Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had nurtured the dream of independent Bengal from early days. He and his henchmen got in touch with Indian intelligence agencies and during one of the meetings in Agartala in November 1963, finalized the plan to detach East Pakistan from rest of Pakistan. Under the garb of remedying political and economic grievances of East Pakistan, he formulated six points formula and fanned Bengali nationalism. Unearthing of Agartala conspiracy case in 1968 turned the secessionist into a hero in the eyes of Bengalis. Indian media was instrumental in lionizing Mujib.

Breakup of One-Unit Scheme, one-man-one-vote and change of separate electorate to joint electorate by Gen Yahya Khan so as to appease the agitating Bengalis gave the Awami League (AL) electoral victory in a platter. Year-long election campaign allowed Mujib to use high-handed tactics to not only intimidate the people of East Pakistan but also inflame Bengali nationalism. Indian media and secular Bengali intellectuals presented West Pakistan as a villain and publicized Mujib’s six point program as a panacea for all the problems of East Pakistan, which in actuality amounted to secession. All criminal and illegal acts of AL thugs were ignored under the policy of appeasement.

After sweeping the elections through massive rigging, Mujib and his henchmen became more arrogant and uncompromising. They stubbornly maintained that new constitution will be framed strictly in accordance with six points and refused to accommodate viewpoint of second largest party PPP. The situation became uncontrollable in Dacca on 1 March after Yahya unwisely postponed inaugural session scheduled in Dacca on 3 March on the insistence of Bhutto and hawkish Generals. It sparked horrible conflagration and let loose genie of Bengali nationalism.

On the afternoon of 3 March, Mujib demanded immediate return of troops to barracks and to hand over security of Dacca to him, or else his men would resist them. He also demanded cessation of flow of reinforcement from West Pakistan and disarming of non-Bengalis. Eastern Command Commander Lt Gen Sahibzada Yaqub capitulated to his wrongful demands, which was a blunder. Gen Gul Hassan said that to allow Mujib to restore calm was ‘somewhat like leaving a virgin in the care of a habitual rapist’.

A state within state was created and Bengalis took orders from Mujib only. Everywhere the chanting of ‘Joi Bangla’ could be heard. New Bangladesh flag was hoisted. Mujib’s hostile tantrums amounted to virtual independence. In order to provoke Gen Yahya to use force and thus give an excuse to start a popular civil war aided by India, a planned massacre of non-Bengalis including Biharis and pro-government Bengalis and rape of West Pakistani girls was unleashed. Their properties were torched and valuables looted. The madness continued till 25 March filling the roads and streets of Dacca and other major towns with blood. Stench of the dead bodies littered on the roads unattended became unbearable and it became difficult to breathe. Over 100,000 people, mostly Biharis were hacked to death. Stories of ‘torture to death’ are too horrifying and blood curdling to narrate and have been narrated in hundreds of books.

Non-Bengali and loyal elements butchery continued with unabated venom. None came to the rescue of the hounded. They were baffled and found themselves at the mercy of hounding wolves. They had no weapons to fend for themselves and no place to hide and as such got slaughtered like sheep. Even our media was blanked on the ill-conceived ground that broadcasting of atrocities would evoke a severe backlash against Bengalis in West Pakistan. The biased western media team located in Dacca turned a blind eye to the carnage of non-Bengalis. It also turned a blind eye to India’s meddling and induction of 90,000 Indian soldiers in West Bengal in March 1971.

The troops confined to barracks kept hearing the savageries committed on men in uniform and their families with impotent rage. Attacks on Army pickets were stepped up and the Army jeered at. Soldiers were spat upon and called Yahya dogs.

Sizeable number of men in Khaki and their families particularly those serving in East Pakistan Rifles (EPR) and East Pakistan Civil Armed Forces were hacked to death. By such acts, the Army was being deliberately provoked to lose patience and to take punitive action. This would have given Mujib and his henchmen a weapon to whip up anti-Army emotions thereby dubbing the Army as an occupation Army. It would have paved the way for civil war thereby fulfilling the requirement of India.

Yahya’s regime was subjected to extreme criticism for its procrastinating attitude and its passivity to confront Bengali defiance against the state. All those who mattered in West Pakistan and pro-Pakistan Bengalis exerted extreme pressure on President Yahya to take punitive action against the dissidents. Even Bhutto prodded him to use full force regardless of casualties before it was too late.

During the ten-day negotiations in Dacca in March 1971, Yahya team trying to find a way out of impasse remained totally defensive and apologetic and had no card to play. They kept giving in and got nothing in return. No political leader including Bhutto could soften up Mujib. The Mujib led team on the other hand maintained a highly belligerent and uncompromising posture. It was amply clear that AL simply didn’t want a constitutional agreement conducive to the retention of national identity. His mentors had briefed him not to agree on any point or concession offered at any cost.

Matiur Rahman in his book ‘Bangladesh Today’ writes, ‘It was indeed most mind boggling to note that while Yahya Khan and his team persistently offered power to Mujib, the latter constantly hedged, refused to agree to any settlement, shifted his position from six points and refused to accept any formula within the framework of a united Pakistan’. Mujib had made up his mind to part ways and that too through violent means.

It was on the evening of 24 March 1971 when Yahya got convinced that Mujib didn’t want anything short of confederation that he gave green signal to Gen Tikka Khan to save the federation. Orders to unit commanders were passed verbally on the morning of 25th March. The toughest challenge was in Dacca where the outcome of crackdown would have decided the fate of East Pakistan. The city and its suburbs housed heaviest concentration of armed rebels followed by Chittagong. As per foreign press reports, there were 200,000 weapons with the militants in East Pakistan.

Despite extremely heavy odds, the troops numbering 12000 went into action and by early morning of 26th, Dacca was cleared of miscreants and in next few days all other critical towns were also taken over since the rebels had fled. Reinforcement from West Pakistan were rushed in only when it was found that EBR, EPR and Police had also rebelled and rebellion had got transformed into a well-planned civil war supported by India.

When the prejudiced foreign journalists were ousted from Dacca by Gen Tikka, the jilted journalists got settled in Calcutta and played into the hands of Indian media. Indo-western-AL media cooked up fabricated stories of all kinds of atrocities and quoted highly bloated figures of those killed in Army action on 25th March and subsequently. All this was done to smoke-screen the large-scale atrocities committed by AL urchins and anti-social elements. The next round of killings and rapes was undertaken by Mukti Bahini after 23 November 1971, later joined by Indian forces. Raping of Bengali girls and women at a mass scale was undertaken by Indian Army and BSF soldiers in the refugee camps in India during their confinement period of over nine months.

It is ironic that today the AL led government at the behest of India is demanding apology from Pakistan for the so-called war crimes, and is convicting aged Jamaat-e-Islami members through Kangaroo courts, who had played their honorable part to save their motherland, but is completely ignoring the barbarities of its own members against Biharis and West Pakistanis and their collaboration with hostile India.

Can we notice the footprints of India in Balochistan and in Karachi where quite a few similarities with former East Pakistan crisis can be discerned? Are we alive to the two brewing lavas which are primed to burst? The only thing which probably has frustrated the designs of our adversaries is that the Army kept itself aloof. Hence the story of ‘genocide’ couldn’t be played. ‘Missing persons’ story played up in Balochistan didn’t prove so tantalizing to evoke an international outcry, particularly when ground checks negated the stance of propagandists.

(The writer is a retired Brig, a defence analyst and a columnist)
asifharoonraja@gmail.com

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When President Balochistan National Party (BNP) Sardar Akhtar Mengal returned and decided to take part in the coming parliamentary election, he was a changed man who had put his past behind on a positive note.

This was all the more encouraging that he spurned the threat from the so-called separatist forces. Rather, he tried to convince the disgruntled elements to come down the hills and join the struggle of securing the rights of Baloch people. Mengal, thus, deserved a matching response from the country's establishment to ease his way to electioneering in the restive province so strategically located and so much endowed with natural resources. This, however, was not to be so. The Baloch leader came out aggrieved for a variety of reasons.

First at a big rally in Quetta, then at a news conference and lastly at a meeting with Jamaat-i-Islami Amir Syed Munawwar Hasan on Monday, the Baloch leader vehemently vented his feeling of political handicaps that have arisen in his way. He talked of fear from death squads from non-state actors, which has put the life of BNP workers and candidates in danger. He has sent a letter in this regard to the Election Commission of Pakistan seeking its indulgence by providing them adequate security. He said he sent to the CEC strong evidence regarding the death squads which roamed around in the constituency in luxurious and smuggled vehicles, with tinted glasses and most of these suspected vehicles had no registration number plates.

It is a matter of great concern for the people of Pakistan in general and the people of Balochistan in particular that a party which is inclined to play a positive role in the country's polity should feel harassed. But the non-state actors, about whom Mengal talked, seem bent upon meting out a treatment which he does not deserve. This must be kept in mind that his is the only voice among nationalists that speaks for Pakistan, wants to join mainstream politics and is trying to help the people of Balochistan who have excessively been wronged in the past. This province was politically and socio-economically exploited and discriminated against. This area-wise largest provinces is the most backward region in Pakistan because of such treatment.
Dictator Pervez Musharraf added to Baloch people's agony by patronizing political dwars to raise them to new political heights to drive genuine leadership to the wall. This mounted pressure on nationalist forces and the BNP forced them to boycott the 2008 elections. Now that Mengal's party is all poised to contest the May 11 election, anti-Pakistan forces want to ruin his ambitions to struggle for the rights of the Baloch people. What these forces want is that normalcy should never return to this province so that they are able to fulfill their evil designs. This is no secret that Americans and Indians eye the strategic Gwadar port, a trade corridor to Central Asian Republic, by establishing China-specific establishments in the Arabian Sea. Akhtar Mengal's bold decision to participate in the next parliamentary elections despite threats, must be appreciated although he might himself be waiting for the day Gwadar port becoming functional and the windfalls in the wake of Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline running through the province that has the potential of changing the lives of Pakistanis but in particular of Baloch people.

It is, however, obvious for every political leader who feeling the pain of the plight of his people, to dream for better days for the masses. The immediate concerns of PNP chief are the recovery of missing parsons and end to finding bullet-riddle bodies. Mengal talking of these issues said these concerns fundamental rights of the people; this must come an end now. Look at his worrying tone of looking for "other options" to understand how sensitive the matter is."We are making hectic efforts to contain the fire from spreading further. But those responsible for it are not interested to extinguish it. Our adversaries want that the BNP workers should not come out of their homes and participate in the free and fair elections for fear of death squads," Mengal lamented. He only wants peaceful holding of elections in the province and the caretaker administration is under a constitutional obligation to ensure an even-handed peaceful environment. In a related development caretaker interior minister Malik Mohammad Habib Khan has surely landed himself in the middle of a political storm when during an interview he allegedly gave an uncalled for pro-Nawaz Sharif statement making almost all mainstream political parties, including the PPP, the PTI, the MQM and the ANP, to react sharply seeking his removal. Habib Khan during an interview said that Nawaz Sharif is the only true national leader and that he had been voting for the PML-N in the past. President Asif Ali Zardari and the caretaker prime minister must take serious notice of the minister's personal political whims at a time when he is in charge of security of all political parties.

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BNP President Akhtar Mengal has called for an end to the Baloch insurgency and has urged ‘friends’ to come down from the mountains. He was addressing a party rally in Quetta when he made this appeal, not just because he is a former chief minister, but because he is the son of Sardar Ataullah Mengal, whose own rebellion began in the 1970s, and who is an iconic figure in the Baloch nationalist circles to which he was appealing. He has returned from abroad to take part in the elections, even though there is an undercurrent among the nationalists of the province in favour of a boycott, mainly on grounds of inadequate security. However, that concern was addressed by the Chief Election Commissioner and the Chief of Army Staff on their separate visits to Quetta.

Sardar Akhtar introduced a new element into the Baloch equation by threatening to boycott the elections if the killers of the Baloch are not brought to justice. This is particularly significant in view of the fact that Musharraf, nominated in the murder of Akbar Bugti, is in the country. This murder is a cause célèbre among the Baloch. Sardar Mengal said that the decision to contest should not be seen as weakness, as it had been made in the interest of the Baloch people. It is important at this juncture to convince the Baloch that taking part in the election is the best means to solve the problems facing the province, whether it be the exploitation of its natural wealth, the giving of a fair share to the native people, or giving them the kind of security of life and property that is not reflected in the existence of the missing persons problem.

Sardar Akhtar deserves support because the demand he is voicing is fair. Taking part in elections is not supposed to mean being subjected to violence and abductions. At the same time, it should be remembered that he is a voice representing Pakistani nationalism in a province where other voices are not just heard, but are growing louder. He, as well as those political forces which want to take part in the elections, must not be forced out just because the province failed to provide the requisite security. It has already had enough troubles. There must be no further addition.

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Dissident Baloch sardars have been demanding that army should be withdrawn from Balochistan to perpetuate their system of exploitation. They want to keep the Baloch commoners illiterate so that they could continue their hold over enslaved humanity. Since Balochistan is part of Pakistan, army can be deployed anywhere in Pakistan. Secondly, Balochistan is a province with enormous resources, and other big powers and other countries of the region have rivaling eyes on those resources.

That point besides, whenever efforts were made by the government for building infrastructure for roads, educational institutions and healthcare system in the past, there was resistance from the sardars who took to the mountains, and the civilian government had to deploy military. It is indisputable fact that without peace, there could be no investment or development. During the last ten years, army has been on the forefront in the efforts to bring peace, stability and tranquility in Balochistan with the objective of development of the province and welfare of the people of Balochistan.

Army initiated numerous schemes and launched projects for the development of Balochistan to improve the lives of the people. Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani took keen interest in the affairs of Balochistan. To improve and uplift the economic conditions of Baloch people, army created 10,000 vacancies for youth of Balochistan in 2009-2011, with additional 5000 vacancies for enrolment in 2012. So far, 10,082 youth of Balochistan have joined Pakistan Army as officers and soldiers. Some of the development projects undertaken by Army in Balochistan are Military College SUI Balochistan, Balochistan Public School at SUI, Quetta Institute of Medical Sciences, Gwadar Institute of Technology, Chamalang Beneficiary Education Program, Balochistan Institute of Technical Education, Army Institute of Mineralogy, Assistance to Ministry of Education Balochistan, Baloch Youth Enrollment in Pakistan Army, Dera Bugti Development Projects, Development Projects Kohlu and Nasirabad Division, Pakistan Army Assistance in Development of Road Networks, and many other projects.

Thousands of Baloch have joined the army as recruits and cadets, which will enable them to play their part in the defence of the motherland. It has been decided to provide them health facilities in Combined Military Hospitals; health camps have also been established. Schools and vocational centres have been opened to help Baloch youth to become productive citizens. These steps will increase income of the Baloch youth and lessen their dependence on sardars and centrifugal forces. There is some let up in insurgency due to the efforts of the army, yet insurgency has hampered the growth and development of the province. Balochistan is indeed in the throes of ethnic, sectarian and tribal schisms. There have been targeted killings of Punjabi settlers in Balochistan. Ethnic and Shia-Sunni fracas has shaken the erstwhile ethnic and sectarian harmony, as criminal gangs are stoking ethnic and sectarian divisions. Centrifugal forces often blame the federation for lack of development of the province. At the same time they do not want to see skilled workers from other provinces.

It is quite common that wherever new projects come up entrepreneurs, engineers, skilled and unskilled manpower swarm the area. As these projects will have favorable impact on the lives of millions of Balochs, the projects cannot be abandoned or postponed because the categories of personnel were not available in the province, or there were unfounded fears that Balochs would become a minority. Measures can, however be taken to ensure that local talent, local manpower and local enterprise are given preference. Baloch Sardars and other nationalist leaders should understand that hundred and thousands of Balochs are settled in Sindh and southern Punjab and have equal rights. Legharis, Mazaris, Marris and other tribes have a respectable place in Sindh and Punjab, and nobody has every mentioned about migration from Balochistan, because we Pakistanis they have the right to settle wherever they want.

In view of the largest land mass and scattered population, Balochistan needs massive investment for its residents to prosper and progress. Baloch leaders therefore should try to create climate conducive to investment, so that employment opportunities are there to be availed by unemployed youth of Balochistan. The provinces, indeed, require financial resources to be able to maintain the social and physical infrastructure, which is needed to provide basic services to the people. Since the bulk of the resources of the provinces came from the divisible pool, they had little room to maneuver so far as their capacity to tax was concerned. Which is why, at the time of National Finance Commission award, weightage was given for lack of development in the past, its large area and scattered population, and its cumulative effect will be substantial. In addition, the mega projects of Gawadar deep-sea port and coastal highways, revival of Saindak Project along with lead-zinc project Balochistan province would improve the living standards of its people.

Some mega water projects have been completed or on the verge of completion, which will not only generate job opportunities but also enhance the income of the farmers, which is still the mainstay of the majority of the population in Balochistan. The provincial government should try to accommodate Sardars and other opposition members of the assembly, so that contradictions or feuds do not impede the efforts to develop Balochistan.

The government that was installed after 2002 elections was accused by the opposition in Balochistan assembly that instead of spending on the projects that were planned, the ruling alliance members were diverting the funds to projects in their constituencies. The outgoing provincial government that was installed after 2008 elections was given enormous funds for the development of Balochistan, but due to corruption, wastage and mismanagement a lot of funds went down the drain.

The dissident sardars blame the government for lack of development of Balochistan. However, fact of the matter is that provincial government often does not use the development funds provided for the welfare and uplift of Baloch masses, and for developing infrastructure in the province. For example, during the last five years, every year each MPA of Balochistan was allocated Rs. 25 crore for developmental projects for Baloch people, which meant that an amount of Rs. 125 crores was released for every MPA.

The question arises as to where this huge amount has gone if it has not been spent on the welfare of common Baloch people? So far as Sui gas royalty is concerned, it directly goes into a Bugti scion’s pocket. Not a dime is going to the Bugti tribe’s betterment and welfare. No school, no clinic, no public service has it got from this fabulous money he receives. In fact, one should question the political eminences for supporting dissident sardars demanding the right of self-determination.

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The return of former Chief Minister of Balochistan and head of the Balochistan National Party (BNP), Sardar Akhtar Mengal, to Pakistan after ending his self-exile and his decision to participate in the ensuing elections is a significant and welcome development that might prove a harbinger to the much-needed reconciliation in the troubled province. Equally encouraging and appreciable is his call to the Baloch insurgents to come down from the mountains and the observation that problems cannot be resolved with guns.

Mengal is absolutely right: political issues can only be resolved through political channels and processes that ensure uninhibited participation of all stakeholders in the efforts designed to bring about reconciliation. Guns are killing machines without brains and thus cannot comprehend the pain they inflict; besides, the scars of hatred that they etch on the hearts of the people. He is, indeed, better equipped to understand the currents and crosscurrents that have shaped the flow of events in the province and the emerging realities.

There is no doubt about the fact that Balochistan has been subjected to a step-motherly treatment by successive regimes. Military interventions have further aggravated the situation by depriving the political parties in the province to manage its affairs through their representatives. It is true that conditions can only be improved by ensuring their participation in mainstream politics.

One example of the injudicious treatment to Balochistan is the non-payment of gas development surcharge by the federal government to it from 1954 to 1991 amounting to Rs 120 billion. Denying the Balochis to join in the exploitation of their natural resources and manage mega projects initiated in the province is another injustice of monstrous proportions. Add to this is Islamabad’s apathy in providing to the Baloch youth jobs in the federal government in accordance with the determined quota. The interim government, however, has now done well to order the filling of more than 3,000 posts of Balochistan’s quota lying vacant.

To be honest, the outgoing PPP-led coalition government and the army had taken some good initiatives in the province during the last five years. It announced a package that was a mix of political, administrative and developmental initiatives.

In response to the demands of Baloch leaders, it agreed to halt the building of military cantonments; withdrawing the army and Frontier Corps; freeing detained activists; holding probes into political murders; more control of Balochistan over its resources; creation of jobs for the youth; increased share in the Saindak Project and transfer of its ownership to the province; initiation of future mega projects in consultation with the provincial government; allowing ownership in oil and gas companies and, above all, the decision to pay the arrears of gas development surcharge from 1954 to 1991over a period of 12 years.

About 5,000 youth were provided jobs by the federal government. An IT and Business Management University is expected to be set up in Quetta at a cost of Rs 46 million with campuses at Zhob, Kalat, Nushki, Pishin, Qilla Abdullah and Gwadar districts. Balochistan has also greatly benefited from the provincial autonomy granted to it under the 18th Amendment. In the 7th NFC Award, its share has been increased from 5.1 percent to 9.09 percent.
The army too has recruited 5,000 Baloch youth in its ranks. The educational institutions established by it are imparting education to more than 4,000 students.

Needless to say, the rejection of these measures by some nationalist elements and estranged Baloch leaders is quite understandable. It is a reaction characterised by frustration and anger nourished by a blazing trail of betrayals and injustices of the past. The decades old mistrust cannot be wiped out within days. Truly, there is a dire need of political reconciliation in the province. So the 2013 elections provide an excellent opportunity to the Baloch nationalist leaders to assume the stewardship of the province, have their grievances redressed and work for its future development and prosperity. They must grab this chance by showing political maturity and acumen.

Mengal has expressed some apprehensions about the holding of free and fair elections. Going by the past experience, the expression of such reservations cannot be dismissed. But there are encouraging signs that elections this time will be held sans the usual forces playing their hand. The Supreme Court has repeatedly reiterated its resolve to ensure impartial polls in the country. The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and the interim governments as well seem determined to change the course of history.

The Mengals have a pivotal position in the political landscape of the province and Akhtar Mengal can certainly persuade the militants to give up weapons and join the reconciliation process. That is the only way they can have their grievances redressed and the sense of deprivation can be dissipated.
Balochistan needs peace and amity among all sections of the population; the Punjabi settlers, Hazaras, Pashtuns and members of other communities that have been living there for decades. Their target killing deserve to be condemned in strong terms. It must stop forthwith if the process of reconciliation is to succeed. One would have welcomed if Mengal had condemned the murder of settlers at the hands of Baloch insurgents, when he was castigating the agencies for being responsible for the disappearance and assassination of Baloch activists.

To make a new beginning, bitterness of the past and the blood-letting that has gone on for years will have to be stopped. The future of Balochistan in particular and Pakistan in general is inextricably linked to each other; those thinking otherwise must revisit their skewed notions.

The writer is a freelance columnist. Email: ashpak10@gmail.com

http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-ne...inions/columns

Despite the allocation of billions of rupees to Balochistan under the NFC Award and quite hefty grants made to the elected representatives of the province to undertake development works there is pretty little that can be claimed to have been done to justify the funds’ appropriate utilisation. That leaves little doubt that the money has been misappropriated in which both the politicians and the bureaucracy would have shared the booty. It was this painful reality that prompted Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to call for an end to that grant as well as ask for the submission of a full report about how all those funds were utilised. He was hearing, along with two other judges, Justice Gulzar Ahmad and Justice Khilji Arif Hussain, a petition filed by Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party leader Abdul Qahar Khan Waddan, at Islamabad on Wednesday. The petitioner had alleged that massive corruption and misappropriation of funds had taken place.

When the victims of this studied deprivation caused by their leaders belong to the most backward of Pakistan’s provinces and which has been neglected for decades, the tragedy becomes doubly tragic and callous. To bring this point home to the provincial government, Justice Chaudhry lamented that while the people in Balochistan did not have drinking water or even medicines to treat patients suffering from simple fever, the money set aside for their well-being was being siphoned away by the corrupt custodians of the funds. He was not wrong when he questioned under what law of the land the assembly members were being given the huge grants that the Additional Secretary present on the occasion said amounted to Rs 250 million to each member (that means the 60 elected members received a total of Rs 15 billion). Indeed, the combined amount of the NFC Award, assembly members’ grant and provincial budget’s allocation for development purposes, if properly put to use, would have made a visible difference in the state of affairs. As it is, the projects initiated during the Junejo government, which had started the practice of giving development funds to elected representatives, are still incomplete.

The authorities’ non-challance to the improper utilisation of development funds and the consequent suffering of the people can be gauged from the fact that the government representative had nothing to say when the court wanted to know whether any cases of corruption had been forwarded to the Nab, police or anti-corruption department for investigation. Hopefully, the government coming into power after the general elections would discontinue the practice of making grants to the elected representatives who would, on their part, realise, as the apex court has said, that their job is to make legislation to improve the people’s lot. There must also be due monitoring of the development funds irrespective of their source. The focus must be the welfare of the general public.

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However troubled a certain part of the country is, it is still a part of the federation and has equal rights as any other federating unit of the state. This makes Balochistan not only equal to other provinces, but also a focus of what one can call corrective measures in order to bring the province equal to the status that the others enjoy. While most of the governments at the centre have been negligent in addressing the grievances of the Baloch people, almost every one of them have raised a slogan of empowering the Baloch, including the government that concluded its term recently. One can easily see what tangible effects these hollow promises have had on the condition of the people and the province: there are no-go areas in the province, nationalists have an anti-state agenda, forced disappearances, lack of infrastructure, poverty, low literacy rate and many more problems.

Having said that, the visit by the Caretaker Prime Minister Mir Hazar Khan Khoso can pave the way for a change, for better. The visit was badly needed as the 2008 general elections were boycotted by most of the political elements, ceding the space to corrupt sardars and carpet baggers of all sorts. Resultantly, the province was misgoverned. The fruits of autonomy couldn’t reach the common man. But that time has passed and it is time to make changes. Mr Khoso’s visit can, and probably will, open new avenues for negotiations between the government and the nationalists, which have already shown interest in participating in the elections being held a month from now, and help them settle on a framework that assures the participation of local political leaders while keeping the corrupt sardars out of the loop.

Peaceful elections in the largest province of the country would be a tough task though if completed successfully, the effects could cause a system wide change to bring in the leadership that truly represents the Baloch people. Mr Khoso assured the Baloch leaders that the federal and the provincial governments would take measures to remove their reservations about security, abolish no go areas and resolve other issues. His encouragement to the nationalists to participate in the election process to be a part of the system and bring a change that they desire was right spot on. But that alone cannot end the miseries of the Baloch people, nor can it help in curbing violence, lawlessness or widespread deprivation of basic necessities. It needs much more than that; it needs the government to walk the talk. Meanwhile, the establishment has to realise that military means to govern the province have caused suffering and strengthened separatists. It is time to provide equal opportunity to nationalists to contest elections as well. The caretakers, on their part, need to ensure that the campaign is peaceful, party workers are not harassed or made to forcibly disappear. This will make the elections in the province truly reprints what the Blaoch people’s interests instead of the interests of a few sardars.

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....o9PuZRNL.dpuf

Sardar Akhtar Mengal in an interview with an anchorperson of a private channel let loose a barrage of accusations and claimed that every day mutilated dead bodies are found in Balochistan, and that efforts are being made to bring heads of death squad into politics. He however did not deem it important to name the heads of the death squad. Though he insinuated establishment, yet he said that Army Chief Pervez Ashfaq Kayani, instead of issuing statements, should take steps for bringing peace and holding free, fair and transparent elections in Balochistan.

He tried to put his father Attaullah Mengal on a very high pedestal by saying that he was against sardari system. Fact of the matter is that Balochistan province is still the den of an oppressive sardari and feudal order even in these contemporary times, and people of Balochistan have been wronged by all sardars, and Attullah Mengal is no exception. He may be different from Bugtis and Marris, yet he is on record to having said in an interview with private channel that he would welcome anybody including Americans to help him in getting independence from Pakistan.

Anyhow, the biggest ruse of Sardar Akhtar Mengal during the interview was when he said: "People of Balochistan do not wish progress and prosperity, but want the recovery of missing persons; and that he was willing to withdraw the BNM from all national and provincial assembly seats in exchange of missing persons". Akhtar Mengal has indeed influence over his clan and in his area, but how can he issue statement on behalf of all the people of Balochistan? It is difficult to assess as to what is the objective of Sardar Akhtar Mengal's visit to Pakistan. Does he want to participate in democratic process, and maneuver to once again be installed as chief minister of Balochistan? Or has he been sent by his foreign 'mentors' at a time when administrative control of the Gwadar Port has been handed over to China, and Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline has been inaugurated? Since Akhtar Mengal has opposed handing over the Gwadar Port to China and Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project, the latter perception seems to be logical. The objective is to fuel the tension and create turmoil to provide justification to the big powers to intervene in Balochistan.

Six months ago Sardar Akhtar Mengal had written a letter to the Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry requesting to be allowed to present the case of Balochistan before the Supreme Court. He was allowed to present his case, and he let loose a barrage of accusations before a three-member-bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. However, Mengal sardars apparently want to give democracy a chance. Attaullah Mengal was chief minister of Balochistan in 1970s; Akhtar Mengal was chief minister of Balochistan during second stint of Mian Nawaz Sharif as prime minister of Pakistan. Akhtar Mengal's government was shown the door after he had expressed his anger for not taking him into confidence in making arrangements before detonating nuclear devices in May 1998. Unfortunately, our political leaders have not imbibed democratic traditions and often act in an arrogant manner. It is true that Mian Nawaz should have taken the Balochistan chief minister into confidence, but there was not need to convene the central executive of BNM to go into confrontation with the federal government.

After four and a half years, Balochistan National Party chief Akhtar Mengal arrived in Quetta and addressed a public rally. Although he is giving contradictory statements, yet there is some positive development, as he is participating in the elections and apparently believes in democratic process.
Reportedly, he was warned by Brahamdagh Bugti leader of Balochistan Republican Party (BRP) and Harbiyar Marri of Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), both accused of fueling insurgency in the violence-plagued province, had criticized Akhtar Mengal's decision to participate in the elections. They accused him of sabotaging their movement for independent Balochistan. Anyhow, Akhtar Mengal appears to have distanced himself from them, and asked those gone up the mountains to come down, as armed struggle is not the solution to the problem. There seems to be another fissure between Mengals, Bugtis and Marris. But one has to keep one's fingers crossed, as one would not know if it is a nura kushti (fixed fight).

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/46/

Bringing the Baloch in
By Rasul Bakhsh Rais

One of the functions of elections is to resolve conflicts. Intractable issues like representation, rights of regions and peoples and clashing claims over distribution of resources require representatives to negotiate with. Balochistan is inflicted with many problems because of almost a decade of insurgency that former president General (retd) Pervez Musharraf’s tunnel vision and dictatorial mindset ignited. Political transition from Musharraf’s rule to an elected government had raised some faint hope that the problem of Balochistan would be resolved. Nothing constructive happened except the passing of the Eighteenth Amendment, a great achievement in itself. We did not see any visible movement towards reconciling the angry Baloch nationalists — one of many failures.
We have haplessly been watching bloodshed in Balochistan, targeted killings, body dumping and sectarian terrorism. The Balochistan Assembly and the government did nothing except dole out money among its members. The Assembly and most of the members didn’t genuinely represent the Baloch people. They rose to power through phony politics and with the help of invisible hands that had been at work during the military regime of Musharraf. Quite a few of them had a tribal social base that they bargained for power. Buying off individual loyalties of the Baloch chiefs in this troubled province has been an age-old tactic. Musharraf, for his personal interests, destroyed every democratic institution, but the most damage he did was to the flourishing political party system. Balochistan didn’t escape his divide and rule strategy either.
Even dummies must know that democracy cannot function without political parties, which take time to develop. All military dictators have destroyed the political party system of Pakistan as well as targeting the judiciary. Military rule is not possible without disrupting the natural evolution of these institutions.
Balochistan received yet another setback when the nationalist parties decided to boycott the 2008 elections. Balochistan’s representation in the constitutional institutions, from the provincial to the National Assembly has remained a murky issue at best.
The return of Sardar Akhtar Mengal, former chief minister of Balochistan, and his decision to contest elections, marks a new beginning. It is going to be a fresh start — yet another opportunity to resolve the Baloch conflict that started with the brutal murder of Sardar Mohammad Akbar Khan Bugti. Sadly, the history of Pakistan is replete with tragic examples of how individuals in military uniform captured power for personal interests and ruled the country like Mughal kings. At least, quite a few of the Mughals were graceful, sagacious and just, and connected with the peoples and communities by embracing local cultures. None of the military rulers of Pakistan had any of these merits — just the arrogant show-boys burning with vengeance against the genuine representatives of the people. No authentic Baloch spared.
Sardar Mengal and other nationalists have serious reservations about the intrusiveness of what they call the ‘security establishment’. It is time that their concerns and fears are addressed. They are not wrong in pointing fingers. We have a history of military dictators stealing elections and popular mandates. It will be a step forward when the people of Balochistan elect their representatives with party flags and colours flowing in fresh political air. Only authentic Baloch representatives can exercise moral and political authority and engage with the militant factions — mostly the estranged Baloch youth that has been driven to take up arms.
Baloch leaders with power and popular mandates can resolve the conflict and establish peace in Balochistan. All others, from state institutions to political parties, should listen to them and follow their steps.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 16th, 2013.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

Army’s progressive role in Balochistan

Sajjad Shaukat

In the recent past, the Supreme Court, federal and provincial governments were taking serious notice of the deteriorating law and order situation of the Balochistan province. While taking advantage of the phenomena, in connivance with the Baloch separatist leaders who have taken refuge in Switzerland, Sweden, US, London and some other western countries, external hostile elements such as NGOs, human rights organizations and media accelerated their false propaganda against Pakistan’s security agencies, especially Pak Army regarding human rights violations like kidnappings, dumped dead bodies, extrajudicial killings, death squads, missing persons etc. In this context, with the Indian support and other foreign elements, every year, anti-state Baloch insurgent groups launch a protest demonstration in London against Pakistan, and country’s security agencies, raising similar allegations of human rights violations in the province. In this respect, arrangements for the pre-planned rally in London which was executed recently, made on larger scale by anti-Pakistan forces, particularly India.

Besides rallies in some western countries, in 2012, a demonstration was held outside the United Nations in Geneva on the occasion of the 19th Session of UN Human Rights Council. The demonstrators accused Pakistan intelligence agencies and Pak Army of extrajudicial killings. Apparently, the demonstration was organized and led by Mehran Baloch, Balochistan’s representative at the UN and Noordin Mengal, but, in fact, it was arranged by the anti-Pakistan NGOs, human rights groups and Indo-Israeli lobbies with American covert help.

The fact behind human rights violations and aggravated law and order situation of the province is that foreign-supported militant groups like Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), Jundollah (God’s soldiers) and other similar outfits which have been fighting for secession of Balochistan gets arms and ammunition from American CIA, Israel Mossad and Indian RAW. These insurgent groups kidnapped and massacred many innocent people who included teachers, professors, lawyers, Shias and the security personnel in the province. Many persons in Balochistan have also been killed in suicide attacks and bomb blasts, planted by these outfits. On a number of occasions, these militant groups claimed responsibility for their criminal activities. So these groups and foreign secret agencies are responsible for human rights violations in the province.

Notably, besides other top civil and military officials of Pakistan, last year, during his visit to Balochistan, even former Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf, while hinting towards US, India and Israel including insurgent outfits disclosed that there were some external and internal forces involved in creating unrest in Balochistan.

But, it is our misfortune that while speaking in the tone of external entities and while ignoring the fact that the former seek to dismember Pakistan as part of their clandestine designs, as Balochistan has ideal geo-strategic location-replete with mineral resources, our own internal elements like some political leaders, so-called NGOs, human rights groups and media anchors spread disinformation, creating sensation by implicating Pak Army and intelligence agencies for the deteriorating situation of Balochistan including human rights violations.

In this respect, observing the critical situation, a two-member bench of the Supreme Court headed by the former Justice Javed Iqbal visited Balochistan in 2012. Afterwards, Justice Javed Iqbal remarked that NGOs exaggerated figures of the missing persons, but failed to provide details about them. He elaborated that these NGOs were just spreading sensationalism.

While pursuing the false accusations of the foreign enemies, our internal entities have also neglected the reality that a majority of the disappeared individuals are also in the detention centres (Farrari Camps) which are being run by Baloch feudal lords (Sardars). With the assistance of US-led India and Israel, these Sardars are fighting for their so-called prestige, status and influence, and want to continue old system of feudalism in the province.

However, it is most regrettable that Pakistan’s internal entities have ignored the progressive role of Pak army regarding development of Balochistan.

In the recent years, Pak Army has made strenuous efforts to develop the infrastructure in Balochistan by providing the people employment opportunities to bring the Balochis in the mainstream of the country. For the purpose, army has not only established schools and colleges in Balochistan, but also set up technical and industrial institutes in the province, besides giving military training to the youth.

In this context, while addressing, the passing-out parade in Quetta on October 11, 2011, the former Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani pointed out various efforts of the Pak Army in alleviating the people of Balochistan. He appreciated Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani Kayani for ensuring best possible training to bring the youth into the national mainstream.

In fact, Gen. Kayani took keen interest in Balochistan’s affairs to uplift the economic standard of Baloch people. Hence, he allotted 10,000 vacancies for youth of Balochistan in 2009-2011 and announced additional 5000 vacancies for enrolment in 2012. In the last three years, total 10,082 youth of Balochistan have joined Pakistan Army as officers and soldiers. In addition, Pakistan Army undertook special projects to enrich the people of Balochistan with quality education and to boost the provincial economy.

Various development projects and progressive works, undertaken by Army in Balochistan are Military College SUI Balochistan, Balochistan Public School at SUI, Quetta Institute of Medical Sciences, Gwadar Institute of Technology, Chamalang Beneficiary Education Program, Balochistan Institute of Technical Education, Army Institute of Mineralogy, Assistance to Ministry of Education Balochistan, Baloch Youth Enrollment in Pakistan Army, Dera Bugti Development Projects, Development Projects Kohlu and Nasirabad Division, and Pakistan Army Assistance in Development of Road Networks including Assistance to Ministry of Education Balochistan, Provision of Free Gas & Water, Construction of 50 Bed Hospital at SUI, Chamalang, Musa Khel & Dukki Coal Mines, KASSA Hill Marble Project, Dates Farming at Panjgur, Garrison & Musa Sports Complex, Free Medical Camps, Earthquake 2008 and Pak Army Relief & Rehabilitation Efforts, Flood 2010 and Pak Army Relief & Rehabilitation Efforts, and many other similar projects and provision of services.

It is due to the progressive works of Pak Army that a division has been created among the militant groups’ leaders in Balochistan. Besides other insurgent outfits, rift has especially been widened between the leaders of Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and United Balochistan Army (UBA). In this regard, UBA leader Zarman Marri was more active on media for projecting Balochistan issue and was less inclined towards militancy, while Harbiyar Marri who wants full total control over BLA and favours militant activities rather than popular politics, strongly opposed Zarman’s stand. Recently, while rejecting Harbiyar Marri’s stand and other extremist Baloch groups in wake of threats by their death squads, President of Balochistan National Party (BNP) Sardar Akhtar Mengal returned to Pakistan, and decided to participate in the coming elections. He is a changed man who has put his past behind on a positive note.

Nevertheless, army’s positive steps will increase income of the Baloch youth and reduce their dependence on sardars who are working on the agenda of some foreign powers. Now patriot Balochis have come to know that Pak Army is neither mercenary nor occupying force; while external-backed insurgency has hampered the growth and development of the province. They also know that the province lacked engineers and skilled workers. In this respect, measures of Pak Army have been ensuring local enterprise, local manpower and local skill among the Balochis.

In 2011, I had visited Balochistan along with other journalists. I saw a number of institutes, set up by army, and these were providing especially technical training to thousands of Balochis. I had also a trip to far-flung areas of the province and witnessed various mega projects and mineral sites. I was greatly surprised that no military operation is going on in Balochistan as propagated by the foreign elements. People told me that some subversive events are taking place by the minority separatist elements so as to create instability in the province.

No doubt, army’s progressive role through numerous schemes and projects for the development of Balochistan will change the fortune of the Baloch people very soon, which is likely to castigate the foreign conspiracy against the province.

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/