The election campaign started in full earnest on Saturday. The next twenty days will pose a formidable challenge to the political parties on one hand and the ECP, the caretaker government and the security agencies on the other. The campaign begins under an independent election commission and a consensus caretaker set up. The present polls are thus going to be different from the earlier exercises of the type when money and muscle power played a significant role during the polls. A set of election rules limits the use of money by putting a ceiling on election expenses, regularizing the size of posters and banners, prohibiting wall chalking and restricting candidates and their supporters from providing transport to voters. To reduce the role of muscle force display or use of weapons has been banned.

The regulations put a heavy burden of responsibility on political parties and their candidates. While some of these regulations have always been part of the code of conduct, this time an independent and empowered ECP is expected to implement them strictly. The support extended to the ECP by the judiciary further adds to its clout. A larger number of polling stations this time will reduce the distances between the voters’ residence to the polling stations doing away with the need for transport except in the case of the ailing and the aged voters. In quite a few constituencies in Balochistan and in some of the remote constituencies in other provinces however voters might find it hard to travel for miles without transport. Thus a ban on the candidates and their supporters to provide transport to voters may deprive many of the right to vote unless the ECP is willing to provide it. As things stand there seems to be no provision of the sort in place.

The next challenge concerns security. Several pre-poll incidents of attacks on candidates and political gatherings indicate that in the days to come the threats might become more frequent and deadlier. So far the major source of threat has been the TTP which had vowed to target the PPP, the ANP and the MQM candidates. During the pre-poll violence over the last few weeks one MQM candidate and two ANP candidates were killed while in a suicide attack targeting another ANP contestant 16 persons lost lives. The attack on the first day of the campaign on one of Jamaat e Islami’s election offices in Karachi indicates that there are other sources of violence as well. Unless the caretaker government and the law enforcement agencies are able to ensure a secure environment in days to come, the voter turnout in Pakistan – already the lowest in the region – may decline further.

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....XgnR2H83.dpuf

The security situation in the country wasn’t something to write home about already but now that there is only a caretaker setup in place, the militants appear to have upped the ante with increased attacks, both on the general public and on political gatherings, thus threatening elections due in about three weeks. If the situation continues this way any longer, the consequences could be disastrous. And with militants bent upon proving their point through the barrel of a gun, the ballot may not even get a chance to prove who gets wider public support.

Only the other day, there were attacks in both Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, the two provinces that have bore the brunt of terror attacks for far too long. A female suicide bomber, not the first instance but one that makes it easier to work around security measures, killed four and injured four more in Bajaur Agency. Another blast in Mir Ali area of North Waziristan killed four and injured an identical number. In another incident, a hand grenade exploded near a rally organised by the Awami National Party in Turbat where the party chief Dr Malik Baloch was about to address his supporters. In yet another incident, the Bomb Disposal Squad personnel (BDS) on Sunday defused a bomb in Bazeedkhel near Badaber area in the outskirts of Peshawar. While these incidents show the sway the militants hold and the freedom with which they attack, the call for security is a cry in the wilderness.

But whatever little good news emanates from these parts must be appreciated. The KP government has rounded up 100 ‘former militants’ in Swat out of a list of 200 in order to ensure peaceful elections. A good and timely action by the KP government but wouldn’t it be better to have similar action elsewhere in the KP, and in Balochistan? The Awami National Party (ANP) is a particular target of terrorists because of its clear stand against the terrorists. In the recent weeks, ANP leader Mukarram Shah lost his life after his car was blown up in Manglawar, Swat. Only two days later, at least 18 people were killed and 49 injured in a suicide blast in Peshawar near an ANP meeting. Security measures are only as good as the will to implement them. If the security forces and the law enforcement agencies are unable to implement what they have been tasked with, peace might not return to these restive areas, and consequently the prospects of holding elections there in relative calm would be near impossible. The caretaker governments in both provinces need to lift their efforts on providing security to the public and politicians alike.

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....IgFywIjm.dpuf

The political administration has been held accountable, the military top brass has been let off, is what the summary of the Lal Masjid Commission report reveals. The report is another blow to the former president Gen (Retd) Pervez Musharraf, whose ill-fated return to the country continues to turn for the worse. The controversial 2007 operation in the federal capital still leaves a scar for both liberals, who question how such a high number of arms were accumulated, and conservatives, who question how such a high number of people were killed by the government without any accountability. The commission has also attempted to settle the question of how many people died by putting the number at 103. However, doubts about the figure still remain.

The commission has recommended that murder cases be registered against those identified and recommended that the former rulers be forced to pay compensations to aggrieved families. While the 304-page report submitted to the Supreme Court by the commission on March 22 has recommended that the lack of accountability could not be condoned for this “human tragedy.” The report has said that “history could not easily digest the notion that the then president, the prime minister, the cabinet particularly interior minister and other concerned ministers of Parliament and political parties, were not aware of the operation.” It has continued to say that “the political leadership at the helm of affairs cannot be absolved of the responsibility for the incident, particularly when it carries criminal liability.” The report has also expressed wonder at if the decisions were being taken by the president alone without being questioned. Surely, the commission is right in saying that accountability should be across the board. But its recommendation to absolve the military of responsibility shall remain controversial. The fact that the legal requirement of invoking Article 245 to call in the military in aid of civil power was met does not belie the fact that the Chief of Army Staff was the imposter president at the time.

The Lal Masjid’s Commission’s report remains a controversial one, but at least opens up the space for some accountability. It has called for compensating aggrieved families in the short term while, controversially again, recommended that the Jamia Hafsa plot be returned to the seminary. In the long term it has recommended that seminary syllabus be “broadened to include modern sciences…to integrate them into the national system” and that town planning should make sufficient provision for amenity plots for mosques and modern madrassah schools. The fact that the difficulties of implementation were the ones that led to the Lal Masjid operation has not been factored in. That said, the Lal Masjid Commission report, at least, is one step forward towards creating a more accountable state, and another step backwards for the retired general who once claimed the throne of president.

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....1Fjlstnx.dpuf

“Coordinate” is the Election Commission of Pakistan’s (ECP) war cry to law enforcement agencies (LEAs) as we enter the last two weeks of electioneering. Candidates in three out of four provinces are under threat, with reknowned politicians having been killed or narrowly escaped attacks in Khyber Pakthunkhwa, Sindh and Balochistan. The ECP and the interior ministry are increasingly on the backfoot as they note that “federal and provincial law enforcement agencies” must ensure fool-proof security to polling staff and voters. Directions have been given to ensure security is provided to candidates, but with multiple enemies on the prowl, it appears that the matter will not be resolved with the same ease as statements are given out. Another meeting is scheduled with the representatives of the federal and provincial caretakers on April 25 to discuss the security plan for the general elections.

However, the fact that ECP has also proposed the implementation of recommendations of the Parliament Committee’s report of 2009, suggests that the elected governments failed miserably to try to implement the same report. Caretaker Interior Minister Malik Habib has especially pointed to Karachi as a main point of fissure and claimed some leads have been received about the security threats. However, his assurances that “the government would spare no effort to address the security threats in Karachi and elsewhere” has not provided relief to political parties, with MQM candidate Nabil Gabol having formally requested the ECP to deploy troops in Lyari on the polling day. Whether the demand is met or not, on the ground, the Awami National Party (ANP) and MQM appear to be the two parties most under threat, and the security threat cannot be mitigated. The ECP has disturbingly reported that it has been reported a total of 728 threats, of which around 490 have been received from the Punjab, 159 from the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 55 from Sindh and 24 from Balochistan. Similarly, the Balochistan government has decided to provide security to all candidates, with around four to six official security guards being provided to each candidate as well as election commission staff.

With FAFEN reporting 13 different incidents of electoral violence around the country, claiming 23 lives in the last week, down from 170 dead in the week before, it appears that perhaps some of the security measures are bearing fruit. But FATA, KP and Sindh all remain extremely volatile. It is important that the ECP’s complaint of the lack of coordination between LEAs should be addressed immediately. Intelligence received on possible threats should be followed by immediate action. If not, it is known that militants are trying their best to create an incident that could jeopardize the upcoming polls – something Pakistan can least afford at this stage.

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....UU1EzEmC.dpuf

The trial of Gen (Retd) Mushrraf is a unique event in Pakistan. Never before has any of the military rulers been taken to task for his misdeeds. What is required on the part of all those associated with the trial is to pursue it strictly in accordance with law so that justice is not only done but seen to have been done. In the eyes of law, Musharraf is still an accused person. The cases filed against him have yet to be decided. The former dictator’s lawyers would be keenly looking for any shred of evidence to cry blue murder and accuse the judges of being vindictive. The best way is to conduct the cases without undue haste. Instead of pressing the caretaker government to become a party in the treason case the court would do well to wait till the newly elected government assumes office next month.

There is a need on the part of the lawyers to act more soberly than some have done during Musharraf’s attendance at the courts both in Karachi and in Islamabad. One can understand that some of them have been maltreated under Musharraf. But this does not justify any unruly behavior on their part. The lawyers’ community is a part and parcel of the judicial system. They have therefore to show patience rather than lose self control. Their job is to argue the case, demolish the arguments given by the accused person’s counsel and wait for the decision which may take time.

The ongoing display of anger and threats of use of force outside the courts have to end. Musharraf is currently not fighting an election but defending himself against serious charges. Show of force outside the court can be interpreted as an attempt to influence the court. Allegations are already being made that some of the lawyers are acing at somebody’s bidding. Any ugly scene outside the court can lead to unpredictable results. It can even make Musharraf look like an aggrieved person rather than one charged with serious crimes. Saner voices from among the legal fraternity have also advised those wearing black coats to keep themselves under control.

It goes to Gen Kayani’s credit that he kept the army out of politics. What is needed now is a peaceful transfer of power to the next elected government after May 11 polls. What is going on in the courts is the trial of a man who is no more in uniform. Those who are trying to create a perception that this amounts to the humiliation of a general are misleading the people. They must not be provided any excuse that strengthens the allegation.

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....lh1Xm4gm.dpuf

There is no doubt that the current elections are full of threats and risks especially for the three leftist parties-PPP, ANP and MQM. These parties have suffered shocks during the election campaign and still they are under severe threats from the TTP who have issued them threats, and despite all the threats, still the election process is going on in the country. But the situation in the Fata is worse than the rest of the country and that’s the reason why election campaign is not felt in the Fata. There are many factors contributing towards the sluggishness in the election campaign.

First, hundreds of thousands of tribal people are living in IDP camps at present. According to the official data, there are about 60,000 families from South Waziristan Agency who are residing in Tank and Dera Ismail Khan while some of them have been migrated to Karachi. According to the local sources, over 90% of the total voters of NA-42 are residing outside the Mehsud area did not use their right to vote in the last polls conducted on Feb 18, 2008 as no election was held over the seat of this constituency due to the military operation. The same situation has to be seen if no arrangements are made for polling of IDPs in the areas where they are residing at present.

As for as North Waziristan is concerned, there is no proper military operation going on hence no massive migration but here too, a large number of people are out due to the imminent military offensive which is rumored for the last two years from time to time. Again the recent suicide attacks over Esha Check Post and on the vehicles of security forces some days back have worsened the already deteriorated peace situation therein. The rampant curfew during the day and regular in the night from 5 pm to 7 am has also contributed a lot to limit the movements of the candidates. Meanwhile, the recent remote control bomb attack over the security forces which killed at least six troops and left two other injured has also aggravated the situation and the timely holding election has seem to be jeopardized.

Situation in Kurram and Orakzai is also no different from those of the North and South Waziristan agencies. On one hand there are so many families displaced, and at the same time sectarian clashes have spread a wave of fear and terror among the dwellers. There is no doubt that the presence of the hard core militants in both the agencies have caused a lot of unrest which have affected the electioneering in the both the sister tribes. The worst of the tribal areas is the Khyber Agency which is still burning with the war of militancy and has the greatest number of IDPs in Jalozai camp, Peshawar, Orakzai and Kurram Agency.

Hundreds of men have been killed in the fresh clashes between TTP and Ansarul Islam in Tirah Valley. Thousands of families have been confined to Triah Valley while others are in the grip of curfew from Bara to Tirah. Similarly, the suicide attack of woman bomber in Bajour speaks high of the situation therein.

All these circumstances testify the worse kind of law and order in the tribal areas. Now the big question arises what would be the proper way of conducting polls in the Fata and whether the free, fair and transparent election are possible.

Noor Muhammad Burki Mehsud a social activist from South Waziristan said the first priority of the tribal areas is safety of life. “Here every one is terrorized and every tribesman is worried about survival where a good number of the people are now psychological patients” Burki said adding that there should be arrangements for the IDPs to vote in camps and a proper way should be adopted to send them to their homes as mere voting is not at all the solution of their issues. “First you have to talk to all the stake holders of the Fata including the militants therein” Burki suggested.

If someone denies this fact he is unaware of the ground realities or he doesn’t want to solve the issue of the tribal areas, he added.

But here again it seems that some forces are blatantly deteriorating the situation inside Fata before the election and there is possibility that those forces want to delay the polling process in Fata. If it is so then it is also a fact that Fata perhaps would not see any by election as the past experience shows the NA-42 remained without any seat in the National Assembly despite the repeated demands of the locals of the constituency who were all living in DI Khan as IDPs.

It will be a sheer injustice and a blow to the smooth democratic process if election in Fata is delayed or postponed and it will have a long lasting impact over the overall peace of the region. The fact perhaps doesn’t need to mention that the circumstances of the Fata not only affect the rest of the country.

Therefore it is the responsibility of not only the leaders in Pakistan but also of the world powers should think about the future of the Fata regarding the recent general elections and the establishment of durable peace after US withdrawal from Afghanistan.

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/

“Ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors to bullets.”
(Abraham Lincoln)

The 10th general elections in Pakistan scheduled to be held on 11 May are of great importance. One of the most important developments of the whole election process is the formation of Justice(r) Fakharudin G. Ibrahim-led Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP). The Commission, since its birth, is reassuring the nation that free, fair, transparent and timely elections would be held in the county.

The Election Commission of Pakistan is a constitutional body, responsible for holding free and fair elections in the country. Article 218 of the Constitution of Pakistan assigns election commission the duty of organizing and conducting elections and making such arrangements as are necessary to ensure that the election is conducted honestly, justly and fairly. Despite being faced with various challenges, the Election Commission has successfully conducted General Elections in Pakistan from 1970 through 2008 (1970, 1977, 1985, 1988, 1990, 1993, 1997, 2002 and 2008). The 2008 General Elections were the ninth elections held on the basis of direct vote-prior to 1970, indirect elections to the National and Provincial Assemblies had been held. With the introduction of a new Local Government system in the country under the Devolution Plan in 2000, the elections to the Local Government institutions were conducted in 2000-01 and 2005 by the Chief Election Commissioner.

The first Election Commission was established in 1956 Constitution of Pakistan. Since then, it underwent many changes. Changes were also made in its tenure. In 1956 Constitution, the Election Commission of Pakistan was a permanent body led by Chief Election Commissioner Other members of the Commission, called election commissioners, were to be appointed by the President of Pakistan for five years. The selection of the members was not only limited to the judges.

Unlike 1956 Constitution the ECP in 1962 Constitution was not a permanent body. Its term was reduced to 3 years. The Chief Election Commissioner would be entitled to same salary and allowances as a judge of the Supreme Court. The ECP consisted of the Commissioner, as the Chairman and two members, a judge of the High Court of the Province of East Pakistan and a judge of the High Court of the Province of West Pakistan. Each of them was appointed by the President after consultation with the Chief justice of the High Court concerned and with the Commissioner.

The 1973 Constitution of Pakistan provided for an election commission consisting of one chairman and two members who were to be judges of High Courts. The number of members of the election commission was later raised to four by the Election Commission Order, 2002. A condition was introduced whereby Chief Election Commissioner must be a judge, serving or retired. This was severely criticized because a serving judge’s new role as CEC might influence the election process. It could compromise transparency and fairness of polls. He was elected for three years.

Many constitutional changes were brought about in the country by 18th Amendment. Now the Election Commission of Pakistan is a permanent body. Currently the Commission consists of CEC and four other members who are retired judges. The power of their election has been transferred from President to the Parliament, which is, indeed, a welcome step. Article 220 of the Constitution bounds all executive authorities in the Federation and Provinces, to assist the Chief Election Commissioner and the Election Commission in the discharge of his or its functions.

The incumbent ECP is a powerful institution. It has demonstrated it power in the shape of a temporary ban on postings in various governmental departments both federal and provincial. Though several politicians and political parties demand its restructure, it is the most acceptable Election Commission in the history of Pakistan. The term of the commission has been made at par to that of the Parliament. It has been given more powers and independence. All these things make incumbent Commission very special and distinct from all the previous Commissions.

At moment, no sane person can deny the importance of elections in the country. The swiftly changing internal and external circumstances demand that free, fair, and independent elections must be held without any delay. To tackle growing energy crisis, inflation, corruption, bad-governance, extremism and militancy Balochistan problem, crippling economy, deteriorating educational standard of the people in the country, etc., elections are the need of the hour. Besides, drone attacks and sovereignty issue, effects of US and NATO draw down from Afghanistan on this region, increasing Indian influence in Afghanistan, America-China rivalry, strained US-Iran relations, US resistance against Iran-Pakistan energy projects, global war on terror and Pakistan’s role are some external issues that highlight the importance of election and the need for a stable government in Pakistan so that it could defend it interests.

At this critical juncture, it is desirable that free, fair, transparent and timely elections be held in Pakistan. Though conspiracy theory makers are working overnight, elections must not be delayed or postponed in any circumstances.

ahteshamkhan@live.com

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/40/

After five-year rule in the country, the life for three main political parties of the outgoing government—the Pakistan People’s Party ( PPP), the Awami National Party (ANP) and the MQM gets tough in the wake of growing threats of terrorism in the run-up to the next general election. The latest sting of eight blasts in Quetta and Karachi in last 24 hours, that left another 11 people dead and 60 injured, has heightened security fears ahead of the May 11 general elections. The MQM, feeling pushed against the wall, has shut down its election offices in Karachi, the ANP, after loosing Bashir Ahmed Bilour, is mostly staying in doors in the KPK and the major political party in the previous regime—the PPP has decided not to risk the life of its young chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari in the election rallies rather has opted TTP—style-of-video-massage to reach out the masses. The then friendly opposition PML-N, having Metro Bus Project to its boost about, has limited the public appearances of its big bosses to avoid Ms Benazir Bhutto-like tragedy. Despite all powers and resources, then the coalition partners, failing to root out militancy during their five years of the rule in the country, are facing the trouble, fears and threats that the common man faced earlier. The PPP lost its dynamic leader Ms Benazir leader in a terrorist attack five years ago, yet it did not learn a lesson hence its inability against militants has rendered Pakistan a far less secure country than five years ago. Thus the isolation the political parties facing is the outcome of their own follies, mismanagement, and bad governance. The blame squarely lies on them. The situation can be summed up in old saying: As sow so shall you reap!

The caretakers or for that matter the Election Commission cannot remove hideouts of terrorists in their assigned period of time in the chair—an act that the previous rulers could not do in five years. The political parties must put up a brave face to wither a few isolated incidents of terrorism taking place here and there ensuring that the polls process does not derail. And the Election Commission, having faltered to some extent in the scrutiny of the nomination papers, must make amends in the process of the election from hereafter. It must put a mechanism in place to monitor the spending of the political parties on the election campaigns particularly their budget on expensive media campaign.

Ill-gotten money is being poured out under the garb of security concerns. Sectarian violence, religious intolerance, Taliban and Baloch insurgencies, indeed, have worsened today. Thus bullet-proof vehicles, barricaded party offices and bullet-proof glass on podiums are all that the political parties had to live with to accomplish the task of the election process. Any call for the pausing or postponing the elections is not withstanding—no matter from where it comes.

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/category/46/

Could this election campaign and the run up to it be the start of the Pakistan spring – our very own version of the tidal wave that swept the Arab world last year? The answer is still up in the air. This arousal of the voting populace that we are seeing, and the yearning for a better future, might be a different mutation of the Arab Spring.

Pakistan’s democratic struggles have been less than stellar in their longevity. Government after government has been struck down under one pretext or the other. This could be equated to a child learning how to walk and the first time he falls, being told that since he could not walk, he had better get knee and elbow pads. The great nations are born and tempered through struggles and failures, but Pakistan had inherited an establishment from colonial times that had been trained to rule rather than serve. And it was this arrogation of power that resulted in dismissals of the revolving door governments of the 1950s. And then, when Iskandar Mirza the army officer-cum- civil servant took over, he was quickly upstaged by his protégé Ayub Khan. Ayub had, for some time being holding the office of Defence Minister along with that of the army chief, the first foot in the door by the powerful military.

Ayub Khan’s Martial Law was a success, initially. A law of diminishing returns, Martial Law is a powerful antibiotic, which when overused, tends to lose its effectiveness. But the crucial problem with Martial Law is that when the Army Chief decides he is going to stay for an extended period, he tends to elevate yes men to the Army High Command. Were he to leave at the end of his three year term, he would be motivated to promote officers who would make the army stronger – a subtle but vital point. Ayub achieved much, but his decade of development came crashing down around him and to his credit he left without much fuss. Crucially, instead of handing over power to civilians, Ayub left his handpicked Army chief Yahya Khan in charge.

A pocket battleship of a man, Yahya was an excellent career officer, nicknamed Napoleon by his British superiors. A refreshingly candid and outspoken man, Yahya never let his enjoyment of the good life interfere with his work, at least until the later years when things spun out of his control. He was taken aback when Sheikh Mujib ur Rehman would come to meetings with the Bangladesh flag on his car. The writing was clearly on the wall. Ayub had been saying this to his ministers as early as 1960, that East Pakistan would soon go its own way and that he wanted to make it strong so that it was not swallowed up by India.

The upheavals of the second partition brought forth the populist Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. A man of great vision and energy, Bhutto envisioned his Pakistan on the model of the Scandinavian countries. His development of the nuclear bomb eventually proved to be his undoing. Gen Zia ul Haq had been appointed Army chief by him at the last minute following a phone call from a Middle Eastern potentate.

Zia was an armour officer known for his humility and obeisance to authority. He had received a bad chit from the Pakistan ambassador to Jordan where Zia was the military attache. The ambassador Lt Gen (retd) Nawazish Ali, found Zia as being “unworthy of an officer in the Pakistan Army”. On the surface a profoundly religious man, Zia was more of a Mullah, being the son of one. His views on religion were self serving at times. One of the changes he brought into the army was to add the section where an officer was to be judged on his piety and religiosity along with his professionalism in his annual confidential report.

Zia quickly realized that by hanging Bhutto, he had a tiger by the tail and quickly surrounded himself with likeminded people. His enemy’s enemy very quickly became his friend. Zia proceeded full throttle with spiritualism, the end result of which was that the lines between right and wrong got fogged up with the overpowering presence of spirituality. Morality and ethics took a serious hit. Hypocrisy in the name of selective, self serving religiosity became the order of the day. This was quickly latched on to by his minions and to this day, his followers display this mentality.

The Afghan War was won and the Russians retreated across the Amu Darya. The Afghan Mujahideen had taken a terrific pounding in the early years of the Soviet occupation. They had no answer to the MI26 helicopters which could appear from nowhere accompanied by Spetsnatz commandos. The war turned when the Americans introduced the Stinger missile and trained the “Muj” to use it. Suddenly aero planes started dropping from the sky and the Soviets had to start moving on the ground. That was the beginning of the end.

The Americans wasted an historic opportunity to win the peace after the Soviet withdrawal. Instead of investing resources in the uplift and stabilization of Afghanistan, like the Marshall Plan following World War II, they packed up and left, leaving a vacuum that was ultimately filled by the Taliban and their backers, Osama bin laden and Al Qaeda.

And this is where we stand some 25 years after Zia’s demise. The Sharifs and the Bhuttos have been going at it hammer and tongs, with a military interregnum under Parvez Musharraf playing a role in the first decade of this millennium.

Whether the Arab Spring has had an effect on Pakistan is not certain, but it seems that a momentum has evolved where the public has let it be known that they are sick and tired and they are not going to take it anymore. Enter Imran Khan. A cricketing star as well as a social worker, Imran’s PTI had been in existence for some 16 years without really creating a foothold. He was being mockingly compared to Asghar Khan and his Tehreek-i-Istaqlal. But the consummate cricket captain that he is, Imran bided his time, consolidated his party, bringing in people of his choice, setting up a compelling manifesto.

The middle overs of the ODI passed uneventfully as he saved his wickets for the final slog. As the people’s wave crested the PTI hit critical mass. The Kaptaan had done it again, like in the World Cup win of 1992. Huge, enthusiastic crowds thronged his rallies, people singing and dancing, an atmosphere in sharp contrast to the insipid rent-a-crowds of his opponents. The PTI Tsunami, as he called it, had hit shore.

The PTI brain trust is composed of highly motivated, smart people who have already churned out reams of pages on their post election plans. But the elephant in the room that few wish to commit on is whether the PTI can derail the artful Sharifs from the Takht Lahore. The Sharifs have been in the political game since Zia’s time and have a powerful network of alliances and supporters along with infinite resources. This has made them favourites to win in Punjab.

But Kaptaan Khan is now reaching the final five slog overs and feels as if he is destined to win. There is certainly a PTI wave (read Tsunami), but whether it can unseat the powerful PPP and PML-N is still a moot question. Perhaps, as Imran feels, the final fortnight, could be crucial and no betting man would wager against the man who has made a habit of winning from impossible situations. For him, it all depends upon how the final two weeks on the campaign trail pan out.

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....jRZfEp1w.dpuf

Generals in Pakistan are generally quite lovely creatures, short, stout and often carrying a moustache as proof of masculinity, they are rather outstanding specimens of humanity. Medals adorned on their chests and up to four-stars protruding on their shoulder straps, they are driven by a genuine concern for the suffering of humanity around them. And thus this is why they meddle in matters unrelated to them. And humanity around them agrees, for the most part.

What else explains the fact that of the five military dictators to have taken over the reins of the country, four died without a stain on their sparkling military shirts. Generals in Pakistan live well and die well, unless they get on the wrong side of one of their own proxies, but generally speaking, it is a good life. A solid clique in both media and civil society begin to debate “whether there will be a military coup?” every two months as if it was a right somehow being wrongfully denied to our country’s best golf players and property dealers. Another statement that is considered to have credence is that a military dictator in Pakistan either “resigns, goes into self-exile or is killed”. Having survived death, Musharraf had resigned and gone into self-exile and taken up residence in London, where he had been cashing in on selling out to the United States with a choice series of paid lectures on the subject Americans love most: the war on terror in Pakistan.

Perhaps this is why the former General – and usurper President – Pervez Musharraf decided to return to the country to try out what it was to be a bloody civilian. The lock up was the least of what he expected. It has not turned out to be a pretty sight – and in many ways, gladly so. When the first set of bails of the former general – although perhaps Mush is the first general to fall outside the “once a general, always a general” metaphor so popular amongst military ranks – was granted, it appeared that the “deal struck in the Holy Kingdom” would go uncontested by the elites of Pakistan. Arguably, the former general is now off the golf course, and learning how to live the life enjoyed by one of us “bloody civilians”. Of course, with him locked up in his own farmhouse, it is still a far cry from the squatter that the average citizen inhabits.

The “Musharraf law,” i.e., being picked up and declared ‘missing’, has not been applied, and he should be thankful. There are many in the country that want the former general dead, although that would be the most boring of ends for him. A full trial in each of the cases against him is required – including, most importantly, a trial for treason, which is the one on which there is a lack of political consensus. The former Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani once said, “I have no love lost for Musharraf. If the parliament decides to try him, I will be with the parliament. Article 6 cannot be applied to one individual, those who supported him are today in my cabinet and some of them have also joined the PML-N. The MMA, the MQM and the PML-Q supported him. This is why I have said that it is not doable.” One can add, former Musharraf supporters have also joined the ‘harbinger of change’, the PTI. This suggests that while the caretaker setup has declared that it does not have the mandate to try Musharraf for treason, and the Senate has passed a resolution calling for such a trial, once the next National Assembly is in, a political consensus to try him still appears to be unlikely.

While insiders say that Musharraf has been abandoned with an understanding that accountability will remain limited, a military coup in 2014 has not been ruled out. The question is: why is a coup even an option? Military men are no more than security guards employed by civilians for their protection. The reversal of this ordering is unacceptable at any point. Moreover, how come one former general becomes the face of public accountability, without questioning the entire institutional ethos? If it is true – although there are reasons to doubt it – that the military ethos involves only top-down obedience, independent of any other considerations, then the military ethos needs to be changed. Making Musharraf accountable for an institutional problem would serve no great purpose.

How former generals look at civilian courts should be a good indicator of the problem at hand. The first thing they attempt is to avoid the indemnity of showing up before a civil judge. For this purpose, they either attempt to pursue a trial through military courts, using the refrain of the Army Act 1952, that arguably excludes military officials from the realm of common [colonial] law. This was successfully adopted by former Generals Khalid Zaheer, Khalid Munir and Afzal Muzaffar when charges were proven against them in the National Logistics Cell scandal – the three were re-inducted into the army and got away with the slap on the back (of the “well done” variety) of a court martial. If this does not work, they attempt to degrade the court, the judges and the process of law. This was successfully adopted by the former Generals Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani when appearing before the Supreme Court to explain their position with respect to doling out money to politicians – and as it stands both appear to have got away with it. So as a former General and COAS, Pervez Musharraf could not be blamed for fleeing arrest from the Islamabad High Court, a court that he purportedly himself set up to undermine the Supreme Court back in his heydays.

That Musharraf made the choice of being the first military dictator in Pakistan’s history to attempt a return to the country was based on the same trust: a general, serving or retired, cannot be tried in Pakistan. With his bail in the Benazir Bhutto murder trial newly cancelled, and his disqualification from contesting election, it is hoped that at least his multiple trials shall all take place. But as some ex-Generals, namely Jamshed Ayaz and Aslam Beg, chose to remind us on Tuesday, that they, and others in their clique, are not happy with the possible ‘humiliation’ of Musharraf. With at least nine of the serving corps commanders promoted during the decade long Musharraf regime, there is certainly both loyalty and complicity amongst the military top brass. Former COAS Aslam Baig has been more threatening, but those come from a man with clipped wings. Perhaps, there is now little need to be worried about what he says, and the question of military accountability needs to be asked with seriousness.

There is a need to answer the question, rather than leaving it hanging.

The writer is the general secretary (Lahore) of the Awami Workers Party. He is a journalist and a researcher. Contact: hashimbrashid@gmail.com

- See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013....8nHYbkuk.dpuf