How many more deaths?

February 18th, 2013

The focus of our counter-terrorism debate has always been the TTP and its base of operations in the tribal areas. Far less attention is paid to the other militant groups that are terrorising the country and as a consequence they are able to operate without hindrance. The February 16 bombing in Quetta, which targeted the Hazara Shia community and killed 80, should hopefully end the silence. The Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) claimed responsibility for the attack, as they have for many dozens of previous attacks against Shias. This outfit is on a mission to eradicate the Shia community and yet the state is unwilling to take action. The LeJ operates freely throughout the country and its leaders address rallies without worry.

The Shia community, meanwhile, has to live in a constant state of fear and insecurity.

There was a time when the military financially and diplomatically supported anti-Shia militant organisations because they were willing to send people to fight in Kashmir. That policy turned out to be an unmitigated disaster and was even officially disavowed by Pervez Musharraf. These groups may no longer fight in Kashmir but are still waging war against Shias. And yet their former patrons either continue to support them or remain silent about their atrocities. False accusations are flung around, accusing the Shias of being more loyal to Iran than their own country and this is then used as a pretext to justify their killings. At the same time, no one seems to care that these anti-Shia terrorist groups are possibly receiving funding from another foreign country – Saudi Arabia.

The last time there was a heinous attack on the Hazara community, a series of inspiring sit-ins around the country sent out the message that we will not stay silent any longer. As heartening as these shows of solidarity were, they will never be sufficient on their own. Only the state has the power and ability to tackle extremist groups. The solution requires a blend of intelligence work, military action and better law enforcement. It is just the will that seems to be lacking. Until the gravity of the situation is recognised, Shias will continue to be slaughtered and the groups targeting them will become even more powerful and untouchable.

Running water fountains

February 18th, 2013

At a time when the country is going through a power crisis, one of the last things we should be trying to figure out is how we can run water fountains. Even though Islamabad runs on rules different from the rest of the country, having finances available that are denied to everyone else, for the last four years, it has been unable to provide the power needed to run most of the eight fountains installed in the capital city. This is because the Project Management Office, which was responsible for having first initiated and then completed this costly, yet pointless, project never got permission for doing so from the Capital Development Authority (CDA). This project is one of those white elephants so beloved of cities that are unable to provide basic services to citizens but love showing off things that are of no value to anyone.

The only reason the fountains do not have power provided to them is because all the correct paperwork was not filed. Had it been done so, the city would have been happy to give scarce electricity to run them. This is reminiscent of the Musharraf era, when the government boasted of having built one of Asia’s largest fountains in Karachi at a time when the power crisis was at its worst. Such luxury projects should not even be considered at a time when necessities like a regular supply of power cannot be provided to the country’s citizens. The CDA has tried to get the Finance Directorate to provide the funds to complete the fountains and get them running but has been rebuffed so far.

An investigation needs to be carried out to find out the individuals responsible for approving this project and having the fountains built. Islamabad’s administrators should have noted the rest of the country’s power problems and never continued with such a wasteful project and they would do well to consider public opinion on such matters in the future.

ADB funding: boon or bane?

February 18th, 2013

Pakistan is a resource deficient country, short on gas, power generation and soon we will be short on water as well. The answer — if one is to trust the feasibilities and surveys — lies in coal. Thar coal to be precise.

Thar coal, however, is not the ideal kind of coal. It is less energy efficient and it is also less environmentally friendly than other kinds. But it can — theoretically — solve Pakistan’s energy crisis. If Pakistan can solve the energy crisis, it can literally jump-start its stalled economy. Dams take time to build, time that subsequent governments have wasted. Nuclear power is expensive, and again, it needs time. The geographical footprint of alternative energy solutions, like wind and solar, is just too big for these to be practical.

So, coal is the answer, but we have no plants that run on coal and the Lakhra Power Plant is currently inoperative. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) had promised Pakistan $900 million to convert the 600-MW Jamshoro Power Plant to coal and to construct another 600-MW plant. But the ADB insists that these plants run on imported coal, of a different spec than Thar coal, because they would then be more environmentally friendly.

But once Thar coal is available, these plants will not be able to use it and Pakistan will be forced to import millions of tonnes of coal to run them or spend millions to convert them to Thar coal spec.

The government has been trying to convince the ADB to fund the import of coal which is of a similar spec to Thar coal so that the cost of conversion is not wasted. On the insistence of the government, the ADB assured the Sindh chief minster last year that it had no issue with funding these projects to run on Thar coal.

But now, it seems, the ADB has convinced the government to agree to its conditions and import coal of a different spec, or risk losing the funding. The about-turn in this case is not by the government, but the ADB. We will be more environmentally friendly, but at what cost?

Shifting alliances

February 19th, 2013

As polls draw closer, and parties step up the process of planning strategies, we can, of course, expect changes in the current order of things. The twists and turns to come are indeed hard to predict. The first of these has come with the MQM’s not entirely unexpected decision to part ways with the PPP, at both the federal and provincial levels. Following the announcement by Dr Farooq Sattar, ministers have already handed in resignations, ending — for now at least — what has been a long, often uneasy political partnership, built to a very large extent on expediency and the needs of both partners.

The breaking point came in the decision by the PPP to drop cases against the Lyari-based Peoples’ Aman Committee (PAC). It is not known why this step was taken at this point or the cases dropped after so long a delay, though it is known that the delicate PAC issue has been causing rifts within the ruling party itself. The move, however, prompted an MQM walkout from an in-camera session of the Sindh Assembly, followed by desperate efforts from the PPP to, once more, appease its prickly coalition partner. However, the meetings at Bilawal House in Karachi, with President Asif Ali Zardari himself taking part, eventually came to naught as Dr Sattar, on February 16, stated that his party could have nothing to do with groups that backed gangsters. The PAC issue has then, after all, resulted in the break-up of an alliance.

This parting of ways will, of course, have a significant impact in urban Sindh. In Karachi, and some other cities, the election has now come to be seen mainly as a tussle between two forces to hang onto traditional strongholds. These areas of influence are, of course, fairly well demarcated, and have not really changed markedly over many years. Together, the PPP and the MQM would have formed an almost invincible force in some of these constituencies. Divided, of course, things grow more complex — with the potential for violence also growing as a result in a city where many tensions prevail even before the business of balloting begins in earnest.

Relations with Palestine

February 19th, 2013

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s three-day visit to Pakistan is not, on the surface, any different to the dozens of other routine visits made by foreign heads of state. But, while the meetings between Abbas and his Pakistani counterpart President Asif Ali Zardari may not have produced anything more than the usual exchange of pleasantries and promises of cooperation; any interaction between Pakistan and Palestine is fraught with symbolism. First, there is the fact that Pakistan’s relations with the Palestinian Authority (PA) are not as warm as would be expected between two Muslim-majority countries. Former leader, Yasser Arafat, always blamed Pakistan for assisting Jordan in the expulsion of Palestinian refugees from the country in the 1970s. Then, we have had a complicated relationship with Israel. During the fight against the Soviets in Afghanistan, there were always suspicions that US arms were being routed through the Jewish state. And while we don’t officially recognise Israel, former president Pervez Musharraf did make overtures in that direction.

An added wrinkle is the emergence of Hamas in the Gaza Strip. With the PA’s influence now limited to the West Bank, Abbas’ trip shows that we have decided to cast our lot against Hamas. This is in line with the rest of the international community, which considers Hamas a terrorist organisation and does not accept its electoral victories.

While expressions of support for Palestinians are appropriate, we should avoid getting entangled in the intractable Israel-Palestine issue. The problems we face at home, specifically that of terrorists who share many ideological beliefs with Hamas, are far more pressing and there is very little we can contribute to revive the moribund peace process. This matter is best left to Palestine’s neighbours, who have far more at stake in the matter. All we can do is continue voting in favour of pro-Palestine resolutions at the UN General Assembly and keep relations with the PA as warm as possible.

A disappointing loss

February 19th, 2013

The manner of defeat that Pakistan suffered at the hands of South Africa in the second Test at Cape Town, while highly disappointing, was at the end of the day, hardly surprising. The four-wicket defeat, which also gave the Proteas an unbeatable 2-0 lead in the three-match series after having won the first Test by 211 runs, highlighted Pakistan’s traditional weaknesses — a brittle batting line-up, prone to regular batting collapses against high-class pace bowling. Add to this the fact that Pakistan took the field with only one match-winning bowler i.e., Saeed Ajmal, exposing the weak bench strength of the bowling attack, left depleted after fast-bowler Junaid Khan withdrew due to injury.

Starting the fourth day of the Test in a competitive position and hoping to give the hosts a challenging target to chase, the visitors were left ruing a now familiar batting collapse that saw them lose their last six wickets for just 22 runs. After having led Pakistan to some famous Test wins — mostly in Asia — captain Misbahul Haq will now be left in no doubt about the true strength of his wards in challenging conditions against a top-class team. This is not to say that Pakistan did not have their moments in the Cape Town Test. Having suffered a crushing defeat in the first Test, which also saw the side being bundled out for a paltry 49, Pakistan seemed to have recovered from that blow courtesy centuries from Younus Khan and Asad Shafiq. What their resilience could not hide, however, was the inability of the rest of the batsmen to combat the new ball and the pace and guile of Dale Steyn and Vernon Philander.

While Ajmal lived up to his reputation, bagging a 10-wicket haul, his brilliance could not compensate for the pedestrian display of the fast-bowlers. With the third Test starting on February 22, it is important that Pakistan quickly regroup. The team clearly lacks the mental toughness to combat top-class bowling and the ability to ram in on any advantage that it is able to wrest from the opposition, aspects that need to be improved upon.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Violence in the wind

February 20th, 2013

The crisp breezes of spring have blown in violence across the land. We do not know what direction they will take things in, as tensions, anxiety and anger mount everywhere. In Quetta, the ravaged Hazara community had to sit with the coffins of its deceased, seeking army protection. The Supreme Court has taken up the case, and in Quetta, protesters gathered everywhere, wondering when the violence will stop — if it ever will. The government finally seems to have woken up from its slumber, too, with a targeted operation against terrorists operating in the city although it remains to be seen whether this step will prove to be effective or not. Certainly, for now, things look bleaker all round than ever before with that strangulating grip of violence spreading like a dark shadow into other places.

In Karachi, where the environment is always restive, rallies, dharnas and marches were staged against the massacre. Political parties, religious groups and others came together for this. The result was a growth in the general sense of unease and indeed, a total disruption of daily life. Schools have been closed, so have markets and roads. Access to the airport in both Karachi and Lahore was affected.

The danger, of course, is that with so many diverse forces at work, the smallest spark could set off a bigger blaze. In this troubled landscape, conspiracy theories, too, abound adding to the uncertainty, which in so many ways holds back normal activity and means that people are reluctant to step out of homes. After all, no one knows from which direction trouble may step forward next and in what form. This is obviously not a happy state at all; nor is it an encouraging backdrop against which to approach elections. Notably, in Karachi and Quetta, but also elsewhere, we see a complete breakdown in the writ of the state. Chaos prevails and there is simply no way of saying how things are ever to be righted once more or the genie forced back into the bottle from which it has escaped, wreaking havoc as it runs riot through our land, destroying people and ripping apart the peace which is so essential to life.

Handing over Gwadar

February 20th, 2013

As with some other projects conceived during the Pervez Musharraf era, the development of the Gwadar port which started out on an encouraging note later left much to be desired. Security concerns had a part to play in the inability of the government to get the project off the ground. Now, with all work in Gwadar having ground to a halt, we have decided to simply hand over the port to China. China, which saw a lot of potential in having access to a port that would reduce the length of many of its trading routes and also give it a base that could advance its security needs, had made a lot of initial investment in Gwadar. Now, it will have control of the port, but until Gwadar is properly developed, this control will be of limited practical value.

The one concern that should be raised regarding this is that of sovereignty. A port, even if it is yet to be developed, has potential strategic and commercial value. Giving it to a foreign power is inadvisable, especially in this case, since we may end up harming our relations with China’s Indian and American rivals. For now, there is no imminent threat since Gwadar is not functional. It must be noted that China did not see the possible value of Gwadar as compensating for their security concerns. In fact, it was Pakistan which requested China to make Gwadar its naval base, but the Chinese did not accept.

The government never got around to building the roads and rail network that are crucial to connecting the port. The Singapore Port Authority, which was previously in charge of developing Gwadar, was so frustrated being rebuffed by the government that they simply asked out of their contract. We are now asking the Chinese to rescue us and essentially handing over Gwadar in a bid to do so. Also, considering that the people of Balochistan are already so alienated, making such a decision without taking them on board is not wise.

After the KLF

February 20th, 2013

In just four years, the Karachi Literature Festival (KLF) has become one of the city’s, most anticipated events and this year was no exception. It was marred by a few disappointments, the most notable being the absence of arguably the festival’s most awaited guest, Indian poet Gulzar who pulled out unexpectedly, along with Indian filmmaker Vishal Bhardwaj, at the last minute. Indian novelist Shobha De, who participated in last year’s KLF, was unable to attend this year due to a last-minute visa issue. Nonetheless, even the thunder could not keep eager Karachiites of all ages, including children, away from the wide array of sessions (nearly 150 panels) planned in a course of three days. Judging by the topics of the sessions, it would seem that the KLF was more political than literary but perhaps, one cannot escape this
given the nature of Pakistan, and certainly Karachi, where politics is inextricably linked to life. But it was not meant to be a popularity contest; a session on satire drew just as large a crowd as did the one on the missing Baloch, to cite just one example.

This year, too, featured an impressive line-up of speakers. Speakers included Steve Inskeep, former US ambassador Cameron Munter, Attaul Haq Qasmi, Intizar Husain, Izzeldin Abuelaish and the fiction writers without whom the KLF would not be a success: Mohsin Hamid, Mohammed Hanif, Nadeem Aslam, and Kamila Shamsie. Perhaps, one spoiler in the otherwise noteworthy event was the fee that one had to pay for a chance to interact with authors in an intimate setting. This sum goes against the spirit of the free festival; in fact, the interaction that takes place outside the session is what makes the festival lively. One does hope the KLF organisers will reconsider this for the future.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

The capture of Maulvi Faqir

February 21st, 2013

Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have, for historical reasons, always been far from cordial. This mutual suspicion has been one of the biggest stumbling blocks in fighting the war against militancy. The Pakistani establishment has been a willing patron of, or at the very least turned a blind eye to the activities of, the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani Network. Afghanistan, meanwhile, has allowed Maulana Fazlullah and the Swati Taliban to comfortably plan attacks across the border without doing anything to stop them. Now it looks that this might be changing. Afghan security forces managed to nab Maulvi Faqir Muhammad, who was a senior Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) commander and one of the most wanted men in the war against militancy.

Hopefully, Faqir’s capture is sign of growing cooperation between the two countries. Previously, the two countries have had to work together, usually with the US as an intermediary, now that the Americans have begun peace talks with the Taliban. Thus Pakistan has been part of the negotiations in Qatar and the release of some high-ranking Afghan Taliban members from Pakistani custody was also the likely result of these peace talks. That does not mean the two countries will continue to get along. There are fears that the Pakistani establishment may be nurturing the Afghan Taliban. If this is true, that means we are yet to give up on our so-called strategic depth policy.

There is also the possibility that Maulvi Faqir’s capture is of less significance than most think. There were reports that Faqir was banished from the TTP after he called for peace talks with the Pakistan government at a time when the TTP leadership was opposed to negotiations. If that happens to be the case, we should still be thankful that this unrepentant murderer is no longer a threat to our country. But we should also be wary of heralding a new era in Pakistan-Afghanistan relations. This may, like with many previous incidents, just be a false dawn.

Changing of the guard

February 21st, 2013

Resigned or asked to leave? What now for Abdul Hafeez Shaikh? What is in store now for the economy? The last question is really the easiest to answer. Because the fact is, there really won’t be, and shouldn’t be much of an impact. It is too late in the game, and with indicators that an interim set-up could be coming in shortly, the entire cabinet was expected to be vacating parliament soon. But the other two questions are not so easy to answer. The government’s official stance is that Dr Shaikh resigned. He has refused to comment but one can assume that would be his stance as well, at least in public. But many sources in the government or close to it suggest that this was not the case. There is really no way to prove it, either way. But he is gone, and Saleem Mandviwala, the former minister of state for investment — during whose tenure foreign direct investment dropped from about $5 billion to about $1 billion — is his replacement. One can take that as a comment on his performance and subsequently, on his eligibility for this post.

So what next for Dr Shaikh? There is overwhelming unanimity in the off-the-record and anonymous tip-offs that he is going to figure in the incoming caretaker set-up. Some say he left the post of finance minister because he is going to be the government’s top choice for prime minister. Some say he is going to be chief minister of Sindh in the interim set-up. But he is not without opposition either. Many feel he is too close to the army because he served as privatisation and investment minister during General (retd) Pervez Musharraf’s tenure and might face objections on these grounds.

Many feel he let the country down, economically. The rupee has hit a historic low. There are just enough foreign reserves for two months’ worth of imports. In 2008, such a situation prompted a balance of payments crisis, which only ended when the IMF offered a bailout package of $11 billion. In 2011, that programme was suspended after Dr Shaikh was unable to push through key reforms, most notably, widening Pakistan’s tax base. Of course, this failure is not his alone, but in politics, there is always a scapegoat, and some feel, this time, it was Dr Shaikh.

Opening games

February 21st, 2013

When defections begin and legislators start switching loyalties, we can say with some certainty that elections are around the corner. For most politicians, the need to win a seat and make it into the assembly takes over all else — including party loyalties — and we are now seeing this process taking place in earnest. In Punjab, there has been of late a sudden wave of defections to the PML-N. Nine PPP MPAs have switched over, along with two PML-Q MNAs. They have been accepted into the PML-N ranks, with the switchover being made in the presence of key PML-N leaders. The PPP parliamentary leadership in Punjab has already served notices to the defecting MPAs, written to the speaker and also to the Election Commission of Pakistan, seeking disqualification under Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution.

But quite beyond the legalities, the situation shows the political profile in Punjab when it comes to determining the overall outcome. It is quite clear that in the province it considers its home ground, the PML-N has an upswing, having overtaken the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf which, at one point, had shown a sudden spike in popularity. The latest defections also show that politicians on the ground are aware of where the wind blows from and are attempting to ride along the current. The growing confidence of the PML-N is, of course, one reason why it is pressing so hard for polls and backing the PPP on this — something that by good fortune works well for our democracy.

But the tide is not entirely one-sided. Powerful figures like Saif Khosa, son of senior PML-N figure Zulfikar Khosa, have switched over to the PPP. The family has a strong base in Dera Ghazi Khan. There have been other changes, too, and no doubt, more will follow. But the general trend is emerging strongly, and for now, it seems that the PML-N may be the best-placed party in Punjab, though some close battles are expected in the south of the province.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Ensuring transparency

February 22nd, 2013

In a move that should help promote transparency, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) will make available the nomination papers of all candidates online. In addition, government bodies like the FBR, NAB and NADRA have agreed to provide the ECP with information on the candidates, including tax details. Ideally, this information, too, should be made public, especially after recent revelations showed that a large majority of parliamentarians do not file their tax returns. Because of issues of privacy, the FBR and the ECP cannot publicise this information themselves, but it should become the norm for all candidates running for elected office to release tax information themselves. This is information that every voter deserves to know. Not paying taxes is a criminal offence and so every voter should be privy to this information.

Of course, simply putting nomination papers online will not be enough. We have no way of knowing whether the nomination papers filed by candidates are based on facts or not. It is very likely that many candidates will simply lie about their assets and taxes. To deal with this eventuality, the ECP should not hesitate to disqualify candidates whose nomination papers have inaccurate information. The ECP should also remember that much of the country does not have internet access and so should provide hard copies of nomination papers to interested voters for a nominal fee. Indeed, in many constituencies, it is very possible that almost no voter has access to the internet.

Hopefully, knowing that their nomination papers are freely available will deter many candidates from lying. But for many, tax avoidance has become a way of life and such candidates will probably try to come up with creative ways to explain why they haven’t filed taxes. The ECP should try to forestall this by thoroughly investigating the assets and expenditures of all candidates. This should include information on things like property owned and foreign vacations taken. The ECP also should not be afraid of being proactive in disqualifying candidates. Political parties will certainly cry victimisation but the ECP should not compromise its independence just to appease them. For too long we have tolerated corrupt representatives. There is no reason for us to continue going along with that.

Promoting education

February 22nd, 2013

Following the recent decision by the Sindh government to create a law to provide free and compulsory education to children between the ages of five and 16 years of age, various political party representatives in Balochistan have called for the same law to be put into effect in their province prior to the holding of elections. Members of the PML-N, the PTI, the ANP, and the BNP-M were among the few parties who were joined by civil society organisations at an event organised by Unesco and the Balochistan Education Department in Quetta on February 14, in which they demanded that Article 25-A of the Constitution be invoked as was done in Sindh. According to a survey discussed at the event, 58 per cent of Balochistan’s population has not attended school. One former MPA said that close to 250 schools had been closed in Panjgur alone but the education department had hired 500 ghost teachers who were drawing salaries without doing their jobs. Speakers said that there was no system in place to monitor attendances. These are despicable realities not unique to Balochistan that require a drastic rethink. Unfortunately, these problems cannot be fixed overnight and certainly not before the elections.

While there is no denying that the move by Sindh was a much-needed and noble endeavour, one cannot help but ask why this was not done much earlier. After all, the Eighteenth Amendment to Article 25-A of the Constitution (which made free education compulsory to children aged five to 16) was made in 2010 — so why did Sindh make it into a law a few months shy of the dissolution of the assemblies when there is little way of ensuring that it will be implemented? It is akin to passing the buck to the next government. There are many good points to the free education bill with relation to private schools, which have to take a certain number of disadvantaged children in but who will ensure that it is done? A failure to implement laws has always been Pakistan’s failing. Let us hope this is not the case with this law that has the potential to improve lives.

Watery resolution

February 22nd, 2013

Pakistan has finally met with some success in its objections to the Kishanganga Dam being built by India on the Neelum-Indus rivers. Whereas for several years Islamabad has argued that the design and function of the controversial dam violates the Indus Water Treaty between Pakistan and India, New Delhi has been unwilling to move on the issue. An international panel of experts had also failed to favour Pakistan.

But there has been some understanding of Pakistan’s position. The International Court of Arbitration (ICA) at the Hague has ruled, at least partially, in Pakistan’s favour, holding that India could not completely block flow downstream of the Neelum for six to eight months in winter as it had proposed, and also that the design of the dam did indeed violate agreements between the two countries. There are matters that still need to be sorted out, such as figures on the precise amount of water that flows down the Neelum. But even so, Pakistan has had at least some success and this needs to be welcomed. The ICA decision also highlights the gravity of the water issue between the two countries and the need to sort it out as efficiently as possible. As we know, Pakistan and also India are facing a grave shortage of water resources as the population continues to grow and the crisis that could arise from this has been described by some as potentially one that poses an enormous risk to people.

We can only hope that the verdict that has come in from the Court and its findings during the hearing, where many specialists provided highly technical information, can help sort out the issues that still exist. Both countries obviously need to talk about the matter on a bilateral basis. But perhaps, the views from the Hague will help clarify the situation and make it a little easier for Pakistan to justify its acute grievance over the construction of a dam which would further reduce water flow into its territory. This is something Pakistan has been emphasising for a very long time. Its voice appears finally to have been heard, even if only softly.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

In a rather unusual statement, the military has denied making any effort to postpone polls or put a technocrat set-up in place. The Director General of the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), Major General Asim Saleem Bajwa, has said that rumours to this effect in the media are completely inaccurate, and the military has in, fact, consistently supported democracy for the past five years. The possibility of moves afoot to stall elections and instead put a hand-picked set-up in place have been floating for some time, with suggestions made that events in the country have in certain cases been manipulated to fit in with this agenda.

Perhaps we should interpret the ISPR statement as encouraging. After all, our fledgling democratic system needs all the support it can get. But, on the other hand, we need to think what such comments mean and how they fit into the broader national picture. The fact that the military has felt the need to make such a comment acts as a reminder that for many in the country, it is still seen as the real wielder of power; the civilian set-up can operate only when it gives the go-ahead and approval. The ISPR statement, in a way, acts to endorse this way of operating. Just the fact that the military found it necessary to issue the comment is itself important, signalling where ‘real’ authority lies.

We need to think about the nature of our set-up. For our future, it is essential that we work towards altering a situation where the military continues to act as the force which holds actual power, while the civilians work only when it gives the all important nod of support. An elected government should not need to be propped up by any other institution.

This is something we need to work urgently towards. The military has no role in politics. The function of institutions is laid down clearly in our Constitution. It is essential that this document be adhered to by all quarters so that the structure of power can be maintained without ambiguity as to who is actually in command and where orders are issued from.




Within days of parting ways with the MQM at both the centre and the province, the PPP government has repealed the controversial Sindh Peoples’ Local Government Ordinance passed last year and restored the system of local government previously in place, i.e., the Sindh Local Government Ordinance of 1979. The law had, of course, been pushed through because of MQM support, with many being of the view that this was one of the conditions set by the party to remain in the ruling coalition.

The law had, of course, raised a furore the moment it was rather hastily put through the provincial assembly, with some members of the PPP itself fiercely opposing it. This is easily understood, given that the law, which benefits the MQM with city district governments restored in urban areas, is fiercely opposed in rural Sindh — where the PPP’s base of power lies. There had been protests from Sindhi nationalist groups over the law and there were several attacks on PPP leaders and legislators believed to be connected to the matter. This alone reflects the existing depth of anger that lay within Sindh over what was seen as an act of betrayal by the PPP government.

The party will now, of course, be hoping that the repeal of the law can help it regain lost ground in a province that it considers its home turf. But the question that arises is whether things have been left too late. While the removal of the law will be welcomed by many, comments have already come in on the PPP’s actions. Some argue that, as was done before, the PPP could once again bring in this or similar laws on grounds of political expediency, and that it has shown a complete disregard for principle. This view will not be an easy one for the PPP to challenge at this point. But the party and its electoral candidates will still be hoping that the wiping away of the law will benefit it in at least some way, and help it at a time when it desperately needs support in Sindh.




British Prime Minister David Cameron went a step further than any of his predecessors at acknowledging his country’s dark colonial past, when he took the unusual step of visiting the site of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar. In the visitor’s book, Mr Cameron wrote that the episode, in which hundreds of protesting Indians were gunned down, was ‘deeply shameful’. This was at best half an apology, a way for Britain to express its regret for what it did in India without taking responsibility for the violence. A full apology would have been unlikely since it would then set off an apology tour where every former colony would demand that its ordeal under British rule be acknowledged too.

It is also noteworthy that Cameron’s expression of regret was only for this incident and not for the fact that Britain ruled India for over a century with little thought for the hopes and aspirations of the locals. There are still many who see colonialism as a noble, if misguided endeavour, where the British sought to develop and civilise the world. What is glossed over is the fact that colonialism was an economic enterprise where Britain made use of the world’s resources only for its own benefit. Certainly, a connection exists between Britain and its former colonies but it is a connection steeped in inequality. But none of this is likely to be seriously pondered over by any mainstream British politician.

During his Indian visit, Mr Cameron also scoffed at the idea of returning the Kohinoor diamond to India. The Kohinoor diamond is now part of the royal jewels and, like much of the heritage on display in British museums, was originally taken from a colony. There is again some of the colonial mentality on display here. Britain believes that it is a greater custodian of these treasures than the country to which it rightly belongs. And now, that it is a middling power on the world stage, Britain seems to have only these reminders of its glorious past. Regret is welcome but a more concrete reckoning is still owed to the former colonies.

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Yes We Can Do It!

(24th Feb 2013)

Action against the LeJ

Finally, as public pressure continues to mount over the killings of Shia in the country, the leader of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), Malik Ishaq, has been detained for one month at the Rahim Yar Khan jail. Previously, he had been held at his own home. It is unknown on what charges Ishaq has been held but it should be noted that at least two FIRs exist against him in Khanewal district. Before this, the leader of the extremist group had been held in jail for prolonged periods only to be released on court orders due to lack of proof. This time, too, Ishaq, at a press conference before his arrest, stated that the LeJ had nothing to do with recent attacks on Shias, including the ones in Quetta (despite the fact that following both, the group claimed responsibility for them) and that he would be “willing to go to any forum to ensure peace in the country”.

The action against the LeJ leader has come late; but the fact that it has happened is possibly a good omen. The question now is whether it will be possible to hold him for any length of time in keeping with the gravity of crimes committed by his group over the years. The fact that the LeJ has, according to reports, split into various factions, adds to the complications surrounding the whole affair. Although there is no doubt in most people’s minds that Ishaq is behind many attacks, it is hard to say precisely who is giving the orders in Quetta, with Usman Saifullah Kurd repeatedly named as the man behind the Hazara massacres.

However, it is clear we need some kind of action. The capture of Ishaq is, therefore, welcome. It coincides with an operation in Quetta in which two LeJ activists were killed and four arrested. It seems obvious that we need to go after all these groups with as much force as we can muster. The need, however, is also to have reliable police investigations so that evidence against them can be presented, the due process of law followed and those arrested not allowed to walk free this time as has happened more than once in the past. This is, of course, one reason for the continued sectarian violence we face across the country.

Meeting energy needs

The truism that nations have no permanent friends, only permanent interests should be kept in mind when dealing with the US. We have come to rely so heavily on American aid to prop up our economy that we sometimes forget that the US is funding us out of need, not benevolence. A reminder of this essential fact of international relations was given again when the US reiterated its strong opposition to the proposed Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline. Even though the US has invested significant amounts of money in the energy sector here, including towards building new dams and renovating old ones, it remains intractable in its refusal to consider the pipeline. This is due to America’s own relations with Iran and the sanctions it imposed on the country for its alleged pursuit of nuclear weapons.

The US has also pushed for the TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) pipeline as an alternative to the Iranian pipeline. This is despite the fact that the TAPI pipeline would be even more prone to being sabotaged since it would run through Herat and Kandahar in Afghanistan and then pass through Balochistan. If a gas pipeline is the answer, then TAPI is less practical than the Iran pipeline.

Of course, Pakistan has to bear the brunt of US pressure on this if it wishes to import gas from Iran. And given its dependence on American aid, this may be a difficult decision by any measure. The US has been pressurising other countries not to cooperate with Iran, which is likely what led to the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China to back off from its previous commitment to fund the pipeline. The TAPI pipeline will, at the absolute earliest, become operational by 2016 and, in any case, may be too risky a project to take since it would be unclear what the security situation in Afghanistan would be by then. What is undeniable is that we have so thoroughly wasted our gas resources that our only solutions are to increase prices at home for the next few years and then look abroad just to meet our basic energy needs.

Stalled talks

Of all the reasons Pakistani clerics could give for refusing to attend preparatory talks for a conference with Afghan clerics, citing the anti-Taliban nature of their counterparts may be one of the very worst. There can be only two interpretations of this action: either the Pakistani clerics support the Taliban and their ideology or, they live in such fear of the Taliban that they are worried about being targeted for their association with anti-Taliban clerics. Neither interpretation reflects well on the Pakistani clerics. The Pakistanis wanted to use the conference as a way to become part of the reconciliation process with the Taliban but true reconciliation will only be possible after a reckoning of the Taliban’s crimes and not by glossing over them.

In fact, a conference such as this would have been an ideal way to bring about clerical consensus against the Taliban. One reason extremism is thriving is that too many prominent clerics have provided religious cover to the Taliban. Even if they denounce the Taliban’s methods, they are often in agreement with their interpretation of religion. This conference should have been used to try and counter that. Instead, Pakistan is thwarting the possibility of even creating an anti-Taliban alliance. This will be counterproductive for the cause of peace in both countries.

Then there is also the unfortunate fact that such actions serve only to reinforce the almost colonial way in which Pakistan treats Afghanistan. In our dealings with that country, we want things to either go our way or we pack our bags in a huff. It was this attitude, which led to our foisting the Taliban on Afghanistan and then continuing to support the Afghan Taliban based in our territory. It seems that for us, Afghanistan simply exists to further our regional geopolitical goals. Now might be the time for some humility, to show Afghanistan that we take its concerns seriously even if we disagree with them. The place to express these disagreements and debate them would have been at the conference.

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Yes We Can Do It!

(25th Feb 2013)

Protecting minorities

Speaking at an interfaith conference in Islamabad, President Asif Ali Zardari called on clerics and religious scholars to take the lead in preventing the misuse of blasphemy laws, conveniently forgetting that it is the government that has the primary responsibility to protect minorities. He said this even as Aasia Bibi, the Christian woman accused of blasphemy is, still in jail. After Mr Taseer’s death, his own party, which was in government hardly did anything to prevent the misuse of the law. In such an atmosphere, silence is to be expected, but if there is anyone who has a responsibility to break the mould, it is our elected representatives.

Certainly, religious scholars have a role to play. They can provide the intellectual cover and credibility for this necessary task. But even that will do little good so long as the political class cowers at the thought of even addressing the issue. Any attempts to reform the laws have been instantly killed in parliament and the hope of it ever being taken up again seems remote. Even in obvious cases of injustice, there is always the fear that speaking out publicly will lead to being targeted by extremists.

We also have to acknowledge that the reason politicians remain so reluctant to even bring up the blasphemy laws is that there is widespread support for these laws. Anyone accused of blasphemy has more reason to be scared of the mob than the law. So far, no one has ever been executed by the state for blasphemy but many have been killed by murderous mobs. Until this mindset is changed, there is little hope for reform. Politicians and clerics should get out in front of the issue and try to change minds but we should understand that this, too, will take decades since the state has been exploiting religious sentiments against minorities for too long for change to occur overnight. This is a generational struggle but we should at least begin the fight immediately and not shirk our duty.

The right energy mix

Former finance minister Hafeez Shaikh once said that what Pakistan needs is not electricity, but cheap electricity. For Pakistan, the problem is manifold. We have an energy shortfall that is growing even with the addition of small power plants. But the more significant factor, perhaps, is the shift in the energy mix. In the 1980s, the country’s electricity generation relied on a fuel mix of approximately 60:40 in favour of hydropower versus thermal. This changed dramatically over the next decade with the fuel mix going to 30 per cent hydropower and almost 70 per cent thermal, by the end of 2010. According to a recent World Bank report, oil now accounts for nearly 40 per cent of electricity generation with gas and hydropower at 29 per cent.

This dramatic shift in generation source occurred because the 1994 and later, the 2002 power policy, did not discriminate on the fuel source being employed and made Pakistan hostage to fluctuations in international oil prices. This has resulted in rapidly escalating power costs, rising oil import bill and a strain on our foreign exchange reserves. Pakistan needs to reverse the trend in the energy mix back in favour of hydropower, or the next best alternatives, which are gas and coal power. However, with our gas reserves already depleted, there will have to be a government-backed shift in conversion of existing power plants to coal.

The ideal shift would be to hydropower by building dams. But dams take time. Now that Pakistan has discovered some of the largest coal reserves in the world, it is natural to try and use this for power generation. Government incentives with respect to an optimal energy mix are crucial. In the short term, shifting to imported coal or gas might be one solution. However, changing the energy mix provides only a partial answer. The arrangement under which private or public providers of energy come online is equally important if our industry is to become globally completive again.

School’s safety

The fire which broke out due to a gas leak in a classroom at a Shahdara Town school on the outskirts of Lahore could so easily have been much worse. As it is, it inflicted serious burn injuries on 22 children aged between six and eight years and their young teacher who courageously attempted to save them from harm. What is appalling is that the existence of a gas leak, probably from a gas heater installed in the classroom, was apparently pointed out to the school administration as children entering the room smelled the odour, but no action appears to have been taken to keep them safe. The explosion took place after a match was lit by a school guard right outside the gas-filled classroom. The children, who have mainly suffered injuries to the face and hands, can be considered lucky. Doctors at the Mayo Hospital to which they were taken, say they are confident all will recover, including two who suffered critical injuries. The teacher, too, remains at the hospital, herself having suffered severe burns.

The issue here is not of a single incident but of the wider problem of safety at schools. Just as is the case in public buildings, including shopping plazas, factories, other workplaces, hotels and even hospitals, contingencies for fire safety exist in few places. Staff are not trained to look out for hazards or deal with them. In other incidents, the lack of escape routes has led to deaths.

Especially in schools where administrations are responsible for the welfare and safety of children entrusted to them, we need to do more to ensure regulations are put in place and followed. It is unclear if sufficient rules exist at present. The members of the school’s management have, in this case, been arrested for negligence — but this is not enough to prevent other similar accidents which could so easily lead to still worse suffering and a high toll on life. We need to act now to prevent such a disaster before it occurs, given that prevention, after all, is always better than dealing with the aftermath of a grave mishap.

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Yes We Can Do It!

(26th Feb 2013)

Blackout

For several hours starting from the night of February 24, the light went out across all the major cities in the country due to a fault in the national grid, with some cities without power even after 14 hours. There are two main issues of concern here; first that despite the presence of fail safes, a domino effect caused a nationwide blackout and secondly that it took so long to fix this problem. Other countries, too, have had such problems but when it happened in Britian, authorities there were able to restore normal power supply within a couple of hours. It really is quite stunning just how quickly the blackout happened, with the tripping at Uch power plant quickly followed by failure at Hub. This should never have happened and once it did, the situation should have been rectified as soon as possible.

Immediately after the blackout, rumours began to swirl that the country was about to face an outside attack or the imposition of martial law. Thankfully these concerns turned out to be overblown. But this incident does show just how susceptible our electricity grid is to sabotage. This is now the second time we have experienced a blackout on such a large-scale and it seems obvious we learned nothing from the first. The problem was likely caused by a high demand and low supply of electricity, something that we should be very used to dealing with by now. And though we technically have fail safes in place, those obviously ended up not working.

In a way, this incident serves as a microcosm of our crumbling infrastructure. Our bridges are collapsing, our gas supplies have depleted and corruption threatens the safety and efficiency of every development project. Given the way this country is run, it is probably surprising that we do not have more breakdowns of this kind. Getting the country back on track will require years, possibly decades, of effort. We need not only to invest heavily in infrastructure but also to ensure that no shortcuts are taken and no expense spared. Debacles such as the blackout serve not just to inconvenience everyone in the country but make it much harder for us to attract foreign investment. For the sake of our future, we will need those who rule us to finally lead us out of the dark and into the light.

A Broken Land

Things have gone so badly wrong in Balochistan it is hard to know if they can ever be fixed. The degree of violence sweeping across the province is overwhelming and it is now clear that there is no evidence it is dying out. The Governor’s Rule imposed by the centre a month ago has had no impact on killings in the province. In the latest gory incident to stain the province with still deeper marks of crimson, six labourers working on the Makran Coastal Highway, about 25 kilometres from the town of Pasni, were ordered out of their camp by unknown gunmen, lined up along the roadside and shot-dead in cold blood. All the victims were from Zhob district.

The motive behind this atrocity is unclear. The Makran Coastal Highway links Gwadar with Karachi. The port has recently been handed over to a Chinese firm. But it is impossible to say if this factor was in any way linked to the death of the labourers, who could naturally have played no role in the decision. They had been brought in from Zhob, a few days before, to make repairs to the road. Their bodies have now been sent home. A 12-year-old boy present at the site was spared.

Local authorities hint there had been some warning of an attack. Some fingers point towards Baloch nationalists engaged in an insurgency in the province. Other voices speak of a possible Indian hand, given that country’s opposition to any involvement by China in Gwadar. The truth is impossible to know. Things in Balochistan are too complex to reach conclusions quickly. The key issue is whether our state has the capacity and will to calm the sectarian, nationalist and ethnic tensions that have crushed Balochistan. So far, there is no indication that this capacity exists. The dismissal of the provincial government last month has made no difference at all, and we need to think about what can be done to end the unrelenting violence which continues across a province where there are still no signs that the rule of law can be made to prevail.

Debacle in South Africa

When Pakistan embarked on their tour to South Africa, even their most ardent fans realised that it would require an exceptional show to even draw the Test series against the world’s top-ranked side. However, few would have imagined the complete capitulation on display during the three Tests, with the team recording its heaviest defeat of the tour in the last match at Centurion Park, by an innings and 18 runs, to end up being whitewashed 3-0.

After the somewhat encouraging show in the second Test where Pakistan held their own for the most part before collapsing on the fourth day, it was being hoped that the visitors would build on the improved display in Centurion Park. However, those hopes took a hit even before the match started, as Junaid Khan and Umar Gul pulled out through injury, forcing Pakistan to field a highly inexperienced pace attack, the immaturity of which was obvious as it struggled to stem the flow of runs. However, the real culprits throughout the series remain the batsmen. Their inability to combat pace, bounce and the moving ball is an indictment of their faulty techniques and the docile pitches they play on at home. The most disappointing aspect was the performance of the senior batsmen, including captain Misbahul Haq and his deputy Mohammad Hafeez, whose struggles were painful to witness.

Other factors responsible for the failure were the strange team selection, defensive captaincy and the lack of preparation for the tour. It is obvious that major changes will now be on the cards. A long-term approach is needed to reform the situation. We need to groom our batsmen to succeed on lively pitches against tough opposition. We also need to build up our bench strength as a few injuries were enough to expose the bowling attack. As the limited-overs leg of the tour begins on March 1, Pakistan will need to get back on the winning track to give their beleaguered fans something to cheer about.

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Yes We Can Do It!

(27th Feb 2013)

Overwhelmed by poverty

Balochistan is Pakistan’s most resource-rich province. Yet, it is also Pakistan’s poorest, if the lot of the people is considered. According to the government’s statistics, based on a survey conducted under the Benazir Income Support Programme, over 60 per cent of the people of Balochistan, and about 45 per cent of people across the country, live below the poverty line. It is an irony that a land can be so blessed with natural resources and be one that has long provided the nation with oil, gas and power to keep its economic engine running, but its own people have failed to reap the riches of this vast mineral wealth.

The situation in Balochistan is complicated. And so is the measure of poverty, which in its simplistic form is based on what people earn. The most disheartening factor is how the Baloch people score so low on the ‘Poverty of opportunity’ index. This is measured by their lack of access to not just income, but health and education.

Today, Balochistan is marked by a high rate of poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, and infant and maternal mortality. Years of military operations and insurgencies, coupled with discriminatory policies and poor governance have been root causes of this. The bulk of the projects that have been launched, including the Gwadar port, Mirani Dam, coastal highway, cantonments and the extraction of copper and gold deposits, do not envisage much local participation and trickle-down effect to the people. For example, the Sui gas which enriched large parts of the country, but the same gas was denied to Balochistan and the Bugti area for decades. Meaningful development can occur if there is political empowerment, local participation, improved healthcare, better educational and employment opportunities, reasonable income levels and peace. However, years of neglect by successive governments has not been the only problem. The apathy of the local sardars towards the state of their people is also to blame. It is true that effective policies at the federal level, involving not just economic but social equality for Balochistan, need to be formulated, but it is equally true that the Baloch leadership also needs to raise its game.

Quick Draw

The frenzy for instant news we are seeing around the world, and perhaps all the more so on the multitude of TV channels which dominate screens both in India and Pakistan, can lead to extremely unfortunate errors. One was made by the Indian TV channel India TV on February 24 when it ran a picture of slain MQM MPA Manzar Imam mistaking him for one of the terrorists by the same name believed to be responsible for recent twin bomb attacks in the Indian city of Hyderabad, which killed at least 18 people. Of the terrorists named as having been responsible for that attack, one was called Manzar Imam — a member of a group known as the Indian Mujahideen.

The broadcast of MQM’s Manzar Imam’s picture in his place would obviously be highly embarrassing for his family and party. The unfortunate Mr Imam was himself a victim of terrorists, killed on January 17 in Karachi. Following protests from the MQM and a demand from Interior Minister Rehman Malik, the said channel has apologised. But of course, the damage has already been done, with the image going out to audiences of millions.

Of course, this was an unintentional error. It has happened before in newspapers around the world and on TV channels. Nevertheless, it points to the need for greater media responsibility, especially as far as the highly tabloidised electronic media goes. The quest for instant news is leading to too many errors and acts of basic insensitivity. Indeed, our channels at home, too, should learn a lesson from what happened and find ways to tighten up quality and reliability. As things stand now, these are generally low. The electronic media, notable in countries where literacy is low and reading habits fading fast, reaches a huge volume of people each day. This makes it all the more imperative that it exhibits proper ethics and ensures it does not act to mislead viewers in any way.

Targeting shrines

In their war against the country, the Taliban have singled out religious symbols as a particular target. In particular, shrines have been a target because they are a representation of the moderate strain of Sufi Islam. The latest shrine to be targeted was one in Shikarpur and seems to be indicative of a disturbing increasing trend of targeting such sites across the country and especially in Sindh (Karachi’s Abdullah Shah Ghazi shrine was hit by a suicide bomber in October 2010). The blast killed four people and injured 12. Essentially, the Taliban have declared war on any interpretation of faith that is different from the rigid one that they follow and want to impose their harsh and retributive brand on an unwilling population. That they are willing to resort to murder to do so only makes them so much more dangerous.

The deeds of the Taliban and their allied militants seem to go against a pluralistic view of faith because in their worldview, all music should be banned, as should be television and films, and women should not be sent out of the home, not even for an education. Pakistan’s Sufi heritage is slowly being replaced with a culture that is foreign to us. We are stuck in an ideological battle but so few of us are willing to fight back and live in abject fear. Our social mobility and freedom is under threat but we have refused to take a stand against this outrage. One of the biggest obstacles is, ironically enough, the government itself, which more often than not, has not acted against those who have been involved in such attacks. To date, hardly any arrests, let alone prosecutions and convictions, have happened in cases of attacks on shrines and this failure to act has sent the worrying signal to the militants that the state will not react. The influence of the groups involved in attacks on shrines dates back to the Ziaul Haq era, when a combination of Saudi money and the need to rally people behind the mujahideen cause in Afghanistan led to the promotion of an exclusivist interpretation of religion. This worldview needs to be changed.

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Yes We Can Do It!