11.08.2013

Fata needs structural reforms
The reforms proposed by the Fata Grand Assembly could be instrumental in addressing the multifarious problems of the tribal region
By Raza Khan

Over the years there have been numerous proposals for rehabilitating, developing and mainstreaming of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata), however, none seems to have been adopted and have consequently delivered. The reason is that the earlier set of reforms were proposed by people who did not belong to the tribal areas and thus could not know the peculiar nature of administrative, political, legal and cultural problems and lacuna of in the Fata. In fact, all the previous reforms regarding the Fata had largely been formulated by bureaucrats who never wanted reforms in the tribal areas as it would have been tantamount to giving up the ways and means of making easy money.

The situation, therefore, in the tribal areas has gone from bad to worse with every kind of menace, whether religious extremism or terrorism or drug trafficking, continuing to afflict the region and its residents. Of late, the range of reforms recommended and are being advocated by associates of the umbrella organisation, the Fata Grand Assembly, are significant proposed measures that have come up till date from the miniscule civil society of the Fata. The reforms proposed by the Fata Grand Assembly, if implemented in letter and spirit, could be instrumental in addressing the multifarious and unique problems of the region nationally and internationally perceived to be the base of ferocious non-state terrorist networks.

The reforms included in the so-called ‘Fata Declaration’ were unanimously approved by more than 300 members of the Fata Reforms Councils from all the districts of the tribal areas. The unanimity was arrived at on the proposed reforms after extensive dialogue spanning five years. The dialogue has been focused on addressing the challenges in the implementation of already enacted political reforms in the Fata and recommendations for further reforms.

The Fata Grand Assembly is a conglomeration of political, religious leaders and civil society leaders, as well as students and women and lawyers bodies from the tribal areas. The Fata Grand Assembly also asserted that tribesmen and tribeswomen must be guaranteed the same fundamental rights enjoyed by other citizens of Pakistan.

It needs to be understood that any reforms for the Fata in recent years have aimed at alleviating the woes of the people there; putting an end to militancy and terrorism emanating from the region, initiating the reconstruction, rehabilitation and development process there.

The Fata Grand Assembly was hard-pressed to come up with its own reforms agenda for the region as the reforms process initiated by the state during the regime of Pervez Musharraf and carried forward by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP)-led last federal government could not be fully implemented.

It may be recalled the process driven by the government-appointed Fata Reforms Commission which concluded its report and recommended several political, economic, judicial and social reforms in the Fata, could not be fully implemented while the process on other reforms has been snail-paced. Against this backdrop, notables from the Fata, representatives of political parties, Ulema, lawyers, journalists, students and women from the tribal areas gathered so that their collective voices may be heard at the highest political level.

The importance of the Fata Declaration can be gauged from the fact that within days of their proposing, President Asif Ali Zardari, who constitutionally has the powers to legislate laws and regulation for the tribal areas, invited the leading lights of the Fata Grand Assembly for an audience. During the meeting, President Zardari vowed to implement all the reforms in the Fata proposed by the Fata Reforms Committee. He admitted that the process may have been slow-paced but it would have far-reaching positive implications.

The foremost reform which the declaration emphasised on is the constitutional amendment to allow the Fata parliamentarians to legislate regarding their own areas. It is ironical that the members of the Parliament from the Fata, including both the National Assembly and the Senate of Pakistan, could take part in making laws for the entire Pakistan but not for their own region. There can be no bigger absurdity in the political and federal structure of Pakistan than this. Only the President of Pakistan is ex-officio the sole law-giver law-amender in the Fata. In this context, this is a very sound demand from the Fata Grand Assembly.

The Grand Assembly also asked for the formation of an elected ‘Fata Council.’ The aim of the council is to serve as an executive arm of the government. It would advise the Governor Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), who is ex-officio, the administrative head of the Fata apart from the KP and is the top agent of the federal government for the Fata, in running the affairs of the region. If formed, an elected Fata Council would go a long way in ensuring at least a semblance of good governance in the tribal areas as well as laying the foundation of democratic oversight of the administrative affairs.

Another reform which the Grand Assembly has proposed is that the political administration shall be accountable to an elected local government. This recommendation has a rationale and those who know the tribal areas and the ruthless powers which the top official of each tribal district or agency known as the ‘Political Agent’ has and has been exercising cannot but agree with this demanded reform. For this, there is a need first that each tribal agency must have its own local municipal government and that too an elected one. It seems that the bureaucracy, which has always been the sole power wielder in the Fata, has hijacked the proposed local government system in the Fata conceived by the PPP government.

Division of executive and judicial powers in the Fata is another main recommendation of the Fata Grand Assembly. Since the introduction of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) by the British Colonialists in 1901, the political agent and its subordinate officials have been the repository of all the administrative and judicial powers in the Fata.

The Fata women don’t have any seats reserved for them in the NA. This is despite the fact that a large number of seats are reserved for women in the NA. Ironically, none of the political parties could give a single seat to a woman from the Fata from its quota since the practice started after the 2002 general elections. This credit goes to the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), which made Ayesha Gulalai from South Waziristan as the MNA. She has been nominated as MNA from the KP quota though she lives in Peshawar. If the process of change has really to be galvanized in the Fata, the region women have to be empowered meaningfully and its greatest indicator is giving them a role in political institutions and then governance.

The Grand Assembly has also proposed abolishment or extensive amending of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). The FCR, the legal-administrative framework for the Fata, promulgated by the British Colonial rulers, has been a draconian law. Although some reforms, including altering its most draconian clauses like the 40 FCR, have already been made by President Zardari, they could not safeguard the rights of the residents of the Fata. The only to overthrow the FCR is to make the Fata a new province.

A very sound reform proposed by the Fata Grand Assembly is the Extension of High Court jurisdiction to the Fata. Never in the history, the Fata had any court.

The Assembly has also proposed promotion of education throughout the Fata. Although this is very general demand, no efforts have been made, claims notwithstanding, for the promotion of education in the Fata. On the other hand, the extremists and terrorists have left no stone unturned by destroying the existing educational institutions in the Fata. So far, the terrorists have bombed more than 600 schools in the Fata.

The writer is a political analyst and researcher:razapkhan@yahoo.com)

18.08.2013

A flood of challenges
The current heavy rains and flooding call for comprehensive disaster preparedness rather than inadequate response
By Shahzada Irfan Ahmed

The above normal rainfall in the current monsoon season has once again triggered flash floods in different parts of the country. This has resulted in loss of life and property, severing of communication links, displacement of people in affected areas, loss of livelihood, outbreak of diseases such as diarrhea, burden on the government to rescue and rehabilitate people and so on.

For many, the current floods are a flashback of what happened in 2010 when the country faced one of the worst floods of its history. Though the affected areas are mostly those which faced the brunt of the floods in 2010, there are some new areas like Jhal Magsi, Loralai, Turbat, Narowal, Chitral, Dera Ismail Khan, Peshawar and Karachi which have been flooded this time.

Another notable fact is that the main cities, which would earlier be spared of flood water by diverting it to rural and agricultural areas, came under water due to extraordinary rains. The rains exposed the inherent flaws in the defence mechanisms of these districts and the lack of capacity of the state machinery to tackle the issue. In the case of Karachi, there was no efficient drainage system in place as declared by National Disaster Management Authority Senior Member Kamran Zia.

The real matter of concern is that more rains are expected which will further aggravate the situation. Secondly, the river flooding is another looming threat. It is feared there may be spills or breaking of dykes if level of river waters rise above dangerous levels due to more rains.

Yet another matter of concern is that the already cash-starved government is not in a position to bear the burden of financial resources required to carry out rescue and rehabilitation activities. The international donors and relief organisations are quite understandably shying away from carrying out relief activities in Pakistan. Apart from security situation, it’s the concept of “donor fatigue” which seems to be at play.

This overall situation requires the government and other stakeholders to work on a long-term strategy aimed at minimising the effects of floods. Building of water reservoirs, provision of evacuation routes, construction of retaining walls and diversion channels and training of local communities to effectively handle emergencies are some of the ways to achieve these ends.

Experts in Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) suggest that the reactive and response-oriented approach of disaster management bodies should give way to an approach where the disasters are avoided in first place, and in case they are unavoidable the damage could be minimised. They also call for climate compatible development — a concept gaining popularity all over the world. In this type of development, the planners have to design development projects keeping in view the environmental hazards they are exposed to and how capable they are to face them.

On the other hand, in Pakistan, people have the luxury of establishing settlements right there on riverbeds and block natural flow of river and rainwater by building obstructions and encroaching on land.



“Water management best way to tackle floods”

Dr Qamar-uz-Zaman Chaudhry, former Director General Pakistan Meteorological Department and Senior Advisor Climate Change Development Network (CDKN) UK, thinks the most important aspect of handling floods now is how to manage flood water. This is quite manageable and not a big task if proper planning is done, he believes. His point is that the weather pattern is going to be totally predictable.

He tells TNS the national Met office released a forecast earlier in the year saying the monsoon rains would be normal. “At that moment, I said there may be heavy rains and everybody should remain prepared for emergencies.” Though the rainfall this year is not as heavy as it was in 2010, it is still heavier than the last two years and there is more to come.

The current patterns, he says, show there would be extreme conditions in years to follow. Either there would be dry seasons or there would be highly concentrated monsoon rain spells, sometimes separated by brief periods of dryness.

This abnormal rain pattern, he says, is primarily due to the climate change the globe has experienced. In the past, there would be evenly distributed rains and the rainfall would be around 20 millimeters to 30 millimeters on a particular raining day. Nowadays, there can be no rain for a week or so and suddenly there is 200 millimeter rain on one particular day. This is erratic but one has to be prepared for this, he says.

Qamar stresses the need for building reservoirs to hold excess water so that it can be used in times of dry spells. Letting it go waste and fall into see is criminal. Besides, in the absence of reservoirs and diversions water overflows embankments and destroys agricultural lands and residential localities.

Qamar also calls for laying of proper urban and agricultural infrastructure. The problem, he says, is that there are no separate arrangements for draining storm water in cities. Unfortunately, storm water is diverted to already choked sanitation channels and the result is disastrous. If such systems are in place, cities can be saved from flooding and excess water can be diverted to agricultural lands through specially constructed channels.

He also urges strengthening of embankments and enhancement in the capacity of headworks. These structures are outdated and not strong enough to survive strong torrents. The headworks hardly survived floods in 2010 and could have collapsed had there been more rains, he adds.



Local remedy

Pakistan is a disaster-prone country vulnerable to several natural calamities. There have been avalanches, cyclones, storms, droughts, earthquakes, floods, landslides, river erosion and tsunamis. These calamities have hit different places at different times. The vulnerability of a place to a particular calamity depends on its geographical location, topography, living patterns of its inhabitants, its proximity to sea, river or hills etc and other factors.

For example, villages situated in riverine areas of Punjab are more vulnerable to floods during heavy rains than cyclones which target coastal areas. This implies different areas of the country have different needs when it comes to disaster risk management and response. This in turn calls for local preparedness, assessment of local needs, financial and administrative powers for local authorities and public representatives and their direct interaction with disaster management authorities, donors, rescuers etc.

During the past and current calamities, it has been observed that local response and preparedness have been the keys to proper handling of floods and minimising damages.

In the absence of local government system in the country, this arm of disaster management and response mechanism is quite weak and need to be strengthened.

Nadeem Akhtar of Doaba Foundation — an NGO working on disaster management in Southern Punjab — tells TNS though the government ignored this part, the UNDP supported District Disaster Management Authorities (DDMAs) under its special programme. The DDMAs were very effective as they prepared district based contingency plans and coordinated with different departments, NDMA, PDMA, donors and others.

The focal persons of these DDMAs, he says, were on the payroll of UNDP and answerable to DCOs of respective districts. This programme has ended and now it’s at the mercy of bureaucracy. The efficacy of DDMA will further be enhanced once the local government elections are held and powers transferred to public representatives. Availability of adequate funds with local bodies will also help them equip themselves with rescue equipment.

Tasadaq Shah, Adviser on Disaster Risk Management, PLAN International, a global organisation specialising in disaster response, tells TNS that damage is already done whenever response has to come from a centralised management. As communication channels are blocked or become dysfunctional, it is very difficult for rescuers to reach an affected place or transport relief goods. The local machinery and community, therefore, must be capable enough to function as first line of defence while enforcements from provincial and national organisations arrive.

He suggests the locals know their needs the most and should be involved in disaster management planning related to their areas. Citing the example of Rajanpur in Punjab, he says they prepared a rapid assessment report and designed the disaster preparedness and response programmes according to the specific needs of the district, and shared it with the authorities.

— Shahzada Irfan Ahmed

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

18.08.2013

Energy vision
The government has finally chalked out a comprehensive plan for producing 50,000MW energy by harnessing all possible sources, including solar, biomass, biogas, hydel and coal
By Alauddin Masood

The “power crisis” that the country is currently facing has been in the making since late 1990s, adversely impacting the trade/industrial activities, new job creation, revenue generation and the country’s march towards progress and prosperity. This crisis speaks volumes about the sagacity, foresight and vision of the authorities that had been manning the affairs of the state during all these past years.

There can be no quick fix solutions for an old, chronic and complex problem of this size. However, the nation can brave it for a few years more if the people are convinced that the government is trying to redress the situation and that it has a vision for the future and is now moving in the right direction in a transparent manner.

The word “crisis,” in the Chinese language, means both danger and opportunity. There is an impending danger in every crisis which poses a challenge to the stakeholders — the people, the concerned institutions, the nation and the country. If there is an appropriate response, it means the opportunity has been taken by the forelock. The word “crisis” itself comes from the Greek word “Krisis,” which means decision. It goes without saying that an appropriate response to a challenge depends upon an appropriate decision.

After resolving the Rs480 billion circular debt issue, according to authorities, the country still faces a shortfall though power generation has now peaked to 16,170MW. Realising the gravity of the situation and its impact on the national economy, the PML-N government has attempted to grab the opportunity by taking measures to tackle the energy crisis head-on.

The government is now mulling a 25-year comprehensive plan for producing 50,000MW energy. The plan envisages a number of measures, both short and long-term, to end the lingering energy crisis and meet future needs of the country by harnessing all possible sources, including solar, biomass, biogas, bagasse, hydel, coal, etcetera, for the generation of energy.

In their statements also, the PML-N leaders have expressed the government’s resolve to overcome the energy crisis and make best efforts for generating low-cost electricity. A solution to the energy crisis, no doubt, is a big challenge but the PML-N government seems to have accepted it and appears to be taking all possible measure to overcome the shortage of energy and even to cater for the country’s future requirements over the next 25 years. But, the outcome does not depend upon rhetoric alone, rather on an “appropriate response,” as mentioned earlier. Apparently, the government’s response seems to be pragmatic and prudent, but the result would depend upon the actual implementation and execution of the 25-year plan.

Dr Musadik Malik, special assistant to the prime minister, has explained “the key aim of the power policy 2013” in an exclusive interview to daily The News (August 7, 2013). According to him, its key aim is to “attract local and foreign investments and subsequently expand the country’s power generation capacity with a focus on producing cheap electricity. And investments can only be encouraged if the sector is made attractive and bankable by eliminating all subsidies to prevent circular debt....The tariff escalation underpins the government’s long-term transformation and sustainability goals in the power sector. Altering the energy mix towards less expensive fuels will lead to generating affordable energy.”

A beginning towards the implementation of this plan was made on July 31, 2013 when the Council of Common Interests approved the National Power Policy 2013-18. The plan aims at ending the power loadshedding by 2017, increasing power tariff, eliminating subsidy, in particular for bulk/commercial/industrial consumers, and setting up of utility courts to take the power and gas thieves to task. The tariff increase of Rs2 to Rs6.59 per unit has been made effective from August 1. Defending the decision, Minister for Water and Power Khwaja Muhammad Asif said: “The country will have to confront circular debt again if the power tariff is not raised.”

Two energy parks — one each in Cholistan (Punjab) and Gadani (Balochistan) — are proposed to be set up. The power plants at the Gadani park would use imported coal. Addressing at Gadani on August 1, 2013, Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif said that a similar park needs to be set up at Thar to utilise the huge potential of coal of that region.

The Rs60 billion Gadani park project would generate 660MW electricity. It would include eight projects of independent power producers, including one by the All-Pakistan Textile Mills Association to supply electricity to the national textile industry. Pakistan and China have also signed an agreement to build a coal-based power plant at Gadani. Electricity produced by coal costs less and, according to experts, electricity produced from the local coal could be supplied to the consumers at Rs9 per unit while the energy produced using the imported coal could be supplied at Rs13 per unit.

Presently, coal is providing 26 per cent primary energy and 40 per cent of electricity supply worldwide. Coal has gained special importance due to the growing concerns for energy security prompted by apprehensions about fast depletion of the known resources of energy and abnormal fluctuations in the international prices of oil.

Currently, China is the world’s largest producer as well as the biggest consumer of coal, accounting for 78 per cent of its total energy requirement. Meeting 60 per cent of its energy requirements from coal, the USA is the second largest user of coal on the globe. Ironically, Pakistan meets about 7 per cent of its electricity needs from coal. Pakistan’s continued dependence on imported fuels obliges the nation to make huge annual payments in foreign exchange from its meagre earnings, leading to burgeoning circular debt; while creating jobs and benefits in foreign lands but denying the same benefits to its citizens.

With total reserves of some 195 billion tons, globally Pakistan is the sixth largest coal rich country, having an aggregate energy potential exceeding the combined energy potential of the entire resources of Saudi Arabia and Iran. At Thar alone, Pakistan’s coal reserves are estimated to be over 185 billion tons against India’s total coal deposits of 140 billion tons. Seven other coal fields in Sindh have 8.617 billion tons of coal reserves. These include Lakhra, Sonda-Thatta, Jherruck, Oagar, Indus East, Meting Jhimper and Badin with reserves of 1.328 billion tons, 3.700 billion tons, 1.323 billion tons, 312 million tons, 1.777 billion tons, 161 million tons and 16 million tons respectively.

Other major fields in the country contain reserves of over 533 million tons. These include Khost-Sharig-Harnai, Sor-Range-Degari, Mach-Abagum, Duki and Pir Ismail Ziarat in Balochistan with reserves of 76 million tons, 34 million tons, 23 million tons and 12 million tons respectively; Salt Range and Makerwal-Gullakhel in Punjab with reserves of 234 million tons and 22 million tons respectively; and Hangu in NWFP with a reserve of 81 million tons. In addition to these major fields, there exist minor coal deposits at Badiuzai, Bahol, Bala Chaka, Bhalgor, Johan, Kachh, and Margot in Balochistan; Cherat in NWFP; Choi in Punjab; Khilla (near Muzaffarabad) and Kotli in Azad Kashmir.

It is need of the hour to fully exploit the national coal reserves. To make it possible, the country needs to upgrade and modernise the quarrying techniques, inviting foreign capital and expertise, and train the manpower for this job.

The future energy plan also envisages the setting-up a solar park — Quaid-e-Azam Solar Park — in Cholistan. Spread over 10,000 acres, Cholistan park project is expected to bring about a revolution in the solar energy sector. It is planned to encourage both local and foreign investors to set-up solar power plants in this park.

On August 2, 2013, the Punjab government signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Chinese company Norenco for the setting-up of a 300MW solar power plant in this park. The MoU envisages completion of this project within 12 months.

The Punjab government has made arrangements to provide one-window facility to investors in the energy projects. In this connection, Punjab has set up a dedicated secretariat for ensuring investment in energy projects, provision of facilities to the investors and rapid implementation on the projects.

A sum of Rs30 billion has been allocated in Punjab’s current budget for the energy sector. Addressing Punjab Energy Investment Conference in Lahore, on August 4, Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif called upon both local and foreign investors to come forward for launching coal-based energy projects in Punjab, assuring them that the government would provide maximum facilities and incentives to them. He said that there is a capacity of producing 1,000MW power from bagasse in Punjab and that the bagasse-based projects could be completed within 18 months.

The Sindh Engro Coal Mining Company has announced plans to build a 600MW plant, in 3-5 years, and expand it to 1,200MW. It said the project would yield a power tariff of approximately eight US cents per kilowatt per hour. Three other private sector companies have announced plans to set up five small/medium sized power plants in Sindh with a cumulative capacity of 135MW and an investment of $281 million.

Meanwhile, China Sunec Energy has approached the National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA) for a generation licence for two of its wind power projects, including a 50MW project in Jhimpir (Sindh) and a 2.4MW project in Naooriabad (Jamshoro-Sindh). It may be recalled that two wind power projects – FFCEL 49.5MW and Zorlu Energy 56.4MW – have already been completed in the province. Another company, JDW Sugar Mills, has approached NEPRA for grant of licences for its two bagasse power plants of 26.35MW each. The sugar mill proposes to set up one plant in Machi Goth (Sadiqabad-Punjab) and the other in Ghotki (Sindh).

NEPRA is reportedly receiving numerous ‘generation licence applications’ from the private sector for small and medium-sized projects, which require less investment and time to complete. Last year, NEPRA processed 14 applications for the generation of 1,343MW of electricity and it issued 12 generation licences.

Work on Rs250 billion 950MW Neelum-Jhelum hydropower project is already in progress and it is expected to be completed by 2017. The government is expected to announce the details of other future projects in its 25-year plan after their approval by the Council of Common Interests.

The writer is a freelance columnist based at Islamabad. alauddinmasood@gmail.com

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

18.08.2013

Since Independence
Confluence of economic and social challenges coupled with the rigidity of religious class pose an existential threat to Pakistan
By Dr Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi

Most Pakistanis, while not oblivious to the country’s multiple challenges, still think that the country, resting on weak foundations of democracy, conservative religious orthodoxy, and poor economy, remains fundamentally instable. Optimists think the country has survived numerous crises over the past more than six and half decades and there is little reason to think it cannot continue to do so in future. To the optimists, past is the preface. But history is not always a reliable guide and status quo will not be the future.

No single problem in Pakistan is likely to be fatal to the state. It is the confluence of so many challenges coupled with the rigidity of religious class, the sullenness of the society, the escalating demands of the youth, weak and shabby political structure, immature political vision of politicians, and most important, the instability inherent in generational succession that could well prove detrimental to the country.

It is not that Pakistanis are worse off than other neighbouring countries people. They lead more comfortable lives than most. It is not that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been a worse leader of the country than his predecessors. On the contrary, he is more sincere, a man of developmental economics, visionary and benevolent than most. It is not that Pakistan is making no progress. But the confluence of challenges is far greater than any time in the past. More important, the Pakistanis are less patient and more demanding than they were in the past. This can be witnessed from the recent general elections in the country where four provinces experienced four different political parties and alliances. The clergy class, once upon a time both feared and respected, these days is neither. Thus people are neither guided politically by the politicians nor spiritually by the Mullas, which is resulting in a rudderless and aimless nation, trying different experiences and experiments to find a way out for themselves.

Alexis de Tocqueville, in The Ancient Regime, described a kingdom of France “made up from different, disunited orders and from a people whose citizens have only a small number of ties in common. As a result, no one concerns himself with anything but his own private interests.” Louise XVI was the only French king in that nation’s long history to make an effort to unite his people in anything other than “an equal state of dependency”. But after so many years of divide and disunity, the French discovered, de Tocqueville wrote, that “it had been much simpler to divide them than it was thereafter to reunite them.” When Pakistan is seen in its present circumstances in the prism of history, one finds that de Tocqueville could have been describing today’s Pakistan.

At the 67th independence anniversary, Pakistani society is facing multiple challenges. Religion, the glue that kept the society intact, is today a source of division. Different contending religious forces wield the Quran to challenge each other and the regime. Some do not want to join politics but still drop no chance to harm the government and the country. Some cannot join the government and hence out of frustration damage the government and the state. In both cases, religion proves a strong tool to declare their opponent as an infidel.

An overwhelmingly youthful society with its access to social media like the Facebook, Twitter, internet, e mail etc has outside information and influence that challenges the authority of all sorts. The state is amidst a global war on terror and hence is unable to create jobs to absorb the youth bulge. Disappointed youth is ready to follow any political force that gives them a juicy slogan of “change”.

From abroad, India poses a far greater threat to Pakistan than has any foreign power in the recent past. Indo-US nuclear deal, and growing Indian role in Afghanistan will lash back its repercussions on Pakistan. Pakistan is reducing its defense budget due to its economic difficulties. However, Indian defense budget is souring with every passing year. Over and above, Pak-Afghan irritants have also soured the region’s atmosphere. Different terrorist groups operating in Pakistan and threatening Pakistan’s state and society have been funded by the Indian and the Afghan secret services. Moreover, deteriorating Pak-US relations are further fueling the fire. Pakistan is situated in a region where very few neighbouring countries are, in true sense, its friends. Thus the fish is having hard time swimming in an unfriendly sea.

So on the 67th independence occasion, what might the Pakistani government do to resolve some of the Islamic Republic’s challenges? If Arab Spring takes place in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya with no yielded improvements, Pakistan will benefit. As an alternative to any such Spring without reforms and improvements and with bloodshed and destruction, Pakistan is grateful at least for stability. However, instead of banking on failure elsewhere, we need to take initiative to improve our standing.

For starters, the elected government supported by the civil society should codify into law and enforce the modest and modern reforms so that they do not fade away under a new prime minister or a forthcoming dictator. The reforms which are proposed here do not mean the last words. It’s just to begin the debate so that we, as a nation, may start things on these lines. Today debate means tomorrow serious actions. We have to go step by step.

Democracy means Westminster Democracy. However, different countries have trimmed it as per their needs, culture and requirements. If the Pakistani nation is not that patient and if the Pakistani politicians are not that reliable, why shouldn’t we reduce a government term from five yours to three. This will mean lesser time for a government in which she will have to perform more. Their strategies will be quick and swift for achieving victory in the forthcoming general elections. On the other hand, frequent elections means the electoral college (the voters) will be politically more mature and will judge the performance of every government with comparisons and contrasts. Every political party that assumes power will remain at the edge of seat to perform more in less time. This would mean a true welfare state and benefit of the common man.

Pakistan deserves a strong law and order process. Thus law enforcing agencies must be given extensive powers. I know declaring it a police state will have its own negative repercussions. However, this will also strengthen the principle of upholding rule of law. Strong police with latest weapons, more authority, and greater training will serve the purpose. British, German, French, American, and Japanese police can be sighted as a few examples.

Governing a country is too serious a process to be left to the politicians only. Hence, even they need assistance of experts. if half the parliament is composed of technocrats (university professors, subject experts, retired civil and military bureaucrats, eminent Ulema (clergy class), sports legendaries, NGOs, successful business men/women, labour union leaders, house-wives and other sections of civil society), this will give an expert glance to legislation taking place in the house. The law passed by all such sections of society will not only be a pure law but will also be abided by all and sundry. Indeed it will be a law passed by the voice and mind of the people. This will be a way forward, presumably well short of Western democracy, to provide elements of political and societal pluralism that would engage the best and brightest of Pakistani society, not just more and more businessmen/landlords-cum-politicians, in governance.

Local municipal councils have just become a crowning feather into the caps of every government to score more marks in their tenure. But they do not empower them for local development. Funds are still distributed to the MNAs and MPAs. Local municipal councils elected for a term equal to the tenure of a National and Provincial Assembly must be given the right to tax citizens to fund programmes they favour in their own municipality. This would mean local revenues spent at local level. This would result in two-fold benefit: first, the nationalists will be satisfied that their money is being spent in their own area; second local development would mean, at mega level, development and prosperity of the entire country.

Normalisation of relations with neighbours is a prerequisite for peace inside and outside the country. Exchange of status like MFN between India and Pakistan are a good-will gesture which must be copied with other countries like Afghanistan and Iran. More economic ties with neighbours mean lesser political problems. Our foreign policy must be now from high politics to low politics. The world look has changed from security to economics. Hence our every ambassador and diplomat must have some kind of education on economics and its bounties and their performance may be evaluated on the basis of economic agreements between the host country and Pakistan.

Stronger economic relations with other countries will prove cyclical. The industry in the country will be on move. This would mean more employment. Hence the youth bulge will be employed here who would not heed to the Arab Spring in the long run.

The clergy class is left free of the state control. Such freedom has cost us a lot. If it is an Islamic Republic, religion is the part and parcel of the state. Hence, state must be in control of the clergy class. Thus state must issue the Juma Khutba (Friday sermon). Eminent religious scholars must be hired to seek their help in fulfilling such activities with religious zeal and zest.

Since Independence, Pakistan has been wedded to its status quo. Successive administrations found any significant change in that status quo to be so threatening as to be almost unthinkable. But the greater danger now lies precisely in clinging to the status quo, as rapid changes swirl both inside and outside the country.

Keeping the Arab Spring in view, especially what happened on last Wednesday in Egypt, any effort to bring reforms through public pressure is bound to backfire. This will doom the reforms with an infidel kiss of death and ruining the country more. Only the government of Pakistan can save Pakistan from the backlash of ‘Pakistani Spring’.

The author teaches International Relations, at the University of Peshawar. syedshaheed@hotmail.co.uk

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

18.08.2013

The aim of Pakistan
In this land of the pure, democracy has come to signify a government off the people, buy the people and far the people
By Dr Pervez Tahir

Pakistan’s independence was the result of a democratic vote. Its founder had declared, in no uncertain terms: “There are millions and millions of people who hardly get one meal a day. Is this civilization? Is this the aim of Pakistan? …If that is the idea of Pakistan, I would not have it.”

The observation was made because democracy is a system of government of the people, by the people and for the people. But in this land of the pure, democracy has been turned on its head. It has come to signify a government off the people, buy the people and far the people. Politicians of all shades and hues had promised that the economic problems of the people would be solved once we say goodbye to military dictatorship and a democratic era ushers in. Five years of an elected government delivered nothing of the sort.

The first two months of a second elected government indicate continuity, itself an achievement in political terms, but not a change as far as the common men and women are concerned.

On the Independence Day, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif declared that the holding of May 11 elections amidst existential threats provided the evidence that the country could rely on the consciousness of the people. For the first time, he promised a progressive rather than an Islamic welfare state. The evening before, his finance minister was on the chat shows painting the worst picture of the state of the economy and the absolute essentiality of the IMF dole. That did not prevent the younger Sharif in Lahore from warning that the country’s very existence would continue to be in jeopardy so long as the Kashkol remained the reason of our fame.

Have the ordinary folks ever figured seriously in the core business of the state? For a basic but dignified existence, the people require food, livelihood, personal security and justice. Sadly, all these went beyond the reach of those at the lowest quintile of income at a time when a party formed in the name of the people ruled the country for good five years. What to speak of actually solving these problems, it seems there was no plan to make life easier for the common man. Presidential immunity and third time premiership were the preoccupations of those charged with the responsibility of delivering governance or hoping to be in that position.

The rulers of the fifties had snatched roti from the poor. Dictators of the sixties took away kapra and makan from the hapless to nurture twenty two families. In the seventies, the party of roti, kapra aur makan emerged with the promise of undoing this historical injustice. Economic conditions of the seventies and present have striking similarities. The first oil price shock contributed to the highest ever rate of inflation of 27 per cent. And yet the party of the people was able to protect the real income of the ordinary people. Poverty declined. There were no queues for atta. Power or gas loadshedding was unknown. After the traumatic partition of the country in 1971, the party of the people picked up the pieces and put them together again.

During the recent rule of the party of the people also, there was again a jump in oil price. Inflation went up to as high as 25 per cent. War on terror, an abiding testimony of the enlightened moderation of the dictator of 2000s, took a heavy toll of life and property. But the experience of the poor was different. Long queues for atta, electricity riots, gas loadshedding and their rising prices, rising poverty and rampant joblessness are only a few facets of an increasingly hard struggle to survive. A large number of earners made less than the lowly minimum wage. While cities experienced increasing homelessness, villages witnessed rising landlessness. Worst of all, any one stepping out of home is not sure of a safe return.

Public sector investment in social is necessary to improve access and quality to the common person. In the post-18th Amendment period, the responsibility as well as resources rest exclusively with the provinces. However, all the failed slogans of the Musharraf decade were adopted by the PPP regime and now by the PML-N regime — uncritically. Without understanding the profound implications of this constitutional change, EDUCATION FOR ALL, HEALTH FOR ALL and DRINKING WATER FOR ALL are touted by the ministers as their preferred programmes. Education ministers promised to take expenditure on education to four per cent of GDP in a few years, oblivious of the fact that it has been under two per cent for over a decade.

The enrolment target for the MDG related to elementary education is likely to be missed by a wide margin in 2015. The largest province, Punjab, has actually reduced the allocation for social sectors in the latest budget. Similarly, the expenditure on health is unlikely to be more than half a per cent of GDP.

In 2015, Pakistan will be among the worst performers in terms of the MDGs regarding infant and maternal mortality. On the basis of figures that no one but the World Bank, trusts, the MDG target of poverty has already been achieved. It seems the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper sponsored by the World Bank was not just on paper. The operation was successful, but the patient died.

Resource mobilisation is the key, but resource utilisation and ensuring outcomes is equally important. The finance minister has promised to raise the tax to GDP ratio by one per cent every year. In an economy failing to grow respectably above the population growth rate, and with the present showing of an under 10 per cent tax to GDP ratio, one need not be a trained economist to see through the wishful thinking involved here. Whatever resources are available, their allocations are poorly planned on an incremental basis, releases are less than allocations and the utilised amounts invariable fail to yield the desired outcomes.

The euphemism for this state of affairs is bad governance. There is no appreciation here of the fact that centralised civil service has become incongruent with the devolution of power under the 18th Amendment. Finally, the non-democratic systems of local governance being legislated by the democratic elected provincial governments of Punjab and Sindh will take us back to the Morley-Minto period.

Should the people despair of the Jamhuriat or democracy? The plain truth is that the alternatives to democracy have been tried four times in our history, each ending with as an unmitigated disaster. The sixties left the people with a widening rich-poor gap and the second partition leading to the formation of the new state of Bangladesh. Social polarisation was accompanied by an economy in tatters. The eighties brought the genie of obscurantism out of the bottle. The chickens came to roost in 2000s, as the war on terror had dire consequences for the economy and society.

The problem with the political regimes has been that these were not democratic enough. Their economic management also left much to be desired. As a matter of fact, the best decade in terms of economic indicators was that of General Ziaul Haq. Economic growth was high, poverty as well as income inequality declined. However, the regime had the worst record of rights poverty. Political regimes, at least, did not leave behind a bleeding state and society. Their poor economic record was explained by their premature termination. Now that a political regime was able to complete its term, we now know that this was not the only factor in the economic failure of political regimes.

What needs to be done is to make Jamhuriat more Awami and to work on a consensus on a charter of economic and social rights. The consensus may be built around the following points, driven by the objective of bringing the people into the economic and political sphere by ending the elite capture of the state. These include:

Full democratisation of local governance.

Reservation of seats for workers, peasants and youth in all elected bodies.

Electorates’ right to recall a representative not performing to their satisfaction.

Decentralisation of economic planning.

Decentralisation of the centralised services such as DMG, PSP, etc.

An autonomous FBR, placed under the CCI, with members from all the provinces.

Provincial sovereignty over their natural resources.

Land reform to end rural poverty, together with crop and livestock insurance.

A fully funded mass programme of demand-driven skill formation to end urban poverty and a minimum employment guarantee.

An unequivocal financial commitment to universal, free, compulsory and quality education up to intermediate level; selective, merit-based and quality higher education.

State-supported universal health insurance as part of a Social Protection Floor.

A medium term strategy to go all out for the indigenous development of solar energy.

Regional peace and mutually beneficial flow of goods, services and people.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

18.08.2013

Taxes for what
The government’s yearning for “more and more taxes” has become a point of irritation for the citizens who argue where are the entitlements promised in the Constitution as quid pro quo
By Huzaima Bukhari & Dr. Ikramul Haq

Successive governments — military and civilian alike — have failed to convince the people that payment of taxes is their collective responsibility. The major reason for tax defiant culture in Pakistan is abuse of taxpayers’ money by Riasti Ashrafiya (state oligarchy) — militro-judicial-civil complex and public office holders — for plots, perquisites, personal comforts and luxuries.

People say if the government cannot protect their life and property, it has no right to collect taxes. In a democratic polity, taxes are collected for providing the citizens universal entitlements e.g. health, education, housing, transport, and civic amenities etc. The valid argument against paying taxes in Pakistanis is that it constitutes extortion by the ruling oligarchy for perpetuation of its control over resources.

The government’s yearning for “more and more taxes” has become a point of irritation for the citizens who argue where are the entitlements promised in the Constitution as quid pro quo? Excessive taxation without growth and equity has only compounded our economic ills — look at the number of fiscal deficit, quantum of internal and external debts, rate of inflation etc.

Voicing his concern, Nadeem-Ul-Haque, former Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission, in Reform or face fundamental ascendency, emphasised, “the state must first provide the social contract i.e. good law and order and security of life. It must dismantle the rent seeking that protects the rich….. Rent seeking relies on three main components: state subsidies, licensing and regulation; special perks and privileges for ministers and army and civil service employees and land distribution system that allows the poor man’s land to be acquired for the elite especially the army and civil service”.

An equitable tax system requires payments linked with benefits received from government services — the Scandinavian social democracy model is a good example to quote. In social democracies, the cost of government services are apportioned amongst individuals according to the relative benefits they enjoy. In economic terms, this is called “benefit principle” that presupposes determination of the incidence of public expenditure before deciding distribution of tax burden.

Tax policy should be aimed at achieving the cherished goal of distributive justice. The government should launch programmes financed mainly through taxes, to solve the twin problems of unemployment and poverty. These welfare-oriented schemes may also include free medical and educational facilities, low-cost housing, and drinking water facilities in rural areas, land improvement schemes, and employment guarantee programmes. Once people see the tangible benefits of the taxes paid, there will be better response to tax compliance.

Taxes cannot be collected through harsh measures and irrational policies as has been done recently by Ishaq Dar. The government, by its actions, must demonstrate to the citizens that money collected from them is spent for collective welfare. Presently, the ruling oligarchy is enjoying innumerable tax-free benefits from money collected from the masses, which get nothing in return. This is worst one can think of in any system of government.

It is an irrefutable fact that despite resorting to all kinds of negative tactics, blocking of bona fide refunds, the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) has failed to improve tax-to-GDP ratio. It declined to 8.2 per cent during the financial year 2012-13 from 9.2 per cent in the immediate preceding year. With failure to collect target of Rs2381 billion, the fiscal deficit jumped to nearly Rs1700 billion proving that irrational tax impositions cannot avert fiscal disaster.

In 2004, the FBR promised 0.2 per cent per annum growth in the tax-to-GDP ratio for the next five years while submitting ‘tax projections’ and ‘revenue-to-GDP ratio’ to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on the conclusion of 9th review under the Poverty Reduction Growth Facility (PRGF). The FBR informed the IMF that it would increase tax-to-GDP ratio from 9.2 per cent to 10.3 per cent in 2008-09 — in reality there was a decline of 0.4 per cent! Even the funding by World Bank for reforms (sic) of the FBR could not bring desired results as there is perpetual decline in tax-to-GDP ratio.

Economy as a whole in a shambles — growth in real terms is negative, debt burden is increasing monstrously, fiscal deficit has reached 68 per cent of GDP, inflation is again in double digit, taxes are evaded by the rich massively and whatsoever is collected is mercilessly wasted by the state oligarchy — who really matter in this Land of Pure.

Riasti Ashrafiya is thriving on the taxpayers’ money — they are the main beneficiaries of all the state’s resources. The list of tax free perquisites available to them is baffling and shocking — Perils of tax breaks, The News, February 17, 2013. The government’s kitty is empty because of wasteful spending on the perquisites of a handful few, on useless state enterprises and financing the monstrous government machinery that is both inefficient and corrupt.

The colossal wastage of taxpayers’ money on unproductive expenses gets further compounded when there is no will to take advantage of vital natural and human resources on the part of Riasti Ashrafiya. What makes things worse is the fact that many powerful political figures, in government and opposition, and strong men in khaki and mufti have stacked billions of dollars abroad when their fellow countrymen are dying of hunger — Our money, their banks, The News, July 7, 2013. These classes pay miserly tax in Pakistan but enjoy unprecedented tax-free benefits financed by the common people!

The ruling elites, representing militro-judicial-civil complex, industrialists-turned-politicians, absentee landlords and unscrupulous traders, are owners of huge movable and immovable assets created out of untaxed money. The issue of Pakistan is how to make tax incidence equitable and just. It is not possible unless all the generals, judges of higher judiciary, high-ranking civil officials get ‘consolidated pay packages’ and pay tax on that just as other employees do. These packages should be market-oriented but not tax-free.

The government, if sincere in collecting taxes from all, should immediately withdraw all exemptions and tax whitening schemes [section 111(4) of the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001], enforce agricultural income tax on absentee landlords earning net income of more than Rs400,000, reintroduce wealth tax on the super-rich and immediately legislate for asset-seizure law to counter money laundering, tax evasion and rent-seeking.

It is admitted by the FBR that even after “great efforts” (sic) less than 1.5 million filed income tax declarations for tax year 2012. In Pakistan, the total number of mobile users alone is 125 million, out of which 5 million are rich and pay more than Rs40,000 as annual bill — they are potential taxpayers. Why have they not been compelled by the FBR to file returns? It testifies to the FBR’s inefficiency and ineffectiveness.

These days, the FBR is taking undeserved credit for a new initiative (sic) by establishing the post of Commissioner (Headquarters) Broadening of Tax Base given the task of adding a few thousands new taxpayers this year. This Commissioner sitting right in the FBR is completely oblivious of ground reality that how easily we can raise the number of tax filers to 4 million, if not more — presently 50 million plus are paying adjustable income tax for usage of mobile service and selecting from them who earn taxable income, but not filing tax declarations, is not a difficult task. But the FBR wants many new posts to do it! It can be done with a simple software application — Member IT of FBR can ask service providers to identify who are paying Rs40,000 or more per annum.

The writers, tax lawyers, are Adjunct Professors at the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS)

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

18.08.2013

Tackling terrorism
The national counterterrorism draft policy to be announced by the end of the month is five pronged — to dismantle, contain, prevent, educate and re-integrate
By Raza Khan

Eventually Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan has announced that the basic structure of the proposed national security policy would be ready by the end of August. The minister said this on August 13 after presenting a draft of the new policy to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The draft policy is relatively a detailed one; however, it cannot be termed as comprehensive. Nevertheless, to start with it is good to have some policy instead of none as there is always room for improvement and adjustments.

Most importantly the draft policy titled National Counter Terrorism and Extremism Policy 2013 seeks to achieve the huge task of counterterrorism through large-scale reforms in the education system, police, judiciary and the foreign policy. This is something very realistic because the phenomena of extremism and terrorism in Pakistan or for that matter in any other country cannot be treated as isolated trends. They are definitely linked to the wider socio-economic and political developments prevailing and taking place in the country.

In so far as the education system is concerned not only the madrassas but the mainstream education system has also significantly contributed to the rise in extremist views, particularly in the name of Islam, Pakistani nationalism as well as sub-state nationalism. The public sector education system has been producing extremely narrow worldviews among the students. This has mainly been due to the reason that merely job-seekers have been joining teaching profession. On the other hand the curricula of the public sector schools lack quality and scientific education which could develop critical faculties among students. Resultantly, these schools could not produce students who could be of value to the state and society. Noticeably, half of Pakistani population is illiterate, they could not even get the basic education to understand their environment and unfolding trends. Consequently, these people have been highly gullible and susceptible to every kind of propaganda.

Indubitably, the extremely narrow base of Pakistan’s foreign policy and its unrealistic objectives warranted toleration rather facilitation of extremist groups operating in the name of Islam. This in turn significantly contributed to the rise of extremism and terrorism in the country. Most of these groups which were first allowed to operate by the past governments transformed into terrorist groups. It is important to understand that from the standpoint of terrorism studies most often than not terrorism is the result of a protracted process of radicalisation. Terrorism in Pakistan has been its typical example.

Pakistan’s policy over the decades rather from the very outset has been focused on the single objective of seeking strategic security. Our decision-makers and strategists could not understand the concept of security itself. Security is holistic concept and has various aspects like economic security, political-constitutional security, environmental security and so on apart from geo-strategic security. Without having security on all fronts a country cannot have geostrategic security at all. In modern states the economic and political security must first be achieved so as to have geostrategic security. Ironically, in Pakistan our foreign policy has always considered other aspects of security of least importance. As a consequence today we neither have political and economic security nor strategic security; terrorist groups are threatening the very survival of the state from within while enemy states are jeopardising the state from without.

While one cannot say anything about the reformation of judiciary, specific judicial structures like the anti-terrorism courts need to be restructured. More importantly the implementation on laws regarding anti-terrorism must not only be ensured but also expeditious trials as the Anti Terrorism Act 1997 envisaged (allowing only seven days for the trials of accused) must also be stringently implemented.

The draft policy is relatively extensive in the sense that it seeks to counter extremism and terrorism through five prongs that is to dismantle, contain, prevent, educate and re-integrate. Given the elaborate nature and extensive structure of various Pakistani terrorist groups operating in the name of Islam and their ferociousness, dismantling the terrorist networks would both require super, highly coordinated intelligence.

It is good that the draft policy focuses on eliminating all terrorist networks through counter-insurgency, intelligence, police and prosecution. Equally important is the aspect that the policy rules out reconciliation with the leadership of terrorist groups but gives ample room for pardoning the files or ‘foot soldiers’ — provided they respect the state authority.

The formation of a joint intelligence secretariat as envisaged in the draft policy in this regard would be instrumental provided the intelligence inputs are treated expeditiously by the security forces. Thus the role of the combat and special forces would also be very important. The draft policy also includes the raising of a counterterrorism rapid response force. However, the force comprising of 500 personnel either serving or retired army or police personnel, would first be formed in the national capital and then to be replicated in the provinces. As terrorism in Pakistan has affected three of the four provinces the most; therefore, the policy must go for simultaneous raising of counterterrorism rapid response force in Islamabad and provinces.

If terrorist networks have to be dismantled it would require complete clarity of policy whether the state and its interests still need these networks as has been the case. This in turn would require a total consensus between the political government and the civilian-military bureaucracy. One is afraid there are many disconnects between the two aspects of the state apparatus. So it remains to be seen how the political government would exercise its authority and convince the civilian and military bureaucracy of the rightness of its policy.

It also needs to be understood that the terrorist networks over the years have got themselves well-entrenched. Therefore, their dismantling would need a gargantuan effort not only by the law enforcement agencies but also by all the government departments. Now it would depend on the quality of leadership and the nature of governance which the leadership would provide which could bring all the government departments in one line in the pursuit of the policy objectives. Dismantling terrorist networks and groups by any measure is a daunting task.

Containing terrorism focuses on the three main parts; security against attacks; emergency response and victim management. Containing extremism and terrorism would require all out efforts by the key government and state institutions including the bureaucracy, the military, the media, the religious community and the academia. The government must engage all these institutions in the formation of final draft of the national security policy and its execution.

Preventing extremism and terrorism is a complex, sustainable and knowledge-based process. It requires complete profiling of the terrorist networks, their strength and weaknesses as well as the resources particularly human and financial at their disposal as well as their sources. Against this backdrop the draft policy calls for ‘periodic assessment’ of the terror threat by the National Counter-Terrorism Authority in coordination with intelligence agencies. I don’t think this would work and needs to be reassessed.

The role of education in both contribution to and countering of extremism and terrorism has been discussed above.

Reintegration is always an important aspect of counterterrorism as well as anti-terrorism strategy. Terrorist groups may be dismantled but all their members cannot be eliminated. The policy takes this aspect into consideration but the formulators must understand that before reintegration there is a need of large-scale and scientific de-radicalisation of the members of the terrorist groups.

Hopefully, the final draft of the national security policy would be comprehensive with space for adjustments in order to make it flexible and responsive. This would be the first test in the sustainable process of countering extremism and terrorism as the real test would come when the policy would be implemented.

razapkhan@yahoo.com

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

18.08.2013

The ‘curse’ of English
Even after more than six decades of Independence, what is real learning and knowledge, and hence education, still evades us
By Yaqoob Khan Bangash

We have all heard the oft repeated refrain against the dual system of education where some students get educated in English and others in Urdu or one of the other vernaculars, and how that spreads elitism and inequality. We have all complained that this system is the product of the Raj where English was preferred over local languages. We have also often said that if we had not inherited such a distorted system, maybe our literacy rate would have been higher and Pakistan more developed etc.

In my own teaching, I have also lamented the fact that Pakistani students never learn a language well enough to be completely proficient in it — they usually do not know how to read or write their mother tongue, only know school level Urdu, and can mostly just memorise things in English. Therefore, when they come to university, which requires a higher level of language skills, they are largely at a loss and cannot completely grasp the subject matter in any language.

Not knowing too much about the development of the education system in the Punjab (my only real experience in Pakistan), I simply blamed this complication on the inheritance of the Raj, till I actually read what they were thinking and trying to do.

A few weeks ago I began reading the official Punjab government reports on education from the Raj. Where it had the usual statistics and general comments, in the first few decades of the Raj, there was a lot of interest in education policy, not only among those in-charge, like the Director of Public Instruction or the Inspector of Schools, but also the Lieutenant Governor and other officials. Therefore, the reports gave me an insight into how the ‘modern’ system of education was created in the Punjab after British annexation in 1849. Obviously, as I am still reading the reports, these are preliminary remarks, but even so they counter several of the misconceptions we have accrued about the educational system we inherited from the Raj.

The education system adopted by the Punjab after annexation was that of the North Western Provinces (modern-day Uttar Pradesh, and erstwhile Agra and Oudh). This was primarily done because of ease — the British had ruled those territories for some time and had already established a semblance of civil government, and therefore the system was imported into the newly conquered territory. However, very soon, it was apparent that the imported system did not suit the needs of the Punjab.

In the report of 1860-1, the Lieutenant Governor deliberated “whether the prescribed course of study, borrowed as it were from the North Western Provinces, may not give an artificial prominence to Urdu, which does not naturally belong to it in these Provinces. His Honor is convinced that this is the case as respects the Mooltan, Derajat and Peshawaur Divisions; and observing that, except at Delhi, Persian is preferred in all the private schools to Urdu, he thinks that it may be so in other divisions.”

Therefore, the long presence of Urdu in the Punjab can easily be traced to its import from the North Western Provinces, where it was increasingly becoming the lingua franca. In the Punjab, as the statistics of the government show, for the first few decades after 1849, students of Persian still far outnumbered students studying Urdu. It was only towards the 1890’s and later that the study of Persian declined.

What is further interesting from the above is the fact that nowhere in the reports are the real ‘vernaculars’ — the mother tongues of the students actually discussed. It is as if the choice in the Punjab was between either Urdu or Persian, or later English — Punjabi rarely featured in the discussion even though it was the first language of a large majority of the people. The reason for this, of course, is the legacy of ‘education’ in South Asia, which was largely based on learning in the ‘classical’ languages — mother tongues, the easiest and best way of initial learning never largely featured.

Therefore, Muslims mainly studied in either Persian or Arabic and Hindus focused on Sanskrit learning, even though, except for Persian to an extent, none of the languages were widely spoken in India. Education was considered an elite preoccupation and was conducted in elite languages — the association of the masses, as it were, was considered, in some cases, even defiling. Even in the ‘Punjabi’ reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, even though Punjabi was widely used and garnered respect, Persian was still kept for official purposes and its elite status never declined. Therefore, when the British arrived in this part of India, they did not ‘invent’ a new style of education, but simply continued to work with the previous models (in the North Western Provinces Urdu was then becoming the elite language — the language of the ‘ashraf’).

With English becoming the new ‘elite’ language, naturally people wanted to grasp it, so that they could interact with their new masters and gain government employment. And so the tale goes that the British imposed this language on the hapless Indians and further confused them. However, while reading the reports it is clear that the British were very much aware and wary of this ‘interest’ in learning English, and reluctant to allow it to replace education in the vernacular.

The covering note from the Government of India in 1864 noted: “With the desire springing up among the people for knowledge of English, and the ample encouragement of Government, it is not to be wondered that the number of English scholars has greatly increased during the last few years. A doubt may perhaps occur, whether the Punjab government, while rightly encouraging the study of English, may not be losing sight in some degree of the necessity of guarding against the tendency which has been found so prejudicial in Bengal viz: of substituting a smattering of English, for a sound practical education conveyed through the medium of the Vernacular. This doubt may particularly arise with reference to the scheme of attaching ill-paid English Teachers to Vernacular Schools, and thereby offering and inducement to these schools to divert their attention from the more important object of a useful education, to the more attractive one of an acquaintance with English.’ It seems that something like this could have been written today, rather than over 150 years ago!

Even today, the emphasis in a number of schools throughout Pakistan is to give pupils a smattering of English by ill-equipped teachers, and no attention is given to ‘sound practical education conveyed through the medium of the Vernacular,’ as noted above. People in Pakistan still think that speaking a grammatically bad sentence in English is still better than actually knowing about, for example, the Shahnama or Gulistan. What is real learning and knowledge, and hence, education, still evades us.

The Director of Public Instruction underscored the importance of education in the vernacular in his 1867-8 report and said: “The absolute necessity of a knowledge of English to everyman, who aspires to an education of the highest order, is fully recognised, but it is thought desirable that all instruction should be conveyed as far as practicable through the Vernacular and that till the student has thoroughly mastered the English language, it should not be made the medium of instruction.” Again this is something which still evades the creators of education policy in Pakistan.

The recent revision of curriculum has made English the medium of instruction in most of Pakistan and especially in the Punjab where at least Science, Mathematics, and Social Studies are taught in English even at the primary school level. This clearly exhibits that we still have not internalised the critical importance of initial learning in the mother tongue. As far back as 1868, the British were aware that: “It must be evident that when an abstruse subject is taught and written examinations are conducted through the medium of a foreign language, which is but imperfectly understood, the difficulties of the student are greatly increased, and the natural result is a general want of accuracy not only in the subject studied, but also in English composition.” No wonder then our comprehension and attainment levels are still so low!

So what did the British think was the ultimate aim of an education where the vernaculars would have almost equal (dare I say) space with English? Referring to the proposed new university in the Punjab in the 1860’s the Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab, Sir Donald Friell McLeod, noted: “The object of the system of education is desired to establish, to facilitate and stimulate the communication of Western knowledge by raising up of a class of men at once imbued with the science and literature of the West, and at the same time commanding the respect of their fellow countrymen by their proficiency in Oriental studies...” In other words, Sir Donald wanted the educated class to be at once at ease with Western scholarship and Oriental knowledge.

In a discourse which is often dominated by Macaulay’s Minute of 1835 where he almost rubbished Oriental learning and wanted to create only ‘Brown sahibs,’ it is very interesting, and important, to note what the people on the ground — those actually implementing policy — thought. The views of McLeod were perhaps the most enlightened and sensible for its time.

I am still reading these education reports, and of course things did change in later years, but two things are clear from the above quotes. First, that there was no whole-scale imposition of English. The British obviously supported English, but they did not want it to ‘substitute’ (to use the word used by the Director of Public Instruction) the vernaculars. Hence they did not want all education in English. Secondly, and most importantly, they wanted the vernaculars and ‘Oriental learning’ to have prime place together with the learning of English and the acquisition of Western knowledge. The attainment of these twin objectives was, in their opinion, the aim of modern education in the Punjab.

It is, unfortunately, the ignorance of the above two principles which mars our educational system even today. Even after more than six decades of independence, neither is there a move to make the vernacular the medium of instruction at lower levels, nor is there any emphasis on learning the best of our own indigenous scholarship. In terms of language of instruction, our only move has been to replace English by Urdu without realising that Urdu is still not the mother tongue of more than 90 per cent of what is now Pakistan, and we only get ideology-driven Muslim (read highly Arabised) scholarship — our students have never even heard of some of the great texts written by South Asian Muslims, let alone people of other religions.

It is often claimed that the study of history is important because it helps us understand the past and plan for the future. In the case of education policy, perhaps, we need to now take lessons from over 150-year old texts written by long dead Englishmen who perhaps understood education better than our current masters.

The writer is the Chairperson of the Department of History, Forman Christian College, and tweets at @BangashYK. He can be contacted at: yaqoob.bangash@gmail.com.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

18.08.2013

More mouths, less food
Traditional sources of livelihoods are fading away quickly in Sindh, giving considerable impetus to poverty
By Altaf Hussain

Livelihoods of the people in Sindh, specifically in rural area, are squeezing as traditional sources of livelihoods are fading away quickly, together with lack of sustainable policies for rural development and ineptness of the government in creating alternate sources of employment. This situation has pushed a large portion of population into very complex social situation, giving considerable impetus to poverty.

A livelihood as defined encompasses capabilities, assets including both material and social resources and activities required for a means of living. Persistent under-development, reduction in agriculture produce, droughts and floods, spongy infrastructure, deplorable education and health systems and increasing poverty and unemployment have been main reasons behind poor livelihood resource base for the people despite the fact that the province is blessed with rich resources that contribute to a significant proportion of provincial and national income. Proportion of population falling below the poverty line in Sindh is estimated at 31 per cent.

More than 70 per cent of the rural population derives their livelihood from agriculture, livestock, forestry, and fishing, which provide about 30 per cent of provincial gross domestic product (GDP). Services, manufacturing, construction and other sectors share 30 per cent of the population’s livelihood source.

Historically, the performance of Sindh’s agriculture sector remained very good with wheat and rice production. Agricultural production remained at 3 per cent per annum during the 1986 to 2000 period. Production of wheat and rice that was 28 and 17 per cent of total area under cultivation, respectively, grew at a trend rate of 2 and 3 per cent in the same period (1986-2000) as has been put by different government reports.

However, agriculture production reduced sharply in the successive years with rice and wheat being hardest hit due to droughts in earlier 2000s and floods in last three consecutive years.

The United Nations Development Progarmme, UNDP’s Millennium Development Goals 2013 provincial report reveals that “the loss of livelihoods was devastating for the province; more than 90 per cent of livelihoods from agriculture were affected as a result of the floods in the flood affected areas. Over 93,000 large animals, close to 82,000 small animals, and over 6.8 million heads of poultry also perished.”

Fishing has been affected due to the water shortage resulting from lack of water inflow in the River Indus. Construction of barrages also reduced the flow of water in the sea severely affecting the breeding ground for many fish species and impacting the Indus delta. The fishing industry was also dented after the tenant communities shifted their livelihoods from the coastal areas after millions of acres of land was taken away by sea intrusion.

Food security, therefore, continues to be one of the major challenges of Sindh. Considerable number of people is living below poverty line and cannot meet their basic needs of food. The National Nutrition Survey 2011 has also listed the food security as a major challenge for Sindh claiming that 72 per cent households in Sindh are food insecure.

Moreover, education and health indicators also paint a miserable picture of the province. The UNDP, MDG 2013 report has revealed that Sindh has 59 per cent literacy rate which is far behind the targets set under MDGs, including the health which is also in doldrums. Illiterate and unskilled youth becomes burden on the families. Similarly, poor health services also consume available resources putting pressure on the households for maintaining their livelihoods.

Though Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) have been implementing programmes to provide livestock to the poor, introduce drip irrigation system, replace local seeds with the hybrid seeds to increase the crop productivity, sensitise the communities on alternate employments etc, these projects with limitations cannot cover large chunk of the population. Also some experts raise their eyebrows over the sustainability of such programmes and the benefits they can extend to the people.

Responsibility of enhancing livelihood resource base rests with the government. However, successive governments in the province have failed to deliver on this front. The government should focus on introducing programmes which could ensure cash earnings on sustainable lines, access to basic facilities including health and services, reduce vulnerability of the poor through better access to resources, improve situation of food security through financially empowering the people and reducing and regulating the commodity prices, giving people property rights which include land and shelter. In addition, the government needs to raise the budgetary allocation for social development and Annual Development Plan (ADP).

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

25.08.2013

New security paradigm
While the ruling party underplayed the issue of terrorism during its election campaign, two months in power have demonstrated that governing Pakistan without a redefined national security paradigm will not be possible
By Raza Rumi

Pakistanis have been informed that there will be a new security paradigm that would drive the policy and strategy of the federal and provincial governments in countering terrorism and extremism. This is good news for Pakistanis given the high levels of insecurity as well as repeated attacks on the state and its key institutions.

Nearly 50,000 Pakistanis have lost their lives in the last decade including thousands of security personnel. While the ruling party underplayed the issue of terrorism during its election campaign, two months in power have demonstrated that governing Pakistan without a redefined national security paradigm will not be possible. Sixty terror attacks in first two months could shake any government let alone a civilian administration that enjoys side support in the parliament.

One of the key features of the National Security Policy (NSP) will be the establishment of a Joint Intelligence Secretariat, which will comprise all civilian and military intelligence agencies, with the primary job of coordinating intelligence operations and sources of information. The Interior Minister, Chaudhry Nisar, has assured that the secretariat will start working within six to seven months.

The NSP will also establish a Counterterrorism Rapid Deployment Force at the Federal level, which will eventually be replicated at the provincial levels. Staffed with serving and retired military personnel, this force will be 500 strong and over time shall increase to 2000 serving personnel, with the primary job of securing and responding quickly to terror threats.

The lame duck institution, National Counterterrorism Authority (NACTA), is being envisaged to act as a focal point of the new security policy. Increasing its capacity and making it fully operational has rightly been identified as one of the first few steps.

The NSP will also be divided into two broad sections: one that deals with internal threats and another that deals with foreign threats. The draft NSP also aims to deweaponize Quetta, while at the same time providing police in Balochistan with over 5000 SMGs and the requisite training to use them in fighting terrorist and sectarian elements.

Though the formulation of a NSP is vital and has been long overdue, criticisms of the scope of the NSP have been widely expressed. The proposed NSP postulates that with NATO troops’ withdrawal, terrorists in Pakistan will cease to function as effectively as they do now. This postulation however, as Ayesha Siddiqa argues, does not take into account the existence of sectarian and extremist networks in Punjab that have operated independently of the TTP and Afghan Taliban.

By claiming that terrorism in North Waziristan drives extremism in Punjab, an erroneous narrative has been constructed which ignores the devastating reach and impact of localised sectarian and militant groups. These groups are now a substantive threat since they are propelling communities in these areas towards radicalisation.

Siddiqa has also argued in a series of articles that the NSP fails “…to see the growing trends of radicalism and radical movements in non-Pashtun Pakistan that takes various shapes and forms.” (Fighting Terrorism, August 7, 2013, Express Tribune). There is little (if any) focus on the NSP in this regard, with networks such as Hizb-ut-Tehrir (HuT) — which perhaps don’t encourage violence, but financially support other organisations and disseminate religious literature, which seeks to radicalise middle class elements in the society.

Though the NSP contains provisions for capacity building of the police forces, it needs to include broader reforms to include the judiciary and anti-terrorist courts. That said, however, there are still not viable methods the NSP lays out that deals with those who are sympathetic to militancy within the police or the judiciary.

The assumption that US exit from Afghanistan will tackle the issue of extremism is flawed at best. A recent report prepared by the Home Secretary, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has also advised against the idea that NATO troops withdrawal will lead to reduction in terrorism, arguing instead that the withdrawal will be seen as a victory for the Afghan Taliban and would further boost the morale of Pakistani Taliban (TTP). Azam Khan, the architect behind the document, argues that, “With the departure of the US troops, the TTP and its multiple partners will pursue their ‘jihad’ with renewed vigour under the banner for setting up a true Islamic Caliphate in Pakistan.”

The TTP, as KP’s secretary argued, are, firmly entrenched in the region and have institutional support from the Afghan Taliban, since the Taliban do not recognise state boundaries due to their belief in the idea of a borderless Caliphate. Additionally, they are organised and have specialised wings for training, finance, operations and justice, and are likely to pursue their stand against a Pakistani government they view as unIslamic.

It is vital to expand the scope of NSP with a view to correct the civil-military imbalance. The key institutions such as the Defence Committee of the Cabinet (DCC) and the Defence Council, both of which are almost permanently handicapped due to the lack of a permanent Defence Minister, need to be reconsidered. Though the DCC is criticised as not having any military representation, the Defence Council makes up for that by being the primary advisory body to the DCC and having more than adequate military representation.

As envisaged by the constitution, the existence of these two bodies is perfectly workable with a few changes. First and foremost, a permanent Defence Minister is required so as to alleviate the PM of contrasting and contradictory roles — e.g. the PM cannot make recommendations to himself nor should he be expected to sit in advisory board meetings.

Secondly, both bodies have separate secretariats (the Joint Chiefs have their own, while the National Security Adviser has his own) and their resources should be pooled together to undertake policy recommendations made and enacted by the DCC. If comprehensively implemented, these reforms would help provide the National Security Adviser and the PM with detailed, expert and comprehensive analysis of defence — and foreign policy — issues.

Similarly, there is a broad need for institutional policymaking arrangements that bridge the civil-military divide and leads to greater coordination between the two spheres of government. Currently any coordination between the two exists on a purely informal basis, with the Joint Chiefs’ meeting the PM and the President directly, rather than through institutions such as the Defence Ministry.

Dr Hasan Askari Rizvi, a noted expert in this area, has observed that the appointment of a permanent National Security Adviser, as an autonomous civilian position rather than a military one, would help further civilian ownership of Pakistan’s internal and external security policies as it would require interaction with the Joint Chiefs and keeping the PM abreast of all recommendations and analyses.

The Ministry of Defence also needs to be strengthened, particularly by stripping it of its military inflexions and running it in an autonomous manner. Since the Defence Council is headed by the Defence Minister, it is imperative that civilian bureaucrats run the Ministry so as to effectively analyse and implement recommendations made by the military. Think-tanks and other research organisations that pepper Islamabad should also be used as viable platforms to explore and research policies.

The time has come when the civilian government needs to take charge of the security policy and take it beyond the military domain. Pakistan needs to move towards a human security paradigm where public welfare, justice and inclusion gain precedence over containing the archenemy India and the three decades long policy of acquiring ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan. A security policy is much needed but as the Prime Minister said recently in his address to the nation, our foreign policy requires a radical review. We need to focus on the region and building economic ties rather than remaining in a state of perpetual conflict and fear.

Raza Rumi is a policy advisor, writer based in Islamabad. He is the author of “Delhi by Heart: Impressions of a Pakistani Traveller” (Harper Collins, 2013). www.razarumi.com

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)