record number of squatter settlements. But the manner in which the residential land development sector has shaped up is such that, let alone housing for the poorest sections of society, owning a home is a mirage for even relatively well-earning, middle-income groups. The statistics are grim: a housing shortage of nearly 7.6 million units, with the gap increasing by at least 500,000 every year, and 85pc of this demand gap comprising households earning up to Rs20,000 a month. Providing access to affordable housing to all is one of the basic responsibilities of the state. But, given that the country`s last housing policy is some 13 years old, all evidence points to the state failing dismally in this regard. It is in this context, then, that the move by the federal, Sindh and Punjab governments to make special budgetary allocations for funding low-cost housing this year must be welcomed. A cumulative sum of Rs9bn has been earmarked for this purpose.

And yet the devil lies in the detail. The figures sound heartening thousands of units already constructed, thousands more being planned but experts are already pointing out that the schemes on which these funds are spent can be exploited by the notorious and powerful land-takeover and speculative mafias for their own benefit. As has proved to be the case time and again, these groups can break all rules, particularly when at the official level there is a lack of transparency and even hints of collusion in, for example, the selection of beneficiaries of such schemes. As sceptics are pointing out, a concerted push to provide low-cost housing would require that land, infrastructure and credit organisations work in tandem with advisory services for design and construction oversight and a stringent legal framework. More details need to be provided to prove the state`s commitment to this issue.

Dawn/02-07-2014

Cartelisation concerns

THE importance of a competitive market that provides equal opportunity to everyone to grow and expand cannot be overstated. It is globally recognised that no economy that discourages fair and free competition attracts investment. The benefits of a competitive market that promotes innovation, quality and choice, and that protects smaller players and consumers are enormous for an economy. Competition among various economic agents is central to attracting investment and achieving economic growth. In Pakistan, we see quite a different picture, however.

Cartelisation is a way of doing business here; perhaps the only way for many. There is hardly any sector of the economy or business where we do not find powerful cartels operating to take undue economic advantage at the cost of fair and free competition and hapless consumers. Finance Minister Ishaq Dar admitted to this reality on Wednesday in his written reply to a question from an opposition member in parliament. “Cartelisation permeates banking, manufacturing, telecom, print media, capital markets, accountancy,” he noted. It is no surprise, therefore, that the last Global Competitiveness Report ranked Pakistan as the 133rd most competitive country worldwide, a drop of nine places from its previous ranking on the list. This situation exists even though we have successfully developed and legislated one of the world’s best anti-trust laws — the Competition Act. The Competition Commission of Pakistan formed under it has been recognised as one of the most active anti-cartelisation institutions anywhere. So where did matters go wrong?

Ever since its constitution, the CCP has tried to discourage the anti-competitive behaviour of business, in order to develop an efficient and competitive economic environment in the country. At times it has acted well in time to stop government and state-owned businesses and other entities from implementing actions that the commission found opposed to the spirit of free competition. It has conducted inquiries against powerful industries like cement, sugar, telecom and banks and penalised those found guilty of cartelisation. It has successfully resisted political pressure brought on it by the guilty. But all its efforts have gone down the drain. Almost everyone penalised by the commission has gone to the courts, which are slow in deciding cases. The appellate tribunal formed under the competition law to prevent the involvement of an overburdened judiciary and delays in implementation of the CCP’s decisions became dysfunctional in April 2013 just five months after its formation. The government is yet to reconstitute a new tribunal, providing the cartels an opportunity to go to the courts and get the implementation of decisions against them delayed even if not revoked. If a competitive market has to be developed, both the government and judiciary will have to remove the impediments in the way of the commission to give teeth to it.


Musharraf's abettors

PUSHED into the background — but only just — by other events, the political status of the Musharraf trial is difficult to know at the moment. Is the government willing to push ahead with a trial or will it bow to the (il)logic of civil-military relations and allow Pervez Musharraf to leave the country? Meanwhile, the defence team of the former dictator is doing its best to drum up scandal and headlines in the likely hope that it will build further pressure on the government. The latest move is to try and build some hype around a so-called abettors’ list, essentially the individuals in the military and the government who allegedly advised Mr Musharraf to impose the November 2007 Emergency. There are two aspects here worth commenting on. First, whether or not there were abettors would hardly make a difference to the trial that Mr Musharraf faces. Ultimately, it was the former military strongman who signed on the dotted line of the Emergency order — a patently illegal move, the illegality of which in no way is diminished whether he acted alone or on the advice of others. The defence team appears to be simply trying to turn up the political temperature by dragging other then-senior military figures into the picture in the hope that it will cause the government to back down from insisting on a Musharraf trial.

Second, setting aside the obvious motives of the defence team in repeatedly bringing up the issue of those who allegedly collaborated with Mr Musharraf, there is a real and important issue here too: for all the emphasis on the dictator himself, the reality is that military rule is only possible because of the many senior politicians, judges, bureaucrats and other public officials who collaborate with dictatorships. Go back to the original sin, ie October 1999. From the very fact that the coup was launched while then Gen Musharraf was still in the air, to all the constitutional and legal contortions necessary to validate the takeover, to the technocrats and politicians who rushed to Mr Musharraf’s side to help him establish his rule — virtually everything that took place required the dictator to rely on aiders and abettors who helped build the lie of constitutional, political and electoral legitimacy. Surely, if the door to dictatorship is to remain shut forever, those who helped build and sustain dictatorships should also be held to account.


Prank calls to police

OFFICIALDOM in Pakistan is often rightly blamed for failing to deliver the goods. Yet the irresponsible behaviour of the public also contributes greatly towards adding to society’s problems and making it difficult for state institutions to function optimally. Take the example of the misuse of emergency telephone numbers. As reported in Thursday’s Dawn, official data shows that a staggering 95pc of calls made to the police’s Madadgar-15 helpline in Karachi turned out be bogus and were traced back to pranksters taking the law enforcers for a ride. In some cases, the callers made their intentions clear by indulging in non-serious conversations, while in others when the police actually sent out teams to investigate, it turned out to be a false alarm. In a society so brutalised by crime and violence and with the police force spread so thin, such behaviour is appalling. While the police are criticised for their lack of response — in many cases genuine callers have been given the runaround by law enforcers — wasting the time and resources of the force through such trivial pursuits reflects the immaturity and irresponsible attitude of many individuals in society. Karachi is not alone in this regard, as the Rescue 1122 emergency helpline in Lahore, Rawalpindi and Peshawar has also been abused, with a high volume of prank calls reported in the past.

In Karachi’s case, the police plan to carry out a media campaign to educate the public against abusing the emergency helpline. The law enforcers can take numerous other steps to reduce the number of phoney calls; first-time offenders and minors should receive firm warnings not to make bogus calls. Repeat offenders should have their numbers blocked while in more serious cases, offenders should face the law, which calls for a fine, imprisonment or both for prank callers. It is hoped such measures will help bring down the volume of prank calls. With practical jokers clogging the lines and preventing genuine callers from getting through, prank calls are no laughing matter.

Published in Dawn, July 4th, 2014

Long road to poll reform

THE road to electoral reform in Pakistan is a long and bumpy one, yet the first steps need to be taken now to reach the goal of more transparent and error-free polls in 2018. In this regard, it is welcome to note that both the government and its allies as well as opposition parties have named their members for the proposed special parliamentary committee on electoral reforms. The names include some veteran lawmakers from both houses of parliament. Ever since the results of last year’s general elections were announced, there has been much talk of the need for electoral reforms, with both political parties and electoral watchdogs pointing out irregularities in the process. While we believe the 2013 polls were largely free and fair, there is nevertheless room for improvement. And the ideal forum to initiate the process of reform is parliament.

It is also welcome that the PTI, one of the loudest voices for electoral reforms, has nominated members to the committee, which was proposed by the prime minister. Earlier, there was some confusion whether or not Imran Khan’s party would be part of the process. The committee is the perfect forum for the PTI and all other political forces to discuss, debate and finalise implementable proposals that can lead to meaningful electoral reforms. Regarding the PTI’s plan to march on Islamabad next month in pursuance of the reform agenda, we hope the party reconsiders this option and works within parliament to press for change. As for the party’s demand for a recount in four constituencies, this should be considered without delay so that the controversy is settled and all parties can concentrate on working on the reform agenda within parliament. The initial interest shown in the committee by political forces should also take the wind out of the sails of those elements trying to use controversies surrounding the 2013 general polls to push for extra-constitutional adventurism. If reform is really what these forces are interested in, they should give their proposals to the committee rather than talking about half-baked ‘revolutions’.

Much needs to be done to achieve meaningful electoral reform; we should not be pleased simply with the proposal of names for the committee. In fact, the real hard work will begin once the committee is finalised and starts debating its agenda. We must be under no illusion that the process will be an easy undertaking. After all, political forces have been unable to agree to a permanent chief election commissioner ever since Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim resigned from the post last year. It is worrying that three acting CECs have occupied the slot since it fell vacant. The political parties must address this and many other pressing issues through the committee, and work must start now if the target of achieving electoral reforms is to be met by 2018.


Pak China corridor

IN principle, the Pakistan-China economic corridor is a good idea, but its implementation has significant question marks hanging over it. The idea envisages a road and rail network that connects Pakistan’s deep water ports in the south — Karachi and Gwadar — with the city of Kashgar that serves as China’s big hub of regional trade activity. Karachi and Gwadar provide the nearest deep-water port options for Kashgar, which is slated to become an important city connecting the entire Central Asian region with Russia and the Middle East. Coupled with the other projects that have also been announced, including two nuclear power reactors in Karachi, numerous projects in the power sector, an international airport in Gwadar, an overland high-speed fibre optic link to Rawalpindi, it becomes clear that the infrastructure is being laid down to pull Pakistan into a tighter embrace with China. Last week, a highly placed Chinese official told a gathering in Urumqi that a study on a direct rail link from Gwadar to Kashgar has been initiated, despite a “hostile environment and complicated geographical conditions”.

The project needs more transparency and a clearer idea of who exactly is in charge of its implementation on the Pakistani side. It also needs to become clearer how the security challenges of Balochistan will be tackled, since the formation of a 10,000 man strong Balochistan Constabulary announced at the last Ecnec meeting is likely to prove very inadequate to the task. In a recent Senate hearing, Planning Commission representatives — who are trying to integrate the corridor and their own Vision 2025 — were unable to give a consistent and satisfactory answer as to why the route of the road link had been changed from what was provided earlier. Also, the Vision 2025 task force had suggested that Havelian should serve as a dry port for the rail link, which should run from Peshawar to Karachi. But now we hear that plans for a rail link all the way to Kashgar are ready for implementation. The corridor is the most promising development unfolding on our economic horizon, and the enormity of the vision that stands behind it is to be admired. But the details require sound management before that vision can become a reality, and thus far it appears that the government may be approaching the enterprise in a manner that is far from steady.


Murree conversation

IN mourning the loss of popular tourist destinations in the north to militancy and violence, the country has forgotten that one of the most popular and beautiful hill stations remains accessible. Since the mid-19th century, when it was developed by the British, Murree has drawn people during all seasons. As a result, the region has a long and interesting history which, many people belonging to the area feel, is generally undervalued in the map of the country’s historical and heritage record. It is heartening, then, to learn that nine historic buildings in the area were in May declared worthy of protection under the Special Premises (Preservation) Ordinance 1985 by the Punjab archaeology directorate-general. These include the General Post Office on Mall Road, a portion of the Cecil Hotel which is amongst the oldest in the country, the premises of the Convent of Jesus and Mary and those of Lawrence College in Ghora Gali. All of these, as well as the others on the list of ‘special premises’, are well over 100 years old and merit both protection and preservation.

It is to be hoped, though, that the effort doesn’t end with the placing of these structures on the list of protected premises. In general, the Murree area needs development and conservation activities that will benefit the residents there as well as promote tourism. But given the topography and history of the area, it needs to be handled carefully — the administration’s usual ham-fisted approach will just not do as in such a terrain this can do untold harm. Consider, for example, that the GPO building, built in 1876, had its facade torn down in 1970 in the name of modernisation. The efforts made to develop the additional resort of Patriata during the ’90s — also under a Sharif-led government — resulted in the liberal plastering of a portion of forest floor with concrete. Steps such as the protection of certain structures are exemplary, but they must fit into a larger, region-specific conservation plan.

Published in Dawn, July 5th, 2014

World`s indifference

AZA is no more the open-air prison it has often been described as; it is virtually a charnel house, thanks to a world that is utterly indifferent to the massacre of Palestinian civilians by the Israeli government. With naval bombardment added to the cornucopia of weapons pouring fire into the Mediterranean strip, observers fear a dramatic rise in civilian fatalities, besides the damage to homes, hospitals and places of worship. Should the hardline Likud government also choose to launch a ground assault, the all-round destruction could overshadow that seen in the Israeli attacks on Gaza in 2008 and 2012. What encourages Israel in its depredations is its firm belief that it can get away with any crime. Notice the routine pleas for restraint by the UN, America, the European Union and the world at large, forgetting that `evenhandedness` here puts the criminal and the victim of criminality at the same level. As for the lame duck Organisation of the Islamic Conference and the Arab League, even the mere thought that the two bodies could act in concert and meaningfully appears laughable, given the fratricide within the Muslim world, especially in Israel`s neighbourhood.

The truth is that Israel finds in the unipolar world an ideal geopolitical environment in which to operate with impunity. Even though it always enjoyed the Western world`s especially America`s unqualified support for all its plans since its founding in 1948, the existence till the late 1980s of a countervailing power like the Soviet Union and the communist world at large circumscribed Israel`s limitless greed for Lebensraum backed by an ideology fixated on war. The collapse of the Soviet system of states removed whatever little stood between Israel and its desire for more land, with its political leadership frustrating every attempt at a deal visualising the Jewish state`s peaceful existence with an independent Palestinian state. Supported by a powerful lobby inside the US, successive Israeli governments have snubbed American presidents and have consistently nibbled at Palestinian land by building new settlements and expanding the existing ones on the West Bank. It made President Barack Obama stand on his head within 24 hours and made him repudiate his plan for a Palestinian state based on the 1967 border. There is now vague talk in Israel about territorial swaps and population transfer as the final solution to the Palestinian problem.

As for Gaza, the `pullout` in 2005 was hardly that, for Israel continues to control the strip`s land, air and sea exits and has imposed a blockade that has as a matter of policy denied normal life to the Gazans. Hamas`s isolation, in part due to its own rigid policies, also encouraged Israel to go for the kill. It is an unequal battle in which the Gazans are the losers. To save casualties, the international community should intensify efforts to effect an immediate ceasefire.

Status of mother tongue

OR the second time in three years, National Assembly member Marvi Memon`s move for granting the status of national language to the mother tongues of a large number of Pakistanis has been thwarted. A standing committee of the Assembly defeated the bill by a 4-1 verdict. The bill sought the status of national language for Balochi, Balti, Brahvi, Punjabi, Pashto, Shina, Sindhi, Seraiki, Hindko and `all those mother tongues as deemed to be major mother tongues of Pakistan by the National Language Commission`. It also called for establishing a `National Language Commission` `with a purpose to developing criteria for giving the status of national languages to mother tongues....` which the mover pointed out was in consonance with the PML-N`s election manifesto.

Having failed to get the parliamentary nod for a similar bill she had moved in May 2011, Ms Memon maintained that `the main purpose of the bill was to show respect to all regional languages`.

The call made perfect sense since the recognition of diversity in language and culture is central to the good health of a country.

Perhaps it would have made some sense if the reluctance to approve the bill had been based on a fear that, no matter how hard everyone tried, there would always be a risk of some languages being excluded from the privileged list. Nor are there any reports of anyone on the committee standing up and pointing out that it was more a question of changing the negligent official attitude towards mother tongues beyond and above bestowing national status on them. Instead, the logic provided by the special secretary of the law ministry in opposing the bill betrayed a severely deficient understanding of history. The secretary said `...there should be one national language of a nation`. The real shocker came when he surmised `the country had already suffered the East Pakistan tragedy in 1971 as a result of the decision to declare both Urdu and Bengali as national languages....` This was indeed a very a strange approach once again in the name of national interest. A more realistic version of history says the disillusionment in East Pakistan was in large part caused by the denial of due recognition to Bengali. The lesson has obviously not been learnt. Sadly, so many decades later, the same flawed reasoning has been used to block an eminently sensible move in the Pakistani parliament.


T is indeed a damning milestone. As reported on Thursday, the country has detected its 94th polio case this year, surpassing last year`s total cases reported. If this trend continues and with a little over five months to go before the year ends, we could be heading for an alarmingly high number of total polio cases for 2014. And with international pressure building on Pakistan thanks to our reputation as a polio `exporter`, such a high number of cases could translate into even greater global isolation for the country.

In comparison, in Afghanistan, which is much less developed than Pakistan where state infrastructure is concerned, only seven cases have been reported this year. What is troubling is that most of these have been traced to Pakistan. The vast majority of cases in this country 70 so far have been reported from Fata, though a surprisingly high number (seven cases) have been reported from Karachi. This gives the state a fair idea about the key geographic areas vaccinators must focus on. And while the military operation in North Waziristan has caused a tragic exodus of IDPs, it has also thrown up an opportunity to immunise the children who were out of reach thanks to the vaccination `ban` imposed by militants in parts of Fata. The state must target IDP camps as well as the cities and towns where displaced families are settling in order to vaccinate children with multiple doses.

However, as the number of cases reported so far proves, the official response to the polio crisis has been woefully inadequate.

For example, there seems to be no organised effort to vaccinate passengers or check for certificates at airports, despite WHO`s call for immunisation of all travellers to and from Pakistan issued last month. The world`s concerns must not be taken lightly. If strains of polio originating in Pakistan are discovered elsewhere, travel restrictions will only get tougher. At the same time, we must not ignore the core problem: ensuring every vulnerable child is immunised.

Dawn/18-07-2014

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Live and Let Live!

Delayed electoral reforms

The Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms is, from a democratic perspective, a solid, timely and well-conceived idea that can effect real change in the electoral system and move the country closer towards the ultimate goal of free and fair elections. Unhappily, the catalyst for the electoral reforms committee was neither parliament nor a sober assessment of the shortcomings of last year`s election. Instead, it took the PTI and its chief Imran Khan to agitate specifically, and only, against PML-N victories in Punjab before the prime minister offered what appeared to be an olive branch in the hope of defanging the PTI`s threat. If the original motive behind a laudable idea was less than salutary, the manner in which the formation of the committee itself has been needlessly dragged out has compounded the problem.

Surely, for a committee mooted by the prime minister in the second week of June, the composition of the committee should already have been finalised and its work begun by now. Instead, now the committee will almost definitely meet after the upcoming Eid break just days before the PTI`s Aug 14 rally and at a time when most politicians will be interested in grandstanding and theatrics rather than sober and serious work. Unfortunate as the circumstances surrounding the start of the committee`s work are, once it does get under way there is real change that can occur, that is if the committee is steered by able hands and is given a broad mandate and genuine independence. If the transition to democracy is to be protected and consolidated, electoral reforms are a must at two stages: pre-election and election day itself.

History suggests that much of the rigging in elections occurs before a vote is even cast. Who can vote electoral rolls and whom they can vote for candidates declared eligible by judicial officers are aspects often manipulated to ensure genuine choice is restricted for the voter and that some voters are kept away from voting altogether. Without a voter`s ability to register his vote easily, as opposed to the present cumbersome process, and a candidate`s ability to contest an election without undue hurdles being created, as happened when returning of ficers asked unrelated religious and personal questions last year, elections cannot truly be free or fair. Then there is the campaign phase itself, with spending limits, advertising budgets, campaign offices and rallies and meetings with the public regulated only in theory, and never in practice. But it is on election day itself where much of the focus rightly lies, for unless a voter can easily access a polling station, cast his or her vote unhindered and then have his or her vote properly accounted for and counted correctly, there can be no clean elections. Transparency is possible, but the electoral reforms committee will need real commitment and backing.


It feels a little like déjà vu. The economy is in a sluggish `recovery` of some sort, with the growth rate showing signs of a faint pulse. Meanwhile, the stock market in Karachi has raced ahead, surging by 49pc in the year 2013, and another 49pc again since January of this year, crossing a historic threshold of 30,000 points last week. As is to be expected, this surge has been accompanied by euphoria in the fraternity of stockbrokers, who are busy selling the phenomenon to their clients as evidence of the `resilience` and vitality of Pakistan`s financial markets. As part of this larger sales effort to entice small savers into the market, brokers and their sales teams are telling us that Pakistan is the best performing stock market in Asia after Japan, that the rally is being fuelled by foreign investors, that it represents the confidence of investors in the smooth transfer of power that took place last year, and that the most recent boost in share prices is linked to the upgrade in the outlook on Pakistan that Moody`s has just announced.

All this is fine. And it is important to acknowledge that a rally in the stock market has been under way for more than three years now. But the small investor is still advised to be cautious about the excessive euphoria that is being peddled by the brokers. The same fraternity has, in past rallies, been known to sell snake oil to its clients, and grounds exist for buyers to remain vigilant against a repeat of the 2005 and 2008 crashes. It may be easy to see the rally in the stock market, but it is not easy to see its links to any developments in the real economy. All we can say with confidence is that money is coming into the stock market in large quantities, and much of this money appears to be coming from offshore accounts, thereby showing up as `foreign investor interest` in the local bourse.

However, these inflows could just as easily be connected with a tax amnesty on stock purchases announced in January 2012. In this situation, restraint on the part of the small investor is necessary, and until more is known about where exactly these funds are coming from, it would be better to maintain an overall sceptical view of the claims that are being made by the brokers today.


Now,this latest batch of drones may be a little more difficult to ignore than the unmanned aerial vehicles, or UAVs, that have a history of wreaking havoc in the northwest. The drone camera is fast becoming a fixture at all kinds of public events in the country. It was much in evidence in Lahore, enhancing the security cover for the Youm-i-Ali procession on Sunday. And there is a growing trend to employ the camerafitted UAVs to telecast news events such as political rallies. At the moment, they are primed as good utility tools that help any number of groups from security agencies to television channels looking for the best possible live coverage. Elsewhere in the world, organisations such as Amazon are looking to increase the carriage and flight duration capacities of drones to use them to deliver packages. The acceptance of the advancement has been wide and the predictions are that it is something that Pakistan will not be able toresist.Indeed,given the security challenges here, there is an assertion that Pakistan is where the drone camera is most needed. This sense of excitement, however, must not delay a debate on the drone camera use that brings out all positive and negative aspects of the invention.

Recently when a drone camera developer was asked to comment on `concerns that small drones could have a more sinister use, like peering at small children at play in a park`, his reply was: `Regulations are in place that guard against abusive use.` In many countries, legislators have been forced by the speed of the drone to quickly firm up the legal defences, of which preventing invasion of privacy is a fundamental aspect. The concepts of privacy are routinely flouted with impunity in Pakistan by the security agencies and, sadly, by the media. While the modern tool has been readily applied here, it is dangerous that no urgency is displayed to have rules that protect against potential abuse.

Dawn.

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Live and Let Live!

Inglorious ending
It was billed by Imran Khan himself as the speech of a lifetime, but even before he had begun, it had been obvious for days that the PTI chief had miscalculated disastrously and painted himself and his party into a corner.

Neither had the masses lined up in support of Mr Khan’s interminable journey from Lahore to Islamabad nor could the PTI assemble more than a paltry number of protesters in support of his mission to oust the federal government.

So, despite the rhetoric of the PTI and overwrought coverage in the media, the possibility of the so-called independence march ending in anything but a damp squib was rather low.

Even the threat of violence, hyped in certain sections of the media and egged on by the PTI itself, as a way of bringing to bear pressure on the government was overblown: the protesters were too small in number to overwhelm the capital’s security measures and much of the blame would have fallen on the PTI itself for blatantly and unconscionably instigating violence after being allowed to protest freely and fairly for days.

In the end, Mr Khan tried to exit from an embarrassing situation by attempting to obfuscate and confuse further.

While simultaneously announcing a so-called civil disobedience movement centred around the refusal to pay taxes and utility bills, Mr Khan also suggested the government has only a matter of days, if not hours, to secure the prime minister’s resignation or else the PTI chief would not be responsible for party activists attempting to physically remove Mr Sharif from Prime Minister House, a short distance away from the PTI protest site.

At this stage, were Mr Khan’s threat not so risible, it would be worthy of the severest condemnation. Here is the leader of a political party ostensibly invested in the democratic system who is advocating mob rule.

In addition, his recommended brand of civil disobedience involves starving his party’s provincial government of funds, provinces in Pakistan being dependent to a significant extent on federally raised taxes to finance their running.

If it is a sad and ignominious path that a political leader with genuine public support just a year ago is now embarking on, there is still a significant burden of responsibility on the federal government.

The PTI’s latest threats will likely peter out much as the independence rally did, but true political stability will only come if the PML-N too changes tack.

What is crystal clear in hindsight was also fairly evident in foresight: the greater threat to political stability came from the PML-N’s slow response to the PTI’s initially reasonable demands and then the panic mode that the PML-N leadership seemed to go into.

Now, the PML-N will again have some time and space to reshape the political narrative and the national discourse. Will it rise to the task?

A new PM for Iraq
More than three months after Iraq’s third general elections, a new prime minister is to replace Nouri al-Maliki, whose three terms as chief executive were the subject of much criticism.

Haidar al-Abadi, the new prime minister, starts with an advantage, for support to him has come not only from Iran and Saudi Arabia, but also from some of Iraq’s own Sunni tribes, which had felt alienated during Mr Maliki’s chaotic eight years as premier.

Yet, it would be naive to be optimistic about Mr Abadi’s ability to succeed at a time when Iraq and the region are undergoing one of their worst crises since the Anglo-American invasion in March 2003.

His first task is to form a broad-based government that could take on the challenge posed by the self-styled Islamic State, whose well-armed and highly motivated men have occupied large chunks of territory in Iraq and Syria and sent alarm bells ringing in regional states.

The IS has been ruthless in the territories it has captured, massacring not only Shias, Christians and the Yazidi minority but also Sunnis not on its side.

In Mosul, Iraq’s second biggest city, which it captured on June 10, its reign of terror forced a mass exodus, while its covetous eyes on Iraq’s oil-rich north have forced the autonomous Kurdistan government to seek American help after the IS militia routed the peshmerga, the Kurdish fighting force, near Mosul on Aug 3 and captured a dam.

On Friday, the Security Council passed a resolution to ‘weaken’ the IS, while the US air force has already gone into action against the radical Sunni militias. But going by the abysmal success rate of America’s foreign adventures, it is safe to assume that the US military intervention is likely to help and legitimise rather than weaken the IS.

On Friday, Hezbollah leader Hasan Nasrallah warned that the IS posed a threat to Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Jordan because it could get recruits in these countries. Let us also note that in his Ramazan-eve speech, Saudi King Abdullah strongly criticised religious extremists and vowed not to let “a handful of terrorists ... terrify Muslims”.

A kind of consensus seems to be developing in the Middle East against mass murderers masquerading as holy warriors. The big question is whether the regional states will give up their differences and unite to resist what the Hezbollah leader calls “a monster”

Right to education denied
Heedless of the future, regardless of all the damning statistics pertaining to out-of-school children in Pakistan, criminal negligence in the education sector continues unabated.

A recent report in this paper offered a glimpse of the dire situation that prevails in Sindh’s Shaheed Benazirabad district, a long-time PPP stronghold.

For example, in the area’s Long Khan Brohi village, there are three schools — two primary and one middle — none of which have teaching staff (apart from, curiously enough, an art teacher) and hence, no students.

Only 30 of the 150 children of school-going age here are getting an education, for which they have to trek to the only primary school in the next village. But while the latter institution actually boasts a teacher, classes are held in the open because the school building was rendered dangerous after the floods a few years ago.

At another school in the district, there are again no students because the sole teacher appointed here takes advantage of his connections in the local power circles to remain absent from duty. Neglect of girls’ schools is compounded by parental apathy towards girls’ education.

The conditions in this district encapsulate the multiple problems that bedevil the education sector to a greater or lesser extent all across the country.

The indifference of the ruling elite towards the constitutional right of all children to education, the lack of accountability of teaching staff, ‘ghost schools’ that exist only on paper, the politicised and irrational system of teachers’ postings, and the shockingly high dropout rate, particularly among girls, are just some of these.

However, given that Sindh back in early 2013 was first among the provinces to pass legislation to make education until Matric free and compulsory, the appalling education infrastructure here — particularly in a place where the PPP-led provincial government could easily take steps towards achieving that objective — makes a mockery of such efforts.

While increasing literacy rates takes time and sustained effort, there is scarcely any evidence that this journey has even begun.

Every passing day seems to bring out a new, desperate side of Imran Khan and the PTI leadership.

Twenty-four hours after vowing to lead a so-called civil disobedience movement against the federal government, the PTI chief announced yesterday that his party was quitting all assemblies, other than the provincial assembly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, while today he is to lead the PTI protesters into the high-security red zone of Islamabad which houses parliament, Prime Minister House and other important buildings, including diplomatic missions.

The latest move seems designed to allow Mr Khan to exit his so-called independence rally, not turn it into an on-off sit-in, while allowing his party to retain its prized asset, the only government it has ie the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial government.

To be sure, Mr Khan’s attempt to turn up outside, or perhaps even inside, Prime Minister House or parliament will — and should — be rebuffed.

Perhaps what Mr Khan is seeking is to be temporarily detained in front of cameras by the capital’s law-enforcement agencies and for the PTI activists to engage in some televised skirmishes as a way of ending the PTI rally on Mr Khan’s version of a high note.

Deplorable as Mr Khan’s tactics are, there is an immediate challenge for the law-enforcement apparatus of Islamabad to calmly and firmly but without the excessive use of force prevent the marchers from laying siege to state institutions.

Neither has the Islamabad law enforcement exactly covered itself in glory over the last year — as in the case of lone gunman Mohammad Sikander, who held Islamabad and much of the country hostage for many hours last August — nor have PML-N-led administrations inspired much confidence in their dealings with protesters of late — for example, deaths outside the Model Town headquarters of Tahirul Qadri two months ago.

Agree or disagree with their demands, consider them illegal or not, there is a responsibility on the state to protect the lives of all citizens — even those who are protesting against the government and seeking to do something illegal. Barring some violent escalation by the PTI itself, there ought to be enough well-trained and responsible law-enforcement personnel on the scene today to allow for a peaceful end to the PTI’s latest ploy.

The PML-N government should also be aware of the implications of Mr Khan’s other announcement: mass PTI resignations outside Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s provincial assembly (the PTI has several MNAs from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) mean a raft of by-elections will be held across the country in the next couple of months.

That means the political class will be in a semi-campaign mode and the intensity of focus on the PML-N government’s performance in office so far will only increase. It is uncharted electoral territory that the PTI has plunged the country into, so a steady hand on the wheel will be needed.




Sri Lanka’s 2-0 whitewash of the Pakistan cricket team in the recent Test series has left observers dumbfounded.

Despite the unpredictable traits of the Pakistan players, no one could have anticipated the abject capitulation of the team, both in Galle and Colombo, especially in the second innings of the two Tests.

Sri Lanka’s ace spinner Rangana Herath proved the bane of Pakistani batsmen, returning with a magnificent haul of 23 wickets in both matches.

The diminutive bowler, though not as gifted as the legendary Muttiah Muralitharan, sliced through the Pakistan batting to virtually win the series single-handedly for the hosts.

Pitched man to man, Pakistan is perhaps a better side than the current Sri Lankan outfit, and riding on the back of a gruelling month-long preparation camp, one thought they were ideally equipped to counter the Islanders.

However, the manner in which our senior players, including skipper Misbah-ul Haq, Younis Khan, Asad Shafiq and Azhar Ali, lost their wickets to Herath was a sorry sight indeed and spoke volumes for our batsmen’s technique, or rather the lack of it, to counter quality spin.

Fingers are also being pointed towards seasoned campaigners like Moin Khan, Waqar Younis, Mushtaq Ahmed and Grant Flower, all paid handsomely by the Pakistan Cricket Board to mould this team into a world-class unit.

But it seems as if the army of coaches failed to prepare our players to tackle the Herath threat.

The harsh truth is that with just seven months left for the 2015 Cricket World Cup in Australia and New Zealand, the Pakistan team has a poor standing in world cricket, having been relegated to the sixth spot following the losses in Sri Lanka.

After numerous failed campaigns away from home, cricket pundits ought to realise that players from the subcontinent lack the mental toughness to counter top-class opposition in alien conditions.

England’s 3-1 thrashing of Mahendra Singh Dhoni’s Indians testifies to that. It is high time Pakistan and India took appropriate measures to address their weaknesses.




A few years ago, the chairman NAB made headlines by boldly declaring that Pakistan loses up to Rs7bn every day due to corruption.

When asked about the source of this number, he upped it to Rs12bn, saying that the figures he was giving were actually conservative and the real amount would be far higher.

A few years earlier, a number began to circulate — there was talk of $200bn belonging to Pakistanis being ‘stashed away’ in Swiss bank accounts.

And somewhere in between, in August 2012, we had the famous water car episode, where a ridiculous fraud by a self-styled inventor captivated the imagination of a handful of TV anchors, cabinet ministers and even some former scientists associated with Pakistan’s nuclear programme.

In each case, the outlandish claims were used to build an argument that a short cut exists to resolve all Pakistan’s problems.

All we have to do, it was said, was to shut off the taps of corruption, or simply bring back the Swiss dollars, or just push the oil mafia aside and start investing massively in the water car, and our problems would vanish.

These examples set large wheels into motion, and the claim made in each case was simply fictitious.

Myths and fictions of this sort are now back in our lives. Wild numbers and claims are flying around all over again.

Pakistan Awami Tehreek chief Tahirul Qadri has been telling us that he will raise “trillions” of rupees by cutting “50pc of federal and provincial government expenditures”, and by “controlling the menace of corruption” he will raise an additional Rs6bn per day.

Another sum to the tune of Rs500bn will be collected, he says, if he is only allowed to plug a miserly “25pc of taxes that are evaded” — and with all this money he will create a welfare state.

Never mind that the numbers do not add up. What is troubling about the kinds of claims being made from the podiums of Islamabad today is that they are giving new life to the myth that there are short cuts to solving our problems.

Not only that, the claims of a short cut are laced with a menacing threat: those not marching to the beat are in some way part of the unjust status quo. This is water car politics, and it is needlessly muddying the waters where the realm of the possible is concerned.

Published in Dawn, August 19th, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

Death of a star

Squash legend Hashim Khan who died in the US on Monday night will forever be remembered as one of the greatest players to have played the game.

The little, great man from the back hills of Peshawar was the first sportsman from Pakistan to gain the status of world champion, creating a rallying point for a fledgling nation.

Hashim Khan, born somewhere around 1914 (his exact year of birth remains disputed) in Nawakilli, a small village in the suburbs of Peshawar, won the first of his seven British Open crowns in 1951 at Wembley.

He was around 37 years then, an age when most athletes call it a day. But the squash star was made of sterner stuff. He won the tournament from 1951 to 1956 and then again in 1958 to set a record that was only surpassed years later by Australian legend Geoff Hunt.

But it had not always been like that for Hashim Khan. In his formative years, he quit school to become a ball boy at the courts and played the game barefoot before joining the ranks of the professionals.

As one of his sons put it: “He was a whirlwind who came out of the distant Himalayan mountains and conquered the world. It sounds mythical but it’s sort of fitting that it stays that way.” Hashim Khan was the founding father of the Khan dynasty that has dominated the sport for the better part of the last five decades.

He made his younger sibling Azam switch from tennis to squash and groomed him into a worthy successor. He also taught the art to his nephew Mohibullah Khan Sr, who, like his uncle, won the British Open trophy.

Later, his descendants ruled the hard ball version of the game in North America for years. Hashim Khan brought about a world of a change in the sport and his innovations made it extremely popular and exciting. The game of squash owes a huge debt to this legend.

Faltering IMF talks

Talks between the government and the IMF have failed to conclude. The Fund now says that “discussions will be continuing” via video conference in the coming days, without touching on the reasons for the lack of closure.

Instead, in what can only be called a diplomatic bow, the Fund prefers to use rose-scented language to tell us that it is “encouraged by the overall progress” of the government’s reform effort which is “broadly on track”, that the talks “have been useful” and the mission “made excellent progress”.

We are left guessing at the reasons why the talks failed to conclude. The government has not helped to clear the confusion, either. On Sunday, we were told by the finance ministry spokesman that the talks will end smoothly and on schedule, and waivers were being sought for non-compliance on a couple of minor items only.

He also confirmed that both sides would hold their customary joint news conference on Monday at the conclusion of the talks. Then on Monday, we were told that the talks would continue for another three or four days, possibly with a conclusion on Friday because the finance minister had to rush back to Islamabad for a meeting of the parliamentary committee on electoral reforms.

A few leaks suggest the sticking points might be larger than what is being alluded to. For one, the government is still struggling to bring about the power tariff adjustments required to keep the power subsidy bill from growing.

The matter had been complicated by a Nepra determination calling for lowering of the tariff, followed by an order of the Lahore High Court demanding implementation. Additional leaks suggest that the government failed to fully comply with the terms of the commitment to grant autonomy to the State Bank.

It is disingenuous of both parties to try to conceal the facts. Mr Dar should have given greater priority to the meetings. The political situation in Islamabad is insufficient reason for the government to allow economic decision-making to be paralysed in this way.

It is hard to understand why the parliamentary committee could not wait while the issues with the Fund were cleared. The Fund should make special mention of this delay in its fourth review report, and give the full reasons why the talks dragged on like this.



The Pakistan-India foreign secretary-level talks to have been held next week were supposed to mark the first meaningful engagement in the normalisation process between the two countries since Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi won power.

Now, the cancelled meeting has instantly become a symbol of the difficulty to even talk about talks when it comes to the two rivals.

To be sure, this time the blame must lie firmly on the Indian side. The suggestion that the Pakistan high commissioner to India, Abdul Basit, committed a grave diplomatic error by meeting a Kashmir Hurriyat leader is simply preposterous.

Leave aside that such meetings ahead of high-level talks between Pakistan and India have occurred in the past and are standard diplomatic fare, if Mr Modi’s government is really keen on starting over with Pakistan, then would it not make sense to bring on board as many stakeholders as possible when it comes to the Kashmir dispute?

Bizarrely, there have even been claims in some Indian quarters that the meeting in India would be akin to Indian diplomats engaging Baloch separatists in Pakistan.

Perhaps it is worth reiterating the basic facts here: Kashmir has been an internationally accepted disputed area from the very inception of Pakistan and India; there is absolutely no question about the legal status of Balochistan as part of the Pakistani federation.

Unhappily, latest events have underlined an old truth when it comes to Pakistan-India relations: if the political leadership on both sides appears weak, hawks and hard-liners emerge to try and scuttle the very idea of normalisation between the two countries.

Consider that on the Pakistani side, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif took the difficult decision of travelling to Mr Modi’s swearing-in ceremony despite no Indian prime minister having visited Pakistan in over a decade, even as hawks inside Pakistan openly questioned why Mr Sharif was giving Mr Modi a public relations boost without getting anything in return.

Without that kind of singular commitment at the very highest levels of political power, Pakistan-India relations will never truly be able to move forward.

Of course, if forward movement is difficult, it does not mean that a tenuous quiet is a permanent condition. Going in reverse is all too easy.

The Line of Control and the Working Boundary are tense and low-level violence in recent days could quickly escalate if the political environment also turns poisonous.

Mr Modi himself made some hard-hitting statements against Pakistan on a recent visit to Kashmir. The BJP has been in power at the centre in India before, but Mr Modi is for the first time directly in charge of the international dimension of India’s interests.

It is all too easy to see how Mr Modi could use a hard-line stance on Pakistan to reap domestic dividends. But, while interconnected, international relations should not become hostage to domestic concerns.

Published in Dawn, August 20th, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

Déjà vu

By now, it is a well-known script. In the evolution of virtually every political crisis, there comes a point where the military leadership issues a carefully worded statement that is designed to come across as well-meaning and generous, but is in fact ill-advised and unnecessary. On Tuesday, after watching silently from the sidelines as the latest political crisis to hit the country ebbed and flowed over several days, the army leadership decided to wade deep into the crisis and offer some political advice to the political leadership. To some, the ISPR statement will simply reflect an obvious reality: there is a political impasse in the country and the political leadership needs to demonstrate “patience, wisdom and sagacity”. Note though that the ISPR had nary a word to say on constitutionalism, democracy and the rule of law. Instead, there was the usual martial language about sacred symbols of the state and the need to protect the national interest.

Place Tuesday’s ISPR statement in the proper historical context and it amounts to little more than big brother chiding the children of democracy to behave — or else. The ‘or else’ is always left unsaid, but the country hardly needs reminding about what it could be. Without a doubt, the army leadership has grabbed with both hands the opportunity that the political leadership has created for it — perhaps even steered events from behind the scenes to the present impasse. Conspiracy theories are manifold in Pakistan, but consider how quickly three forces converged on Tuesday to put democracy under pressure. Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri had, until the decision to move their separate sit-ins to a joint venue directly in front of parliament, kept each other at arm’s length since setting out from Lahore on Aug 14. Yet, on Tuesday, the two leaders coordinated their entry into Islamabad’s so-called red zone to perfection — Mr Khan and Mr Qadri taking turns to whip up the crowds they had assembled and alternating playing to the TV cameras. Amidst the sudden bonhomie between the PTI leader and Mr Qadri came the ISPR statement that piled on the pressure on the PML-N government.

If such a chain of events in the realm of civil-military relations is still possible in this day and age, some of the responsibility must surely rest on the shoulders of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for time and again mishandling the situation and underestimating his political foes. The latest mistake appears to have come after Imran Khan’s rally to Islamabad failed to gather the kind of support that the government was initially apprehensive about. As scorn and ridicule were heaped on the PTI and Imran Khan found himself isolated, the government again failed to seize the initiative. Rather than urgently and decisively switch the focus to electoral reforms and strengthening of the democratic system, the government seemed more preoccupied with ensuring that Mr Khan’s so-called independence rally ended with minimal damage caused to the government. The government’s mantra of being open to talks within the Constitution with any of its political opponents is almost meaningless at this late stage because the stakes have been raised so high. What was needed was some purposefulness and clarity by the government — instead, it meekly allowed protesters to camp outside parliament.

Yet, whatever the flaws in the government’s political strategy, it must not be forgotten — and cannot be stressed enough — that the origins of the latest crisis lie in an unwillingness of certain anti-democratic and also political forces to play by democratic rules. As ever, in seeking to bring down an elected government, the short-term goals have completely overshadowed any consideration of the longer-term impact. It may be Mr Sharif who is in the cross hairs today, but if the PML-N government is brought down in this most perplexing, even obscene, of ways, the floodgates will surely open. On the religious and political right alone are several forces who want nothing less than to reorientate the Pakistani state and society and to have a veto over any system of governance and policy choices that do not fit with their myopic, regressive worldview.

Is Pakistan really prepared to hand over state and society to such forces? Surely, the ouster of an elected government now will only embolden the dark forces that stalk this country. From here on, the options are limited, but clear. There may be a push for a national government with a mandate to implement electoral reforms before holding fresh polls. The exact mechanism by which such a national government can come into being is uncertain, but it may be an option the PTI is still eyeing given that it has not formally triggered the resignation process of its MNAs. The more desirable option is even clearer: all democratic forces, inside and outside parliament, must rally to the defence of a system under attack. Democracy is truly a system worth fighting for, till the very end if necessary.

Orphan city

Even for a city long inured to violence as Karachi, the past few days have been particularly bloody.

Over a dozen people have been murdered in several separate incidents, including four policemen, at least three of whom were believed to have been targeted by members of the banned TTP in retaliation for a police raid carried out the day before in which two of their comrades were killed in encounters. The relentless targeting of policemen — 112 this year alone — is indicative not only of the ruthless nature of the adversary but also of the militants’ tenacious foothold in this city of 20 million. The past few years have seen vast, unregulated settlements proliferating on its outskirts with connivance of local land mafias; these provide safe havens that have become a reservoir for all manner of crime. But there are also pockets in areas of the ‘city proper’, such as Lyari and Gulistan-i-Jauhar, which have become infested with TTP-affiliated elements that share the organisation’s extremist ideology and anti-state agenda.

Although violence by militants has of late been sporadic and taken the form of targeted killings, the continued existence of their strongholds and networks means they retain the capability to launch devastation on a wide scale, such as in the Karachi airport attack in June. The recent spate of violence has also exposed the limitations of the much-vaunted Rangers-led Karachi operation that began in September 2013. The requisite political will, finally, it seemed, was there with the federal government throwing its weight behind a decisive campaign to tackle Karachi’s spiralling crime graph. Indeed, within a few months, significant improvement was recorded: the overall crime rate dropped by 50pc and ethnic and political murders declined sharply. But sectarian killings, although less than before, continued to claim lives at a steady rate, a fact that was once again underlined this week with at least four deaths.

Senior law-enforcement officials concede that results from the Karachi operation have plateaued. The grim reality is that what must be the first line of defence in such a situation, the city police, is a demoralised, under-resourced force, beholden to mercurial political masters, and ill-equipped on all fronts to handle the monumental task before it. And what of the political forces and administrative bodies that are supposedly the custodians of this benighted city? Their wilful neglect of essential services and their no-holds-barred opportunism in pursuance of short-term gains has played havoc with Karachi’s dynamics and helped various mafias entrench themselves. And while they engage in ‘beautifying’ its skyline by building high-rises and commercial complexes in upmarket areas, ordinary citizens living ordinary lives continue to pay the price.

Published in Dawn, August 21st, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."

Guessing game

Even in the best-case scenario, finding some kind of middle ground between the PTI and Tahirul Qadri on one side and the PML-N federal government on the other would have been difficult. But the skittishness both sides have showed on engaging each other at all has made the possibility of a negotiated political settlement that much more difficult. After finally accepting that talks could provide a way out of the impasse and proposing a raft of ideas, the PTI quickly re-escalated matters yesterday by rejecting talks altogether. Meanwhile, after overnight speculation that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif would at long last use parliament as the forum to address the country and his opponents, Mr Sharif proved true to form and declined to take centre stage in that most democratic of forums, the floor of the National Assembly.

One side of the problem here is clearly the PTI supremo Imran Khan’s flip-flop approach to talks, sometimes seemingly wanting an exit from the corner he has painted himself and his party into, while at other times seemingly indulging in rabble-rousing in front of the crowd that has assembled at his demand. At times, it is difficult to know who is in charge — the PTI chief or the crowd he has assembled — given that the PTI switches back and forth between providing a glimmer of hope and returning to its maximalist position with breathtaking speed. For a country that has seen much political turmoil over its seven decades of existence, it would not be out of place to suggest that never before has Pakistan seen a political party and its leader demonstrate such whimsicalness on the national stage as it has with the PTI in recent days. Even so, efforts at talks must not be abandoned, and despite inflexible demands the government must push on, while the PTI must refrain from imposing preconditions. If Mr Khan and his PTI’s strategy is difficult to comprehend, the other side of the protest movement against the PML-N government — Tahirul Qadri and his supporters — are virtually impossible to fathom.

Mr Qadri, a religious preacher with a small but fervid support base, is truly seeking to hijack the country and impose his will upon it. To the extent that he has made demands calling for improvements in governance and public service delivery, Mr Qadri makes some sense. But anything more and he will need to prove he has genuine political support by participating in the electoral process. Surely, the political process is open enough to allow Mr Qadri to prove his legitimate support base. At the other end, regrettably, Prime Minister Sharif failed to capitalise on the mood in parliament yesterday. The parliamentary resolution reiterating that democracy is the only way ahead for Pakistan would have been that much more meaningful had the prime minister himself added his voice to the consensus.



Many months after the gruesome discovery of mass graves in Balochistan’s Khuzdar district, we are no closer to getting any answers about the atrocity. In fact, some of the findings of a judicial tribunal which were released on Tuesday have only raised more questions about the discovery made in January. For one, the findings of the tribunal, formed by the Balochistan government, are in general terms; and more importantly, the body has failed to identify who is responsible for the deaths of at least 17 individuals buried in shallow graves in the Tutak area. It has also absolved the government and security establishment of any involvement. Indeed, while the intelligence agencies may not be directly responsible for any of the deaths, did the tribunal look into the possibility that militants supported or at least tolerated by the establishment may have been involved, especially when some of the victims have been identified as ‘missing persons’?

As the tribunal has also discovered, a number of witnesses have testified that a local tribal figure — said to lead a group that reportedly targets Baloch separatists and nationalists — may have had a hand in the killings. Did the Balochistan government consider such testimony and was this individual investigated for possible links to the crime? Simply naming a potential suspect or blaming local officials for ‘neglect of duty’ will do little to clear the air over the killings. The tribunal should have come down hard on the investigating authorities for failing to properly probe the case. After all, judges are not investigators and can only work with the evidence they are provided.

The findings of the Khuzdar tribunal are similar to what earlier official probes have uncovered, or rather failed to uncover. For example, the commission investigating the 2011 murder of journalist Saleem Shahzad failed to apportion blame in clear terms. Similarly, the report investigating the 2011 American raid in Abbottabad, in which Osama bin Laden met his end, was kept under wraps until it was leaked by a foreign news channel. With reference to the Khuzdar atrocity, it is fair to ask how so many people were killed and unceremoniously dumped while the administration and security establishment remained clueless about the crime, especially when there is a considerably security presence in the area. Unless all the facts are uncovered and the perpetrators brought to justice, the Baloch will only become further alienated from the state.

US journalist’s murder

The beheading of an American journalist by the militants of the self-proclaimed organisation the Islamic State highlights once again the barbaric mindset that has become the hallmark of terror groups worldwide. Kidnapped in November 2012, James Foley was a brave journalist whose dispatches, in the words of his mother, “expose[d] the world to the suffering of the Syrian people”. The killing was supposed to be the IS leadership’s response to the American air strikes on the IS militants. But, as made clear by Washington, Foley’s murder is not going to make America change its policy. Calling Foley’s murder “an act of violence that shocks the conscience of the entire world”, President Barack Obama said his government would continue to do “what we must do to protect our people” and that America would be “ruthless”.

Tributes to Foley have come from his family and friends, and his mother said “we have never been prouder of Jim”. We in Pakistan can relate to Foley’s death — we can recall the trauma surrounding Wall Street Journal’s Daniel Pearl, who was murdered by militants in a similar fashion in February 2002. Pakistan is no place for intrepid journalists, unless they are prepared for the consequences, and some of them indeed have paid with their lives for their courage. Both foreign and Pakistani newsmen have fallen victim to terror not only at the hands of jihadists but also, allegedly, secret agencies and secular political parties and groups who have punished media personnel for doing their duty and reporting the truth in spite of threats to their lives.

The list is a long one, and it has made Pakistan one of the most dangerous places for journalists. However, the militants should know that Foley’s murder and the shocking display of the crime on video are not likely to discourage newspersons the world over from discharging their duty. All such acts do is to highlight the barbaric nature of elements and groups wedded to terror, that perpetrate brutality in the name of religion.

Published in Dawn, August 22nd, 2014

__________________
"I am still learning."