Thursday, November 28, 2013

Team Sharif?: New army chief

AFTER six long years and a strengthening transition to democracy, the country has a new army chief — and separately, a new Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, the more senior but less powerful military post. Both appointments tell a tale of their own. In selecting yet another CJCSC from the army, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif appears to have yielded to the army’s argument that the CJCSC slot, because of its role in overseeing the country’s military nuclear programme, must remain with the more powerful and much larger army, instead of rotating between the three services. The navy and the air force will likely not be very pleased about the solidifying of a prerogative the army has long claimed for itself, but, in the final analysis, the numerically smaller services probably did not have the necessary clout to win the argument in their favour.

For patently obvious reasons, however, the focus will be on Mr Sharif’s other choice: Gen Raheel Sharif as the new COAS. In selecting the third-most senior general to lead the army, the prime minister has hewed to what is the accepted convention: selecting an army chief on the basis of seniority. In many ways, Mr Sharif’s appointment of Gen Sharif appears to be a canny move: while the other three or four potential candidates were endlessly dissected in the media and appeared to have various groups lobbying for one or the other candidate, Gen Sharif was seemingly no one’s favourite or preferred candidate. A low-key general with impeccable military credentials — perhaps the prime minister has gambled that his choice will more likely play out over the next three years as Team Sharif instead of Sharif vs Sharif.

For the sake of the country, Team Sharif has to work well together, specifically in crafting a meaningful, coherent strategy to defeat militancy and bring stability to the region. Thus far, the prime minister could perhaps have argued that a six-year incumbent as army chief precluded the possibility of serious policy overhaul by a new civilian government. But starting today, that is no longer the case. Now Mr Sharif’s handpicked appointee sits atop the most powerful institution in the country. Will the prime minister demonstrate the kind of leadership he promised before the election but that he has failed to provide since taking office in June? Will Gen Sharif do more to disengage the security establishment from shadowy games and nudge the army to embrace zero-tolerance policy against militancy? On the shoulders of those two men rests a heavy burden and a nation’s hope.

A law unto themselves: Lawyers attack Supreme Court

THE commotion in the Supreme Court on Tuesday proves that despite the passage of 16 years, little has changed in Pakistan. The only difference is that in 1997, it was PML-N supporters that had stormed the Sajjad Ali Shah-led court, while in the latest incident it was protesting lawyers from different parts of Punjab who attacked the nation’s highest seat of justice. The irony is quite evident: earlier it was political hotheads who had led the charge, angered by contempt charges against Nawaz Sharif, who was prime minister at the time. On Tuesday, it was members of the legal profession, who not too long ago had struggled for the ‘supremacy’ of the law and restoration of sacked Supreme Court judges, that were rampaging through the apex court. The incident is one of many in recent memory that clearly indicates the transformation of lawyers as a group from activists to vigilantes. The lawyers in Islamabad were ostensibly protesting against the non-establishment of high court benches in various Punjab cities. However, as past incidents have also proved, the black coats often resort to violence if things do not go their way. Lawyers accuse the police of resorting to brutality to break up the protest. While the unnecessary use of force by police cannot be condoned, the lawyers did not help the situation by delivering fiery speeches outside the court.

The lofty reputation the lawyers had earned through their movement for the restoration of the chief justice has all but disappeared, thanks to the thuggish behaviour of some amongst them. Members of the legal fraternity have clashed with the police, journalists as well as other lawyers while judges have been intimidated in the days since 2007. But what is most troubling is the relative silence of bar associations and senior lawyers regarding the violent tactics of their fraternity. Either bar councils have kept quiet or slapped violent elements on the wrist for aggressive behaviour. Unless this attitude changes, it is unlikely such ugly incidents will end.

Tragic miscalculation: Train ploughs into rickshaw

IT is indicative of the brutalisation of Pakistani society that tragedies that would in other parts of the world cause outrage pass largely unremarked here, invoking little more reaction than a shake of the head. Rarely, if ever, are lessons learned and gaps plugged to guard against future disasters. The horrifying accident in Dadu on Tuesday is a case in point. The driver of the rickshaw carrying schoolchildren miscalculated while trying to cross a level crossing ahead of an oncoming train, which ploughed into the vehicle. Eight children and the driver were crushed to death and other students were seriously injured.

Where can we say the fault lies? With the railway authorities which did not ensure that there was a gate at the level crossing that warns traffic and pedestrians against attempting to cross the tracks? But then, it is common for people to ignore such gates even where they are installed, raising them or ducking under them in the confidence — which often, sadly, proves to be misplaced — that they are better judges of their own speed in relation to that of the train. Of course, blame must be apportioned to the driver of the rickshaw who had not just overloaded his vehicle (the three-wheeler has an optimum capacity of two to three passengers) but who also attempted to cross the tracks at a time when it was clearly unsafe to do so. Yet ultimately, perhaps, what incidents such as this point to is a deeper societal malaise where the value of life is minimal, where the safety of life and limb is disregarded, and where each fresh tragedy is viewed as a stand-alone event that must be lamented but never used as a turning point to prevent further disasters.

Friday, November 29, 2013

Bizarre ways: More appointments

OVERSHADOWED by the change at the top in the military at least three other appointments made on Wednesday by the federal government send various signals of their own. The nomination of Justice Tassaduq Jillani as the next chief justice of the Supreme Court was a constitutional formality, but it has put an end to the endless speculation concerning Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry’s term somehow being extended beyond Dec 11. With the ascension of Justice Jillani, the country will have witnessed a historic and unprecedented constitutional transition of power across institutions this year: a new parliament, a new president, a new army chief and, on Dec 12, a new chief justice. Utterly necessary as an orderly transition was for the democratic order and stability, in many ways the real work begins now: do any of the principal figures imbued with proper constitutional legitimacy have it in them to collectively steer the country towards a better future?

In that regard, the two ministerial appointments made by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on Wednesday may provide an unhappy answer. That the country has been without a defence, foreign or law minister for much of this government’s term so far has been an unexplained failure. After all, if the prime minister wanted to keep the defence and foreign portfolios for himself because of the linkages between the military, national security and key foreign relations then perhaps it was understandable. But what exactly has Mr Sharif attempted to do these past few months on those fronts? And now, faced with the defence ministry being hauled over the coals for the continuing saga of the missing persons, the prime minister has seen fit to put a buffer between himself and the court in the shape of Khawaja Asif — who will continue to be the water and power minister. Quite how it makes sense to sidetrack Mr Asif with defence ministry duties when he already has charge of a ministry tasked with solving the staggering energy crisis remains unexplained.

Still, if Khawaja Asif’s appointment was merely about avoiding the prime minister being dragged to court, the appointment of Pervez Rashid as law minister is truly inexplicable. The information minister has nothing on his resumé that suggests he is capable of dealing with the complicated task of being law minister. Or is Mr Rashid just a cover for the continuing behind-the-scenes influence of sidelined former law minister Zahid Hamid? More importantly, does the PML-N, with a majority in parliament, really have no one in its ranks to fill even the essential ministries?

Trading places: ‘Fake’ prisoners

IN an era of spurious medicines and imitation Rolexes, can ‘fake’ prisoners be far behind? In a briefing on Tuesday pertaining to the security situation in Karachi, the prime minister was told that there are at least 41 ‘fake’ prisoners lodged in Sindh’s jails, thus allowing the actual suspects to remain outside, free to commit further crimes. The fact came to light when the prisoners’ identities were checked through the National Database Registration Authority’s biometrics system and the details of 41 were found to be inconsistent with those of the real suspects. An inquiry is being conducted to assign responsibility and uncover whether this ‘mix-up’ is on account of erroneous entry of names at the time of FIR registration or upon the men’s arrival at the various prisons.

The situation would be amusing if it did not have such serious implications. Karachi has been held to ransom by criminals of various stripes that have struck fear into the heart of its citizens, from the most well-heeled to those with limited means. The Rangers-led operation under way since September to apprehend criminal elements in the city has therefore, with some reservations, been welcomed across the board. However, people’s faith in the law enforcement agencies, not very strong in the first place, will be further diminished by the latest revelation. Corruption in the police force means it is not inconceivable that in some cases illegal gratification may even have been paid in exchange for looking the other way while the real suspect got someone else to trade places with him. The inquiry must be thorough and lead to measures to prevent a recurrence. On a positive note, at least the case of mistaken identities has been brought to light and a system like Nadra is in place to help streamline procedures. No amount of raids will get the job done if criminals are able to work their way around the system.

Reform initiative: Khanewal community policing

THE community policing model is not new in Pakistan; it was a central pillar of the Musharraf-era Police Order 2002. However, despite existing on paper, the concept has failed to take root in the country mainly because policing is seen by the state as a control mechanism, not a public service. While some provinces have retained the Police Order 2002 (such as Punjab, which has an amended version of the law), others have reverted to the colonial-era Police Act. But efforts have been made in Punjab’s Khanewal district to practically implement the community policing model. A brainchild of the district police, the Khanewal initiative has attracted the attention of the Punjab police chief; apparently, the top brass wants to keep a close watch on developments in the district so that if the experiment is successful, the model can be replicated across the province.

Violent crime is a nationwide malady and Punjab, with its high crime rate, is hardly immune. Unfortunately, the police have failed to keep a check on crime due to corruption, lack of resources and training and a trust deficit with the public. Community policing is supposed to bridge this gap by deploying officers with links to local people as well as involving citizens in the management of police affairs. If the Khanewal scheme is to succeed, there must be a change in attitude whereby the police emphasise public service over public control. As per the spirit of devolution, police powers must be delegated so that local units have the freedom to act, with the provincial police playing a supervisory role. It is hoped the Khanewal experiment succeeds so that the model can be applied to the rest of Punjab, and the country, to fight the unrelenting crime wave.

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Ye sab tmhara karam hai AAQA k bat ab tak bani hoi hai
May is karam k kahan ti kabil ye HAZOOR ki band parvari hai

Saturday, November 30, 2013

Same flawed methods: Business package

STAYING true to past form, the PML-N has dipped into its old bag of economic tricks and unveiled its latest incentives for taxpayers and investors. The thinking is the same as before: tax dodgers and people who have earned millions in the black, grey or undocumented economy do not want to enter the formal economy; in order to encourage them to submit to documentation and participation in the formal economy, a no-questions-asked policy about the provenance of the investment or tax payments needs to be implemented; and this, somehow, will help address Pakistan’s investment and taxpaying problems. At least this time, the PML-N has tweaked the investment part of the programme: no questions will be asked if an investment of over a certain stipulated limit creates jobs in sectors that are not already mature and saturated.

The simple question then: how much of an impact will these measures have? On the investment climate, at the margins perhaps there may be some positive effect, but surely no more. The reasons for that are straightforward, and by now long-standing: where energy is scarce, where the currency is always on a downslope and where monetary policy is tight, where existing businesses are struggling to stay afloat, how are new investors to be convinced to invest in new projects? In addition, the PML-N government seems afflicted by the same drift and indecision of previous dispensations, dashing hopes that governance or security would quickly improve. In that climate of fear and uncertainty, no meaningful economic turnaround can be engineered, and certainly not if tried- and-failed methods are attempted once again.

On the taxation front, the government appears to have virtually surrendered to special interests. After caving in to traders earlier, now the government has further diluted the senior tax authorities’ powers to access banking details. Whether the proposition itself was a good one to begin with is a separate question; what matters now is that the government has backtracked on the centrepiece of its anyway paltry tax-system reforms. This in addition to the usual promises to extend the no-audit promises to various tiers and categories of taxpayers. Why not, instead, unveil reforms to make the audit process more transparent and fair to lower the possibility of abuse and extortion? Perhaps the most telltale sign of the government’s wrong approach to taxation is the introduction of special VIP privileges for top-tier taxpayers. Paying taxes is a duty and the more the income, the greater that duty. Taxation should never be about giving the already privileged even more privileges.

Unwept, unsung: Murdered policemen

THE killings of six policemen in Karachi and Hyderabad last Tuesday are another brutal reminder of the threats the law enforcers face in the line of duty. The current year has been a particularly deadly one for the Sindh police, as over 150 personnel have been gunned down in Karachi. Police officials believe that some of the officers murdered in Karachi earlier this week may have been targeted in reaction to the ongoing action against criminals in the metropolis. In fact, revenge killings, which add to the demoralisation of the police force, are not a new method of intimidation. Over 150 policemen who took part in the Karachi operations of the 1990s have been systematically eliminated in the past two decades. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has also seen many policemen killed in action. However, unlike Karachi, where most of the killings are believed to have been perpetrated by criminals or politically motivated killers, in KP it is the militants who have the policemen in their crosshairs. In the first six months of this year, there were over 100 attacks targeting the police in the province.

The authorities in Sindh have come up with steps to offer police personnel better protection while out in the field. These include bullet-proof jackets as well as orders to patrol in groups. But what is most important is for all provincial governments in Pakistan to take political ownership of their respective police forces. Presently, the authorities offer token condolences when policemen are killed, while the public also remains unmoved. The families of slain police personnel are also given the runaround when it comes to collecting compensation. Despite the police’s many failings, along with better training and equipment the law enforcers need our sympathy and support. The murders of policemen need to be investigated and the culprits punished to boost the force’s morale. This would make it clear that policemen’s lives are also valuable. Perhaps dedicated units can be set up to follow up the cases of murdered policemen.

Justified frustration: Missing persons untraced

THE highest court in the land is justifiably annoyed with the state over its failure to recover missing persons, and the newly inducted defence minister has visited a protest camp in Karachi set up by family members of the missing people to sympathise. But there is still no solution to the long-standing issue of the ‘disappeared’. Highlighting the Supreme Court’s helplessness in the matter, the chief justice said on Thursday that the paramilitary Frontier Corps had “no respect for the court’s directives” as it had failed to produce some 35 missing persons. If the apex court can express such frustration over the matter, can we blame the Baloch protesters sitting outside the Karachi Press Club if they take Khawaja Asif’s promise of recovering their loved ones with a heavy dose of scepticism? As one protesting woman commented, they have heard many promises in the past, but seen few results. Also, while the defence minister’s assertion that a law to end illegal detentions is in the works may be well-intentioned, will it have any practical impact on the situation when the security estab-lishment disregards the SC’s orders and elected officials’ concerns about missing persons?

The core issue here is that the FC and intelligence agencies do not seem accountable or answerable to anyone when it comes to Balochistan’s security issues. As this newspaper has stated before, if the state believes someone is involved in subversive activity, they should be produced before a court of law. Presently, the security establishment is making a mockery of due process by allegedly detaining suspects illegally. The marchers belonging to the Voice of Baloch Missing Persons and family members of all other missing people need to know the whereabouts of their loved ones and the charges against them.

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Ye sab tmhara karam hai AAQA k bat ab tak bani hoi hai
May is karam k kahan ti kabil ye HAZOOR ki band parvari hai

01.12.2013

Time to take charge: Civil-military ties

THE new army chief will take a few weeks to settle into his new job and, if events allow, possibly longer to turn to matters of the army’s approach to national security and its positions on key foreign relations. But Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been in office for five months now. And it is time for him to step up and truly take charge. One smooth electoral transition and one round of change at the top of the military hierarchy cannot erase decades of civilian subjugation to military diktat, but the historic changeovers of 2013 can certainly be a springboard to greater civilian confidence. There are at least four areas in which Mr Sharif needs to examine and reset the state’s policies: the domestic militant threat; Balochistan; Afghanistan; and India. Each of those issues is enormously complicated in its own right, before the civil-military angle is even factored in.

On the fight against militancy domestically, Mr Sharif has repeatedly said his government would prefer to pursue the dialogue option first. Problematic as this approach is — and known to be opposed by the military high command — where Mr Sharif and his team have already failed is in giving a coherent narrative: how will dialogue proceed, what are the red lines and what is the state doing to prepare for the eventuality that dialogue either fails or the TTP goes back on any pledges it makes. Surely, lamenting the failure of dialogue because of miscellaneous challenges, including drone strikes, is no policy. The TTP threat and the government’s preferred response to it (see editorial below) exemplifies the vexing intersection of civil-military relations and sound security policy: both the army and the government appear focused on debating the merits and demerits of dialogue without ever focusing on what the wider fight against militancy must entail.

If on the TTP the government may be on the wrong track, on Afghanistan, India and Balochistan the PML-N government is on the right track — though perhaps only to the extent of words. Non-interference in Afghanistan, normalisation of ties with India and a political approach to dealing with Baloch separatists are all sound policies — if only there were some indication that the government is doing something to have its thinking on these subjects prevail over the army’s more hawkish stance. At some point, Mr Sharif will have to lead from the front. If the old, army-led security and foreign policy approach has failed — as it so clearly has — a new approach will only prevail if pushed through with conviction and clarity.

Taliban’s clear goals: TTP video recording

IT is a pity that the focus on Shahidullah Shahid’s remarks on cricket, quoted out of context by the media, has overshadowed his video message’s grimmer contents. The TTP spokesman’s 17-minute video recording spells out the Taliban’s political philosophy in clear terms and gives us the militant movement’s view of the state of Pakistan and the status in its eyes of the government and armed forces. The Taliban hold both in contempt. The recording dwells at length on the precondition for talks and their aim. There are three preconditions — the release of TTP prisoners, the pullout of security forces from the tribal areas and an end to drone strikes. Since, according to him, the government is not willing to accept two conditions, it is weak and insincere. As for the third condition, Nawaz Sharif had ‘begged’ America to stop the drone attacks. This grovelling revealed that the government and armed forces were America’s puppets. For the TTP, the preconditions were meant to gauge the government’s sincerity, and if the aim of the dialogue was other than the Sharia, then it was pointless.

Shahidullah Shahid denounced democracy, repeatedly spoke of ‘black Englishmen’ and threatened a wide variety of TTP enemies with death. But all said and done his talk showed the TTP leadership’s clarity of thinking. It knows who its enemies are, it vows revenge and is clear in its ultimate objective — the imposition of its version of Sharia. According to the TTP’s thinking, if the enforcement of Islamic law is possible through talks, so much the better; if not, then the TTP is ready to wage a ‘jihad’ which recognises no provincial or national boundaries. Does the government have the same kind of clarity in its policies, stance and public declarations? What does the government propose to achieve through talks? Can an elected, constitutional government betray its mandate and negotiate a compromise on democracy? The interview has spelled out the TTP’s stance and conditions. Will the government do the same?

A welcome move: Targeted subsidies

THE Punjab government’s decision to put cash in the hands of 1.3m ‘poorest of the poor’ families in the province from next month is highly commendable. It will spend Rs1bn every month to help the poorest segments of the population in the province. Though the paltry monthly stipend of Rs1,000 will not make much of a difference to the lives of the recipient families, the proposal shows a major shift in the thinking of the leadership of the PML-N, which has been ruling Punjab since 2008. The Shahbaz Sharif government that allegedly squandered billions of rupees in taxpayers’ money on such politically motivated projects as the sasti roti scheme during its last term seems to have realised the importance of direct, targeted cash subsidy to help the poor. Another important decision that the province has made for protecting the poor from the vagaries of prices pertains to the creation of a social protection authority to bring all existing and planned provincial cash subsidy and health insurance schemes under one umbrella.

The provincial social protection programme doesn’t have anything to do with the federal Benazir Income Support Programme launched by the previous government, but it is being modelled on Bisp and will utilise the database gathered under it. The success of any cash-grant programme in protecting the vulnerable and alleviating poverty depends largely on the level of commitment shown by the political leadership to the programme’s objectives. It means the chief minister will be required to give considerable time to make a success of the proposed programme and to create an effective infrastructure to ensure that funds allocated for disbursement are not misappropriated or their release delayed for the poor recipients. If implemented successfully, it could be an inspiration for similar programmes in other provinces as well.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

Monday, December 02, 2013

The nuclear option: Bridging power shortfall

WITH the groundbreaking of what is intended to be Pakistan’s largest civilian nuclear power facility by the prime minister in Karachi last week, a practical step has been taken to help meet this country’s ravenous power demand through nuclear technology. Plans for the plant, located on the Karachi coast and expected to produce 2,200MW, have been on the drawing board since the Musharraf era. However, the current administration wants nuclear power to have a much bigger profile in the national energy mix: Nawaz Sharif identified six more sites for nuclear power plants, while the government hopes to generate around 40,000MW under the Nuclear Energy Vision 2050. Nuclear power currently adds a little over 700MW to the national grid.

With the power shortfall hitting nearly 4,000MW during the peak summer months, any additional power on the grid is welcome. Pakistan needs a varied, intelligent energy mix and nuclear power can help bridge the shortfall. Nuclear power is much cheaper than energy produced through expensive furnace oil, and together with hydel, thermal and alternative sources appears set, at least in the eyes of the planners, to be a central component in Pakistan’s power generation infrastructure. Yet to translate the stated policy into a reality two major questions need to be answered. Firstly, the Karachi project is estimated to cost around $10bn. Can the government arrange the funds for this and the other nuclear projects? Secondly, while China will build the new units on the Arabian Sea coast, will Beijing step in to help build the other proposed plants? After all, due to Nuclear Suppliers’ Group restrictions Pakistan has few options but to turn to China. Or has the government made alternative plans?

Environmental and safety concerns are just as important as the logistics of the new nuclear plants. While Pakistan has a good record where nuclear safety is concerned, more transparency and public debate is needed before the plants are built. Proper environmental assessments need to be carried out to ensure the plants are not located in seismic zones or near population centres. These concerns are all the more important in the aftermath of 2011’s Fukushima disaster in Japan. For example, some coastal communities in Karachi have expressed apprehensions about new nuclear power plants in the area. Such public concerns must be satisfactorily addressed by the state. Diversification of the energy mix is essential and nuclear energy is a viable option, as long as safeguards are in place before Pakistan jumps on the nuclear energy bandwagon.

Much left unsaid: PM’s visit to Kabul

THIS much can be said about Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s policy on Afghanistan: he and his top advisers have invested much time in at least improving the atmospherics of the relationship with a perpetually prickly President Hamid Karzai. Luckily for Mr Sharif’s agenda, his trip to Kabul came at a time when the main focus is on US-Afghan ties and the brinksmanship over the bilateral security agreement that will see foreign troops remain in Afghanistan until at least 2024. But while wisely staying out of the problems in the US-Afghan relationship, Mr Sharif perhaps unwittingly underlined the great question mark over whether his government does in fact have any control over Pakistan’s Afghan policy.

Perhaps most tellingly, the prime minister had to reiterate to his Afghan host that the Afghan officials working on reconciliation will be given access to Mullah Baradar. Access to Mullah Baradar has been a central demand of Mr Karzai and his reported release in September was supposed to facilitate that. Now that it is clear that the Afghan side has been frustrated in its attempts to access Mullah Baradar freely, the question is at whose behest has this happened: the political government led by Mr Sharif or the security establishment? Just as importantly, by restricting Mullah Baradar’s movements or making it difficult to meet him, what does the state hope to achieve? And how does any of that fit in with the repeated claims by Pakistan that it wants an inclusive political settlement in Afghanistan that is Afghan-led and Afghan-owned? Similarly, Mr Sharif appears to have borrowed wholesale from the talking points on Afghanistan of the past years. A peaceful, stable and, lately included, united Afghanistan sounds good on paper and perhaps the state here even wants that to come about. But surely that outcome is connected to the Taliban threat now radiating into Pakistan from Afghanistan? On that critical issue, both sides chose to say nothing on Saturday.

Prisoners or pariahs?: Jail reforms

CHIEF Justice-designate Tassaduq Jillani renewed the higher judiciary’s resolve to monitor prisons in the country when on Thursday he took suo motu notice of an incident at Lahore’s Kot Lakhpat Jail. The serving of poisonous food to the inmates was a serious enough occurrence that added to the long list of disturbing stories that continue to emanate from Pakistani prisons. Many of the problems these stories highlight have to do with the overcrowding of jails, but there are issues of general inefficiency that cannot be justified by saying that the jail staff has too many souls to feed and look after. Not least dangerous is the societal trend where violators of the law are viewed as pariahs deserving of hatred and inhuman treatment, in addition to being meted out legal punishment. The hatred they generate towards themselves is also revealed in the manner in which they are dealt with by their watchers, the jail staff.

Rights groups and the judiciary have been calling for prison reforms for a long time. Last month, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry reminded everyone about the constitutional provisions that must be maintained at a certain level where inmates are concerned. In June, he was dismayed by the conditions of prisons after a visit to a Punjab jail and he has been ordering senior bureaucrats in all four provinces to keep a close eye on prisons through frequent visits. The sharp court calls might have had some effect on prison conditions but the issue is too complicated to be resolved through sincere, frequent intervention alone. The demand is for a concerted effort that is followed by reassigning prison staff responsibilities in a manner that the staff is no longer able to conveniently deflect the blame for bad prison conditions.

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Ye sab tmhara karam hai AAQA k bat ab tak bani hoi hai
May is karam k kahan ti kabil ye HAZOOR ki band parvari hai

03.12.2013

State unconcerned: Kidnapping on the rise

WHILE it is a relief that cardiologist Dr Abdul Munaf Tareen has been freed by his kidnappers after a torturous two-and-a-half-month captivity, certain aspects of his case are cause for concern. Reports that a heavy ransom was paid for his freedom and that the Balochistan government had practically no role to play in his release point to the apathy that afflicts all provincial governments when it comes to cases of kidnapping for ransom. The menace is largely unchallenged by the security apparatus. And we continue to ignore it at our own peril.

Balochistan is not the only province affected. In Sindh, particularly in Karachi, kidnapping for ransom is something of an industry. Neither is Punjab immune as some high-profile abductions, involving victims belonging to powerful political and military families, have taken place in the province. Children have been particularly targeted in some parts of Punjab, while the abduction of young students has also risen in Peshawar — kidnapping overall remains rife in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Across the country, victims range from industrialists and professionals to randomly chosen people. As for the perpetrators, organised criminal gangs are involved in the racket, while religious and sectarian militants are also in on the game, using kidnapping as a major funding source for their terrorist activities. Often criminal groups ‘sell’ a victim of kidnapping to others of their ilk. In fact, the numbers, which have been consistently high over the past few years, may not tell the whole story as many families avoid going to the police for fear of endangering the victim’s life. But what is even more disturbing are reports that elements within the law enforcement agencies may be involved; such claims are given credence when those kidnapped are transported hundreds of kilometres across provincial lines with law enforcement agencies looking the other way.

What is required is a national effort to tackle kidnapping for ransom. Provincial police forces tend to be territorial, having nothing to do with a case once the victim has crossed provincial boundaries. Such an approach will not do. There needs to be an integrated approach where all provincial police forces combine data and efforts to recover victims and bust gangs. Furthermore, there must be zero tolerance within LEAs for those who may be involved in such criminality. The detection and conviction rates of criminal gangs need improvement. The Citizens-Police Liaison Committee in Karachi did commendable work in the past i

More than a killer: HIV/AIDS cases on the rise

MORE bad news about world health and unsurprisingly Pakistan is involved. It is now one of the 12 countries where the UN fears an HIV/AIDS epidemic is emerging. The UN report that rang this warning bell also said that Pakistan has seen an eightfold increase in HIV cases in the past 11 years. For those who have been following the country’s losing battle against polio, the revelation that we may be about to lose another crusade in health comes as no surprise. Pakistan now enjoys the dubious distinction of being one of the very few countries in the world where polio has made a comeback; reports indicate that the strains found in Pakistan have travelled as far as the Middle East and there may soon come a day when we face travel restrictions because of the disease. Yet we have failed to counter it — poor quality medicines, prejudice and propaganda, and an ineffective state have ensured that the polio vaccination campaigns end in failure each time.

And this is the story of a disease acknowledged by state and society. On the other hand, HIV/AIDS is something we would rather sweep under the carpet. It is not a disease that is discussed; its rising incidence is never reported by the media or highlighted by the state; and it is difficult to think of medical experts or activists who work to spread awareness about it. This is because HIV/AIDS is linked to sex, a taboo subject in Pakistani society. Acknowledging the spread of the disease would mean accepting the market for sex, with the involvement of women, men and transgender people. It would also mean acknowledging a world in which sex happens and is sold and bought willingly. We need to understand the importance of acknowledging this disease and the sections of society that are vulnerable to it. Only then will we be able to raise awareness about it without which no disease can be fought and eradicated. Science, vaccines and medicines can only go so far without social education.

Promoting languages: Urdu Conference in Karachi

IT is not at all flattering to have cultural activity in Pakistan forever seen from the perspective of terrorism. Thus, the truth in the statement apart, when the just-concluded Urdu conference in Karachi was fashionably referred to as ‘love in the time of terrorism’, it threatened to eclipse some other laudable aspects of the event. For instance, the theme of how the Urdu conferences provide proof of the language’s popularity among youngsters, a topic touched upon by a keynote speaker on Sunday, is one that can be of satisfaction to those who recognise the link between the progress of a people and the development of a language.

So many other good beginnings in this country have been compromised because of a progressive lack of interest that has led to a drop in standards. This conference, organised by the Karachi Arts Council, is an exception in that it has retained its appeal as a significant event in the cultural calendar of Pakistan. That should mean that standards have by and large been maintained. This was the sixth edition of the conference and the organisers have done well for it to be celebrated more than as a slogan of resistance against terror-mongers. It has to be celebrated for all its diverse notes and must inspire similar events across the country. Though not without its shortcomings and its list of desired improvements it has done well to underscore the need for the promotion of Urdu and other local languages, some of which are neglected because of the absence of understanding and resolve. The officials are frequently held responsible. To counter this, there are examples in the country which show that private initiatives can go a long way to promote events related to culture.

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"Nay! man is evidence against himself. Though he puts forth his excuses." Holy Qur'an (75:14-15)

Wednesday, November 04, 2013

The state’s crime: Missing persons

THE superior judiciary’s crusade against the state’s crimes on the missing persons’ front has reached a crescendo of sorts. Tomorrow, unless the security apparatus and the governments concerned produce the missing persons the Supreme Court has demanded be produced before it, the court appears set to deliver some unprecedented penalties. But the fight to protect the citizens against illegal confinement, mistreatment and even torture by the state will continue long after Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry brings down his gavel for one last time next week. The dismal truth is that when it comes to balancing the security of the overall citizenry against the individual constitutionally guaranteed rights of those suspected of waging war against the state, the latter has veered too far from its duties and entered the terrain of the grossly illegal. Just how far was made evident on Monday when the Supreme Court was told that two missing persons had died in custody — of natural causes, officials claimed, but that is a claim absolutely no one will believe.

That people have been abducted in Balochistan or allegedly detained on the battlefield in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Fata and then held illegally and even tortured by the security apparatus has been an open secret for many years. It was a wrong that had to be fixed and there was really only one of two options: either the state — the security apparatus and the government that nominally controls it — cleaned up its act on its own or it would eventually have to be pressured into doing so. By now, it has become clear that the course of self-correction is very limited: attempts at revamping the relevant laws and dealing with detainees legally have been overshadowed by a hawkish attitude that sees the issue of missing persons as an undesirable but necessary evil in a murky fight against shadowy enemies. Working within the confines of the law with detainees, respecting the supremacy of constitutional safeguards and rights and improving the rate of successful prosecutions that are upheld on appeal are seen as too complicated or onerous a task by the relevant officials.

So there has been only one path left to try to end the widespread human rights abuses that the security apparatus stands accused of: judicial intervention. The superior judiciary has inserted itself into many crises since 2009, but on the missing persons front, a legacy to be proud of is being built. The superior judiciary must continue to fight the good fight on behalf of the many more as yet nameless and faceless victims.

The knives are out: IJT on the rampage in Lahore

THE arrests at a Punjab University hostel and the subsequent ugly street protest by the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba in Lahore on Monday were the latest eruptions of tensions that had been brewing for a while now. Simply put, the Punjab University has in recent times been trying to cleanse its campuses of the influence the Jamiat was allowed to build up over time. The violent rioting on Monday was a statement of the Jamiat’s resolve to resist its dethroning. The latest round in the PU-IJT tussle had its origins in an incident last week at the Law College in Lahore in which some Jamiat activists were accused of browbeating a couple of teachers. The incident itself was cause enough for a probe and solution. But in the given circumstances, it was more reason for what is being widely seen as intensification of the campaign to rein in the Jamiat, an action that has been justly demanded over the years to free the Punjab University from fear and the unwritten code imposed on it.

It is not too difficult to see what distinguishes the current Punjab University administration from its predecessors who were always reluctant to move against the Jamiat’s excesses. The IJT’s parent body, the Jamaat-i-Islami, has taken rabid stands on crucial national and global issues such as the war against militancy. There are routine revelations which project the Jamaat as not just a sympathiser of the militants but as their partner. In recent days, reports of the nabbing of a Jamiat worker in Lahore with alleged Al Qaeda links and the death of a former, prominent Jamiat member from Karachi in a drone attack in the tribal areas enhance the portrayal of the JI and IJT as radicals. This image in the context of power and its demands also makes it impossible for the PML-N to maintain good relations with its old JI ally. The separation of the two parties raises the prospect of a real purge that has been long in coming.

Problem of implementation: Code for sectarian peace

EVEN as sectarian tensions simmer — as the latest killings in Karachi demonstrated yesterday — efforts are apace elsewhere to find ways of ratcheting down the tensions between the various Muslim sects in the country and to prevent radical elements from whipping up passions. On Monday, religious leaders gathered in Lahore to endorse a nine-point code of conduct drawn from a previous list already mooted by Maulana Tahir Ashrafi in the Council of Islamic Ideology. The essence of the code of conduct agreed to in Lahore on Monday points in the right direction: curbing sectarian hate speech, banning hate literature and graffiti, resisting the use of mosque loudspeakers for anything other than the call to prayer and sermons in Arabic, etc. However, the same questions that were asked by this newspaper and others when Maulana Ashrafi presented his 15 points before the CII are relevant to assess the latest effort.

Most basically, who will ensure that the code of conduct is adhered to across the board and in an impartial manner? No one ever condones hate speech publicly, but the problem is more specifically elsewhere: few religious leaders condemn it when it emanates from their side of the sectarian divide and is targeted at other groups. Therein lies one of the great tragedies of Pakistan’s by now long-running sectarian problems: the community leaders who ought to be shunning hate either passively tolerate it or actively propagate it. Maulana Ashrafi has talked of the eventual goal being parliamentary legislation and a robust enforcement mechanism. But that only brings the issue to the next problem: does the state have the will or the capacity to enforce its writ in the cauldron of sectarian tensions? So while something has to be done, it’s not yet quite clear what exactly will work.

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Ye sab tmhara karam hai AAQA k bat ab tak bani hoi hai
May is karam k kahan ti kabil ye HAZOOR ki band parvari hai

Thursday, November 05, 2013

One big mess: Law and order in Karachi

DESPITE the ‘operation’ against criminals and violent elements in Karachi, major bloodshed returned to the city on Tuesday as at least 15 people were killed in different parts of the metropolis. On the surface it seemed the violence had heavy sectarian overtones. A Shia scholar and political leader was gunned down along with his bodyguard while later in the day three members of the Tableeghi Jamaat, including two Moroccans, were shot outside a city mosque. However, care must be taken not to jump to conclusions. After all, the lines have become so blurred in Karachi that it isn’t immediately clear if killings are sectarian, ethnic or political in nature, or if criminal gangs are involved. Sometimes it can be a combination of factors. What is clear, though, is that in terms of law and order Karachi is a total mess. As Tuesday’s violence showed, this city of millions can be paralysed within a few hours.

When it comes to analysing the violence, the authorities resort too often to oversimplification by blaming killings on ethnic or sectarian factors. Nearly every other murder is termed a ‘targeted killing’. If sectarian gangs are operating in the city carrying out attacks on rivals in retribution, or if ethnically motivated killers are at work, there must be proof to back up these claims. The suspects must be identified and prosecuted using credible evidence-gathering and investigation techniques. Simply lumping all killings under the ethnic or sectarian tag amounts to brushing them under the carpet. And if a ‘third force’ is at work — as police officials have said — trying to spark communal discord, who constitutes this force? Who is involved in planning and financing the violence? And more importantly, what is the state doing about it?

While the efforts of the police and Rangers over the last couple of months did bring down the level of violence in Karachi, the relief was only temporary. The problem is that the Sindh government is looking at the symptoms, not the cause of the violence, with the approach being one of fire-fighting, not proactive investigation and law enforcement. The police needs to name names to unveil who is involved in Karachi’s bloodshed while the administration must follow up by investigating these crimes, prosecuting the suspects and breaking the networks involved in destabilising the metropolis. If such bouts of deadly violence continue unabated, it can only bode ill for communal harmony in the city and country.

No surprise: High inflation

MANY had warned of the return of inflation when the Nawaz Sharif government significantly raised indirect taxation in the budget, letting wealthy traders, growers and businesses get away without paying their share of taxes. A warning was again sounded when the State Bank of Pakistan didn’t intervene until it was too late to stop the rupee’s slide (the Pakistani currency has lost over 10pc against the dollar in the first five months of the present fiscal). Similarly, when domestic electricity prices were raised to ‘recover’ the full cost of supplying power to consumers, no one doubted that it would have serious implications for the fixed income group. So it shouldn’t surprise anyone if inflation in November rose by almost 11pc to a 15-month high.

The five-month average headline Consumer Price Index inflation has already outstripped the budgetary target of 8pc, which all except our experienced budget makers had described as unrealistic. Even the conservative central bank has forecast that prices will increase by an average 10.5-11.5pc during the present fiscal compared with less than 7.5pc last year, and the bank has raised interest rates by 1pc since September. Price inflation bites everyone; it feeds on the poor and the middle class. The PML-N, which, before the May general election, had promised to control prices and even substantially reduce them, has been unable to shield those affected by the quick rise in inflation. At the moment all that the PML-N politicians can tell the people is that they will see an improvement once this phase that demands some tough decisions is out of the way. Yet they have no plans to share with them at present. The country’s finance managers don’t seem to have any strategy to protect against the fast rising prices of essentials, particularly food and energy. All the government feels that it needs to do is to secure itself from the popular anger building up, and remedies to the people’s problems can come later.

Enough is enough: Yet another attack on media

AS if it needed any reinforcement, the attack on the Express Media Group’s offices in Karachi on Monday once again drove home the fact that Pakistan is one of the deadliest countries for journalists. At least 10 journalists here have died in the line of duty this year, five of them in targeted killings. The Committee to Protect Journalists estimates that at least 24 journalists in Pakistan have been targeted and killed for their work in the last decade. In not even a single case has anyone been charged, let alone tried and convicted. The attack on Monday, which left a security guard injured, is the second such incident targeting the same media group. In August, a similar attack resulted in injuries to two employees, but once again, no one has been called to account. It is this culture of impunity that has emboldened those who seek to muzzle the media through violence.

Journalists in Pakistan work in the shadow of threats and intimidation from various quarters, including state elements and militants — of the religious, political and ethnic variety. The nature of their job makes them an easy target, often at the risk of falling foul of one pressure group or another. Of late, the campaign of intimidation has been taken to new levels by the TTP which, besides regular and direct threats, recently issued a fatwa against the media, excoriating it as an agent of ‘imperialistic powers’, and citing Quranic verses to justify the killing of journalists for indulging in ‘false propaganda’. The only way to counter this open season on journalists is for the media to set aside internal differences, and put up a united stand to demand protection for its members and accountability of those who consider journalists fair game for murder.

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Ye sab tmhara karam hai AAQA k bat ab tak bani hoi hai
May is karam k kahan ti kabil ye HAZOOR ki band parvari hai

Friday, December 06, 2013

Bad stumble: Nadra chief’s attempted removal

CONTRAST it with the time the federal government is taking to deliberate various urgent issues, and the (abortive) move to sack the National Database and Registration Authority chief would appear to have been one resorted to in panic. Reports say Nadra chairman Tariq Malik was given marching orders in the thick of the night between Dec 2 and 3, an image invoking metaphors about the dark activity in the corridors of power in Pakistan over the years. Mr Malik struck back in the morning when he obtained a stay order against his removal from the Islamabad High Court on Dec 3 and the case now awaits hearing amid great public anticipation. In the meantime, much flak has been directed at Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s government for not following the rules in the attempt to dismiss the Nadra chief.

While in opposition, Mr Sharif had won much applause for his ‘mature’ style of politics. The period starting with his return to Pakistan in 2007 up to the general elections in May this year was remembered, among other things, for the restraint with which the PML-N leader dealt with complicated political problems. That restraint and an avowed adherence to principles were to be put to the test after he won the May elections. While it would be unfair to judge him so early into his term the few compromises that he has already been forced to make do warrant a word of caution. It is understandable that the prime minister and his administration need people they can trust and work with in important government positions. But they need to remind themselves that discretion can be employed only up to a point, and certainly not in instances where the law defines a clear course of action to replace an official.

Not too far into his third term, the remarkably old-fashioned attempted sacking of Mr Tariq Malik has inevitably exposed Mr Sharif to both closer scrutiny and rumours. That the Nadra chief was involved in the verification of votes on seats the PML-N had won in the last general election adds greater spice to opposition politics. It disappoints his supporters and those who aspire to a better system; it emboldens others who had been mischievously predicting the prime minister’s resort to the unseemly sooner rather than later. The abortive sacking of Mr Malik makes it even more incumbent on the government to ensure fairness and objectivity in the investigation of complaints related to the elections which the PML-N is accused by many of having rigged.

Pyrrhic victory?: PTI’s anti-drone blockade

THE PTI’s anti-drone blockade seems to have gotten results. US officials have said the transportation of goods from Afghanistan through Pakistan has been stopped due to the protests. It is, in the PTI’s words, a “tactical success” as the US made the move out of apparent concern for the safety of truckers carrying Nato supplies through the Torkham crossing. Yet if Imran Khan and his party members think the blockade will significantly alter the nature of Pakistan-US security relations or stop American drones from striking targets inside Pakistan that’s unlikely to happen. The Americans have other ways to get their cargo in and out of Afghanistan: one route includes the Northern Distribution Network running through Russia and the Central Asian states. Though this is an expensive alternative, it is an option Washington has used before, namely in the aftermath of the 2011 Salala incident. Also, access to Afghanistan is still open through Balochistan. And as long as militants continue to use Fata as their stomping ground, expecting drone strikes to end is naïve.

Staging the protest was the PTI’s right. However, now that it has made its point and scored a ‘victory’ of sorts it needs to consider other methods of protest. For apart from making things difficult for Nato, the blockade is creating hurdles in the way of Pak-Afghan trade. Customs agents have called for the security of trucks and have complained of routine cargo also being stopped. The methods of the PTI notwithstanding, the fact remains that the drone issue has become a major policy headache for Islamabad. While there is growing criticism of the strikes internationally, especially from human rights groups, the popular mood in Pakistan is also largely against drones. Hence instead of leaving the drone debate to be decided on the streets, it is the government’s responsibility to take up the issue with the US and settle it in such a way that Pakistan’s sovereignty is not violated, and the extremist threat is also countered without endangering innocent lives.

High spirits: Murree Brewery’s quest

CAN’T sell it (freely) at home, can’t send it abroad for sale — it’s a heroic, almost Sisyphean, task that the makers of the iconic Murree beer and sundry alcoholic beverages are faced with. But where there is a will — and who would question the will of supply meeting demand in the beer-soaked corners of the world — there may just be a way: Murree Brewery is once again on the hunt for a partner to manufacture and distribute its products in India. Despite owning a historical brewery in Rawalpindi, the laws prevent the export of Murree Brewery’s most famous product. Presumably, the phrases ‘Islamic Republic’ and ‘exporter of beer’ are too volatile a combination in the Pakistan of today to be sat next to one another.

But where Pakistan has refused to take advantage of an image-enhancing possibility — better the country’s most famous export be something less lethal than what the rest of the world seems to believe is this country’s most famous export: terrorism — Indian law may have come to the rescue. Further liberalisation of the foreign investment regime in India has given the brewery a chance to add a new M-word to the Indian conversation on Pakistan: Murree — infinitely more palatable than what Mumbai has come to represent in recent years for India-Pakistan ties. And for the market here, there is the knowledge that domestic supplies will not get re-routed to a more lucrative foreign market. Is it a win-win situation for the brewery then? Not as yet. As Western juggernauts have discovered, beer is a fiendishly difficult market to break into internationally. Local palates, advertising and navigating a difficult business landscape are the key hurdles. Which is why, a year on, Murree Brewery is looking for a new Indian partner.

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Ye sab tmhara karam hai AAQA k bat ab tak bani hoi hai
May is karam k kahan ti kabil ye HAZOOR ki band parvari hai

Saturday, December 06, 2013

Nelson Mandela: Death of a statesman

EVEN the world’s most prestigious award, the Nobel Peace Prize, was too small an honour for the giant Nelson Mandela was. Perhaps a more poignant tribute came from Bishop Desmond Tutu: “God was good to us in South Africa by giving us Nelson Mandela”. He was more than good. The white supremacist regime in South Africa would sooner or later have collapsed, as happened elsewhere. But it was the way that it ended, or was made to end — without bloodshed — that showed how Mandela stood head and shoulders above other freedom fighters of his times.

The ‘white man’s burden’ manifested itself in the colonised world in many ways; signs reading “dogs and Indians not allowed” were just one of the many exhibits of the rulers. But in South Africa, the colonial approach was unprecedented in its brutality: the segregation of races — euphemistically called ‘separate development’ or apartheid — reduced native Africans to the status of animals. In the subcontinent, the British established “civil lines”, which by convention forbade the natives from being the white man’s neighbour. In South Africa, Bantus were bound by law to carry passes to move from a black zone to a white one. The cumulative effect of apartheid laws was that 80pc of South Africa’s land — which belonged rightfully to all its people — was reserved for the ruling white minority. Mandela raised his voice against this precursor to Nazism when Hitler was still in the trenches in Flanders. He was arrested in 1962 and passed 27 years in prison — only to come out victorious.

But perhaps Mandela’s greatest achievement was that he prevailed upon his people to shun revenge. The setting up of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission helped heal wounds and spared the country what could have been a slaughter of unimaginable proportions as the victims, now unfettered, suddenly found themselves in a position of strength. Mandela was a conciliator, and there is no doubt he received valuable support from F.W. de Klerk, the country’s last white president. But without Mandela, who chose to serve just one term as president, the orderly transition to a racism-free democratic dispensation would have been unthinkable. In a world dominated by leaders with either autocratic tendencies or mediocre abilities, Mandela stood apart. Freedom fighter, democrat and above all great conciliator, the African icon had in him the rare combination of leadership, courage, wisdom and foresight. Forever in history’s spotlight, he remains in his death among the 20th century’s greatest freedom fighters and statesmen.

Losing the battle: Polio emergency

AS the year draws to a close, the situation on the polio front in Pakistan sadly remains one of great concern. Looking at the figures of polio cases in the country this year so far (73, whereas there were a total of 58 cases in 2012), it appears that eradicating the crippling disease remains a distant goal. The same stubborn obstacles appear to be halting progress: ignorance, myths about the vaccination and insecurity. In many instances, parents themselves seem to be dooming their children’s future by refusing anti-polio drops for them. WHO figures indicate that of the over 2m children missed nationwide during a recent anti-polio drive, over 47,000 could not receive the drops as their parents refused to have them vaccinated. The majority of refusals (nearly 25,000) came from KP. Corroborating this trend is the view of health officials that most polio victims in Pakistan are Pakhtun. In fact, the Global Polio Eradication Initiative says North Waziristan has the highest number of children paralysed by polio in the country. Health officials also want a ‘polio emergency’ declared in Karachi because of the continued recurrence of cases in the metropolis.

The truth is a nationwide polio emergency needs to be declared. The state needs to tackle obstacles such as parents’ refusal with urgency. While other factors that are inhibiting anti-polio efforts, such as lawlessness and militancy, require time and complex efforts to resolve, changing people’s perceptions about polio vaccinations is a more achievable goal should the state pursue it with dedication. Since resistance is highest in the Pakhtun community, the KP government should be putting in extra effort to engage tribal, community and religious leaders in polio awareness campaigns. A publicity campaign in Pashto should be undertaken to convince parents to have their children vaccinated. We must remember that if Pakistan continues to ignore the threat posed by polio, penalties such as international travel restrictions may be on the horizon.

Not a simple matter: Former Karachi nazim’s resignation

FOR a party accustomed to calling the shots in Karachi, that too without a murmur of dissent, the MQM has had an eventful year. First the elections in May saw the PTI make inroads into the city. Then there was the fracas at a party jalsa, which precipitated a top tier reshuffle by Altaf Hussain. The ongoing Karachi operation has also seen the party under pressure from all sides. On Thursday night, Osama Qadri, a former MQM town nazim, was kidnapped. Although he was subsequently released, the motive of the kidnapping remains unknown. And all this against the steady drip-drip of news from London about Mr Hussain’s troubles with the Metropolitan Police.

Although the MQM chief’s recent address to the party faithful had a resurgent note to it, there are signs of some friction within the leadership. It seems that former Karachi nazim Syed Mustafa Kamal, out of the country and virtually incommunicado since several months, had tendered his resignation from the Senate in November as requested by the party on account of his prolonged overseas stay. The MQM, which has inexplicably not yet accepted the resignation it asked for, says that Mr Kamal’s absence is for personal reasons and rumours of his differences with the party leadership are not only “baseless and fabricated” but that the party leadership wishes him well in resolving his current travails.

Even those who do not agree with the MQM’s politics usually concede that Syed Mustafa Kamal did well by Karachi during his tenure. The former nazim’s infectious enthusiasm and can-do spirit was translated into actual work, a trait much appreciated by people weary of self-aggrandising politicians inclined to little more than posturing.

Would it be unreasonable to conclude that by its vehement insistence on there being nothing amiss in Mr Kamal’s keeping himself at a distance, the party doth protest too much?

__________________
Ye sab tmhara karam hai AAQA k bat ab tak bani hoi hai
May is karam k kahan ti kabil ye HAZOOR ki band parvari hai