Nature of the threat

December 31st, 2012

From Peshawar to Mastung, with Quetta and Karachi thrown in to add to the toll of blood and gore, the country has endured another weekend of tragedy and violence. Policemen, Levies personnel, Shia pilgrims and, it seems, ordinary travellers — the range of targets was diverse, as are the likely groups involved in the killings. Unsurprisingly, but dispiritingly as ever, the response of state and society has been relatively muted, almost a collective shrug of helplessness and confusion. Meanwhile, militant conglomerates like the TTP seem to mock the Pakistani state with their arrogant offers of talks that are thinly guised terms of surrender by the state.

Can state and society here come together and understand the nature of the threat in their midst? Part of the problem at present is that many strands of the threat are shadowy and amorphous. In Balochistan, the suspicion for Sunday’s attack on the bus convoy carrying Shia pilgrims will immediately fall on Lashkar-i-Jhangvi — but who is the face of the LJ in Balochistan? There is none, just a group of killers who may number a few dozen or several hundred. In a society where so many overlapping strands of violence exist, the seeds of doubt and confusion in the public imagination are buried deep and are difficult to dislodge. Meanwhile, in Karachi, militant activities have picked up in recent months, but little is known publicly about these groups and their leaders. Adding to the confusion, authorities have yet to establish if the Karachi bus was bombed or exploded because of a faulty gas cylinder.

But the failure in creating public awareness of the militant threat is necessarily the state’s. When Maulana Fazlullah was in territorial control of Swat and Baitullah Mehsud was in control of South Waziristan Agency and swathes of Fata, the threat was obvious — Pakistan had physically lost control of parts of its territory to armed groups seeking to overthrow the state — and the symbols of defiance well known: Maulana Radio, Sufi Mohammad and Baitullah Mehsud. This time round, with North Waziristan Agency and the Tirah valley under the virtual control of militant groups, the state has failed to take the extra steps necessary to bring these more remote areas to national attention for the right reasons, i.e. building a consensus to fight militancy. North Waziristan has infamously become tied up with the American demand to ‘do more’ rather than be recognised for a more relevant reason: it is the single greatest threat to the stability and security of the country. The state, both the security establishment and the civilian-led parts, cannot expect the public to understand the nature of a threat that is kept hidden from them.

To ban or not to ban?

December 31st, 2012

About three-and-a-half months after it was imposed, the government announced that the ban on YouTube was finally to be lifted.The Pakistan Telecommunications Authority, it said, had now acquired a powerful software firewall to comprehensively block blasphemous online material such as the trailer of an anti-Islam film, Innocence of Muslims, which had led to the ban in the first place. The joy of millions of Pakistani Internet users was short-lived however, when YouTube, soon after being unblocked on Saturday, was banned again on the government’s orders.

One can concede that given the trailer’s provocative content the government had little choice but to impose a blockade in the charged atmosphere of the first few days — although many other countries blocked only the offending video and not the entire site. Pakistan did initially approach Google Inc. — the Internet giant that owns YouTube — to take down the offending trailer, and failing that, to block access to it. But it is a measure of PTA’s incompetence that it did not have an agreement with Google that would have allowed it to block the video. All this notwithstanding, the PTA cannot justify such an extended ban that deprives Pakistanis of thousands of sources of online information. Concerns for security should not outweigh people’s fundamental right to information. Also, the PTA cannot hide behind the excuse that it did not have the technical means until now to counter the situation arising from the uploading of offensive material. Telecommunications is one of the healthier sectors of the economy so finances certainly could not have been a factor. The lack of a coherent policy on the Internet or the social media seems more to blame in this case. The Internet is a vast space that can be put to positive and negative use and the authority should have been prepared to deal with such an eventuality. Moreover, the on-again, off-again ban reinforces the impression of a government out of step with the times where a mature approach is needed to navigate the minefield known as the World Wide Web.

Tobacco-free Islamabad

December 31st, 2012

One hundred thousand dead. That’s the number of tobacco-related deaths that occur in Pakistan every year. The campaign announced in the media during the past several days that Islamabad is to be a tobacco-free zone from Jan 1, 2013, is therefore a step in the right direction, and long overdue. For years after the iconic Marlboro man fell from grace in the West, he continued to gallop his way across many an advertisement and into the hearts (and lungs) of millions of people in the developing world, with dire consequences.

In Pakistan, smoking was banned at all public places in 2002, including offices, hotels, hospitals, educational institutions, airports and shopping centres. However, implementation has been lax. The ban on smoking inside public transport vehicles is also flouted with impunity, as is the requirement that cigarette packets display a pictorial health warning. A study conducted in Karachi found most of the outlets in the survey even sold cigarettes to minors. Assuming that is the template for the rest of the country, it’s little wonder that an estimated 1,200 Pakistani youngsters take up smoking every day. In short, the health burden of tobacco-related illness, which includes soaring rates of lung and oral cancers, the latter thanks to widespread consumption of chewing tobacco, is one that Pakistan with its myriad problems can scarcely afford. The media campaign by the government’s tobacco control cell promises that the law will henceforth be “strictly enforced”. The law stipulates that violators can be fined up to Rs100,000 and jailed for up to three months. With Islamabad hopefully the starting point of a countrywide campaign, it would be fitting if government functionaries, especially those with a public profile, set an example by not smoking in public. If that can be done and the ban strictly enforced, one would have to say, “You’ve come a long way, baby”.

To ban or not to ban?

January 1st, 2013

About three-and-a-half months after it was imposed, the government announced that the ban on YouTube was finally to be lifted.The Pakistan Telecommunications Authority, it said, had now acquired a powerful software firewall to comprehensively block blasphemous online material such as the trailer of an anti-Islam film, Innocence of Muslims, which had led to the ban in the first place. The joy of millions of Pakistani Internet users was short-lived however, when YouTube, soon after being unblocked on Saturday, was banned again on the government’s orders.

One can concede that given the trailer’s provocative content the government had little choice but to impose a blockade in the charged atmosphere of the first few days — although many other countries blocked only the offending video and not the entire site. Pakistan did initially approach Google Inc. — the Internet giant that owns YouTube — to take down the offending trailer, and failing that, to block access to it. But it is a measure of PTA’s incompetence that it did not have an agreement with Google that would have allowed it to block the video. All this notwithstanding, the PTA cannot justify such an extended ban that deprives Pakistanis of thousands of sources of online information. Concerns for security should not outweigh people’s fundamental right to information. Also, the PTA cannot hide behind the excuse that it did not have the technical means until now to counter the situation arising from the uploading of offensive material. Telecommunications is one of the healthier sectors of the economy so finances certainly could not have been a factor. The lack of a coherent policy on the Internet or the social media seems more to blame in this case. The Internet is a vast space that can be put to positive and negative use and the authority should have been prepared to deal with such an eventuality. Moreover, the on-again, off-again ban reinforces the impression of a government out of step with the times where a mature approach is needed to navigate the minefield known as the World Wide Web.

Nature of the threat

January 1st, 2013

From Peshawar to Mastung, with Quetta and Karachi thrown in to add to the toll of blood and gore, the country has endured another weekend of tragedy and violence. Policemen, Levies personnel, Shia pilgrims and, it seems, ordinary travellers — the range of targets was diverse, as are the likely groups involved in the killings. Unsurprisingly, but dispiritingly as ever, the response of state and society has been relatively muted, almost a collective shrug of helplessness and confusion. Meanwhile, militant conglomerates like the TTP seem to mock the Pakistani state with their arrogant offers of talks that are thinly guised terms of surrender by the state.

Can state and society here come together and understand the nature of the threat in their midst? Part of the problem at present is that many strands of the threat are shadowy and amorphous. In Balochistan, the suspicion for Sunday’s attack on the bus convoy carrying Shia pilgrims will immediately fall on Lashkar-i-Jhangvi — but who is the face of the LJ in Balochistan? There is none, just a group of killers who may number a few dozen or several hundred. In a society where so many overlapping strands of violence exist, the seeds of doubt and confusion in the public imagination are buried deep and are difficult to dislodge. Meanwhile, in Karachi, militant activities have picked up in recent months, but little is known publicly about these groups and their leaders. Adding to the confusion, authorities have yet to establish if the Karachi bus was bombed or exploded because of a faulty gas cylinder.

But the failure in creating public awareness of the militant threat is necessarily the state’s. When Maulana Fazlullah was in territorial control of Swat and Baitullah Mehsud was in control of South Waziristan Agency and swathes of Fata, the threat was obvious — Pakistan had physically lost control of parts of its territory to armed groups seeking to overthrow the state — and the symbols of defiance well known: Maulana Radio, Sufi Mohammad and Baitullah Mehsud. This time round, with North Waziristan Agency and the Tirah valley under the virtual control of militant groups, the state has failed to take the extra steps necessary to bring these more remote areas to national attention for the right reasons, i.e. building a consensus to fight militancy. North Waziristan has infamously become tied up with the American demand to ‘do more’ rather than be recognised for a more relevant reason: it is the single greatest threat to the stability and security of the country. The state, both the security establishment and the civilian-led parts, cannot expect the public to understand the nature of a threat that is kept hidden from them.

Tobacco-free Islamabad

January 1st, 2013

One hundred thousand dead. That’s the number of tobacco-related deaths that occur in Pakistan every year. The campaign announced in the media during the past several days that Islamabad is to be a tobacco-free zone from Jan 1, 2013, is therefore a step in the right direction, and long overdue. For years after the iconic Marlboro man fell from grace in the West, he continued to gallop his way across many an advertisement and into the hearts (and lungs) of millions of people in the developing world, with dire consequences.

In Pakistan, smoking was banned at all public places in 2002, including offices, hotels, hospitals, educational institutions, airports and shopping centres. However, implementation has been lax. The ban on smoking inside public transport vehicles is also flouted with impunity, as is the requirement that cigarette packets display a pictorial health warning. A study conducted in Karachi found most of the outlets in the survey even sold cigarettes to minors. Assuming that is the template for the rest of the country, it’s little wonder that an estimated 1,200 Pakistani youngsters take up smoking every day. In short, the health burden of tobacco-related illness, which includes soaring rates of lung and oral cancers, the latter thanks to widespread consumption of chewing tobacco, is one that Pakistan with its myriad problems can scarcely afford. The media campaign by the government’s tobacco control cell promises that the law will henceforth be “strictly enforced”. The law stipulates that violators can be fined up to Rs100,000 and jailed for up to three months. With Islamabad hopefully the starting point of a countrywide campaign, it would be fitting if government functionaries, especially those with a public profile, set an example by not smoking in public. If that can be done and the ban strictly enforced, one would have to say, “You’ve come a long way, baby”.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Extremism in action

January 2nd, 2013

Extremism is one thing as a debatable philosophy, and quite another in its barbaric, physical manifestation. Two examples of the latter, as the world exited 2012, were particularly blood-curdling. The Pakistani Taliban killed the 22 Levies they had abducted, and in Nigeria, Boko Haram marauders slit the throats of a number of men, women and children. The Taliban and Boko Haram both claim to be fighting for causes they deem Islamic, yet farthest from their philosophy is that spirit of compassion which for so many Muslims across the world is fundamental to Islamic teachings.

There is a warped logic at play here. Even if the Taliban considered the Muslim Levies ‘infidels’, and thus deserving of death in their eyes, which Islamic law, especially in early examples, justifies the murder of non-Muslim prisoners of war? They have not stopped there. The Taliban have displayed the remains of their victims as trophies and videotaped executions as a chilling message. Even their arch enemies, no angels when it comes to the rights of prisoners of war (e.g. America in Guantanamo), prefer to hide their excesses.

In the subcontinent, none of the leading Islamic scholars — including Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi, Maulana Maudoodi and the entire Deoband group — ever advocated mass slaughter to establish Sharia rule. The examples of PoWs’ murder came to Pakistan in the wake of the Afghan war when some foreign militants killed Soviet prisoners. But that was rare and no mainstream militant group declared this its official policy. The Taliban’s record shows there is nothing sacred for them — schools, mosques, shrines, hospitals, religious processions, peace jirgas or funerals. Their aim is to sow terror as they are averse to employing peaceful means to gain power. In Nigeria, the Boko Haram is opposed to ‘Western’ education, but the methods it employs to resist it, take a leaf out of the barbarism prevalent in mediaeval times. In Pakistan it’s a matter of deep shame that civil society has maintained silence on these depredations, while the mainstream ulema have chosen to look the other way, some because they approve of this barbarism, others out of fear.

Measles epidemic

January 2nd, 2013

The measles epidemic raging across parts of Sindh is cause for grave concern. While as per the Sindh government’s figures over 50 measles deaths have been reported in the province, some media reports on Tuesday gave a far higher figure — over 200 deaths in 2012 in Sindh alone — attributed to the World Health Organisation. Young children have been the biggest victims of the highly infectious illness, especially those affected by the twin plagues of measles and malnourishment. Many experts have pointed to the unsatisfactory routine immunisation programme as the root cause of the problem. One study carried out by senior doctors says only 55 per cent of children surveyed in Karachi were found to be immunised.

If that is the case in the metropolis, it is not wrong to assume that the situation is much worse in smaller towns. Malnourished children are more susceptible to ailments like measles and ensuing complications such as pneumonia and diarrhoea. The cold weather has only added to the children’s vulnerability.

Ideally, 90 per cent of children in a locality should be immunised to halt the spread of measles. But many doctors remain sceptical of government claims that a satisfactory percentage of children have been vaccinated. Their scepticism is not without reason, for if the immunisation campaigns had been thorough such a high number of deaths would not have been reported. A multi-pronged response is needed to deal with the crisis. Immunisation campaigns need to be carried out in all affected areas while the state must publicise the importance of vaccinating children, both at nine and 15 months. Secondly, it is the parents’ responsibility to get their offspring immunised. There have been reports indicating that some parents have refused, supposedly influenced by the anti-polio propaganda or superstitious beliefs.

Here community leaders and religious figures should step in to dispel the people’s apprehensions and give a boost to the anti-measles campaign. Also, as we have said before, while anti-polio efforts need the state’s full focus, given the nature of the threat, the authorities must ensure that the routine immunisation programme does not fall by the wayside in the process.

Different poll dates?

January 2nd, 2013

The rules governing how and when elections are to be held can sometimes throw up surprises, if only because an often-interrupted democracy has rendered the rules not well under-stood. As reported in this newspaper yesterday, the secretary of the Election Commission of Pakistan, Ishtiak Ahmed, has acknowledged that if the Punjab chief min-ister does not request the Punjab Assembly be dissolved around the same time the National Assembly is, the country could have separate poll dates: one for the National Assembly; another for Punjab. The seeming anomaly is because the life of a particular assembly is counted from the day the first session is convened — not when the election is held. Because the National Assembly convened first in 2008, the Punjab Assembly has several weeks extra before its own five-year term expires.

The PPP and the PML-N are aware of the seeming lacuna and the PML-N has quietly indicated that it will not give up its advantage — a political government at the helm in Punjab after a neutral caretaker government is installed in the centre can give the PML-N an electoral edge in the province — without some concessions from the PPP. While loath to share what quid pro quo the party is demanding, the PML-N likely wants a say in when the National Assembly elections are called and the selection of a caretaker prime minister acceptable to it. The negotiation is confined to Punjab because while the other provincial assemblies also first convened after the National Assembly in 2008, the PPP is part of the government in the other provinces. A uniform date for elections would help the cause of free and fair elections, and prevent a repeat of 1988 when the IJI made suspicious inroads in the provincial assembly elections after being swept aside by the PPP in the National Assembly election days earlier.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Ignoring history

January 3rd, 2013

The slogan is eerily similar. Tahirul Qadri’s refrain to save the state, not politics, is reminiscent of the one raised during Gen Ziaul Haq’s time, “pehle ehtesaab, phir intikhab”, which was used to delay a democratic change of government for over a decade. The context today may be different, but the political rhetoric is familiar. As the Qadri-MQM team asks the army to support its long march — and not to follow orders from a sitting government to prevent it — it is rightly raising fears about military intervention just as the country was preparing itself to vote out one government and vote in the next for the very first time. Despite the bitter lessons of Pakistan’s history, there are some who still seem to be clinging to the notion, despite their pro-people language, that this country’s citizens are not worthy of democracy.

What is most alarming is that the real agenda of Dr Qadri’s movement remains unclear, hidden behind claims that are self-contradictory and illogical. Why suggest a Tahrir Square-like revolution for a country that, far from being under one man’s dictatorship for 30 years, has finally managed to pull off a full democratic term? Why build such a movement on a one-point agenda of “electoral reform” — and what exactly does this consist of — when an independent chief election commissioner has been appointed and can be appealed to without drama and talk of revolution? Why the need to push for the immediate installation of a caretaker set-up when that is less than three months away? Why initially hint at postponing elections and then deny that was the intent? Why claim to be in favour of democracy while asking for the army not to follow the orders of an elected government? All that is clear is that behind this is an agenda — whether fully thought-out or not — that is not being revealed.

There is an entirely different path Dr Qadri could take. With the ability to draw large crowds that he has demonstrated at his rallies, the right thing to do would be to contest elections to prove widespread support for his cause and then work to improve the system from within. The same applies to the MQM, a party that has contested polls and come into power on the strength of public support but is choosing to go along with those with an unclear but worrying agenda. There is no doubt that Pakistan’s democracy is not just imperfect but flawed, built on nepotism, corruption and entrenched power rather than true representation of the people. But only letting the system continue, not interrupting it repeatedly, will allow it to improve.

The list expands

January 3rd, 2013

The New Year has begun on a dark and ominous note for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, much like the last year ended. The killing of seven people, including six women, associated with an NGO operating in Swabi, is doubly confounding because it is not clear as yet why they were specifically targeted. Was it because the dead women were NGO workers or school teachers or because the organisation they were working for has been part of the effort to eradicate the polio virus in Pakistan? Such is the nature of the war against modernity by the militants that it is difficult to know, even after the event, why certain targets are selected. What it is, though, is frightening and almost certainly linked to an understanding of psychological warfare by the militants. When blowing up schools loses its shock value, they turn on teachers; when killing teachers loses its shock value, they turn on women. Much the same has happened with the attacks against polio vaccinators, where publicised threats have given way to murderous attacks on women. The louder the crime is amplified in the media, the better it suits the militants’ purpose.

The answer, though, is not to discourage publicity of the militants’ crimes against society but for society to respond in greater measure. Where is the outrage and anger against the militants? Where is the pressure on the state to reverse the decline of the public’s safety and security? A terrified but confused society has still not been able to generate from within the pressure that can help wilt the militant threat. Contrast this with the response to the Delhi gang rape victim: protests across India, a society responding to outrage at the sickness within and a government scrambling to respond to citizen outrage. Here in Pakistan, it is the state that has in large part been responsible for the rise of militancy and the decline of security of the average individual. But powerful as the state may be, its raison d’être is to provide a better life for its citizenry. Civil society, and women’s groups in particular, must rise to confront the latest threat.

Medieval mindsets

January 3rd, 2013

In Pakistan, it is not unusual for those with power, money or influence to terrorise lesser mortals. In a society awash with guns and where macho, medieval mindsets prevail, human life and dignity are worth little. This was proved by the tragic murder of Shahzeb Khan. The young man, son of a senior police officer, was shot dead in Karachi’s Defence area late last month, reportedly following an argument. As investigations have moved slowly, the Supreme Court’s orders to the advocate general and provincial police chief of Sindh to file a report with the court by Jan 4 are not surprising. The suspects, who are absconding, are said to belong to politically well-connected families; as the chief justice noted, the authorities have failed to make progress in the case due to “immense political pressure”.

The young man’s death has caused a considerable stir in civil society, with demonstrations calling for justice for the victim. It is a shame the police has displayed a lack of interest in pursuing the case, despite the fact that the victim’s father is a deputy superintendent in the force. Even more disturbing are media reports that some black sheep within the police are tipping off the suspects thus preventing their capture. The victim’s father also claims he faced resistance while trying to register the FIR. If the son of a senior police official can be murdered in cold blood, what can guarantee the security of the common citizen’s life? It is unfortunate that it was the police’s lackadaisical approach that caused the apex court to step in to ensure the case was followed up. It is important that the suspects are caught, prosecuted and punished if found guilty. It would send a powerful message that the high and mighty cannot get away with murder simply on the basis of their clout and connections.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Promised funds

THE renewed support of the US for the $14.5bn Diamer-Bhasha dam has revived hopes of an early start to work on this crucial hydropower project. In November, the US had agreed to give $200m for undertaking preliminary work on the project during the finance minister’s visit to Washington. Now, says the top Wapda official, the US has agreed to provide financial assistance of $3.5bn — $250m a year — over the period of its construction. The project has been facing delays due to the lack of foreign funding since 2009. Even multilateral lenders, e.g. the Asian Development Bank, were reluctant to give money for the project, partly because it was to be constructed on the ‘disputed’ territory of Gilgit-Baltistan. Some lenders wanted Islamabad to first obtain a ‘no-objection certificate’ from India, the other party to the dispute.

If the promised US assistance for the project materialises, the remaining foreign funding requirement for the dam will be reduced to $4.5bn. This will be raised by persuading Chinese, Korean and Turkish investors to come on board as financiers or contractors. The US interest should make it easier for foreign investors to participate with confidence in the construction of the world’s highest roller compacted concrete dam. The project is important for Pakistan because it will produce 4,500MW of electricity, store an extra 8,500,000 acre feet of water for irrigation, extend the life of Tarbela located downstream by 35 years and control flood damage. With more than 40 per cent of the population — over 64 million people — without access to electricity and the rest facing up to 20 hours of loadshedding during summer, the addition of each and every megawatt is important if the country is to achieve economic growth, create jobs and reduce poverty. The dam is also crucial because it will help change the current energy mix by considerably raising the share of hydropower from the existing 10.6 per cent and decreasing dependence on expensive imported oil. Wapda’s Vision 2025 also envisages raising the share of hydropower in the country’s energy mix to 50 per cent.

According to some estimates, Pakistan has the potential to generate up to 50,000MW of hydropower compared to the existing installed capacity of just under 6,500MW. The massive gap means that the exploitation of this potential can substantially cut the cost of electricity for domestic and industrial consumers and help the economy grow at a faster pace. It wouldn’t be wrong to say that much of Pakistan’s future depends upon the development of Bhasha and other small and large hydropower projects.

Syrian killings

January 4th, 2013

BESIDES watching the Syrian drama from the sidelines, the international community has done nothing practical to stop a slaughter that, says the UN, has left 60,000 dead in less than two years. Add to it the number of the injured and displaced, besides public and private buildings being blown to bits, and we get a fuller picture of the human dimensions of the Syrian trauma. The Security Council couldn’t pass a single resolution for peace — thanks to Russian and Chinese vetoes — while the Organisation of the Islamic Conference remained in its traditional state of torpor. The Arab League at least tried to contain the conflagration in the heart of the Arab world but failed, while the two sides fought ferociously, committing horrible human rights violations. If at all foreign parties got involved in the Syrian conflict, it was for the wrong reasons. Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia — backed by Nato powers — and Iran made no secret of their sympathies. The result is that the aims behind the Arab Spring have given way to sectarian considerations, with the crisis spilling over to Lebanon.

The dissidents have now within their ranks forces that seem motivated less by democratic ideals and more by extremist philosophies that could create regional problems if President Bashar al-Assad falls. Many Saudi-backed factions of the Free Syrian Army subscribe to extremist philosophies, and some Al Qaeda loyalists have set up courts and executed ‘informers’. On the whole, the FSA has added to its tactical advantage by holding the bases it captured; its previous policy was hit and run. Yet, in spite of these successes, it is unlikely it can defeat the state forces. UN envoy Lakhdar Brahimi’s plan now calls for a transitional government followed by an election — whether parliamentary or presidential he didn’t make clear. He also said nothing about President Assad’s fate. The opposition has already made clear it will not negotiate with him.
This means fighting will continue because the Syrian strongman appears determined not to learn from Muammar Qadhafi’s fate. Even his supporter, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, says the alternative to a negotiated settlement is “bloody chaos”.




WEDNESDAY’S scuffle at the District Headquarters Hospital in Gujranwala, in which members of the Young Doctors’ Association attacked hospital administrators and journalists, has proved that the problem of doctors’ conduct goes beyond disagreements about service structure. It is a matter of doctors failing to respect the basic norms of professional conduct and the critical nature of the service they perform in public-sector hospitals. In November last year the Punjab YDA and the provincial government had finally, after a months-long stand-off involving strikes, scuffles, arrests and even a murder case with the loss of a patient’s life, agreed on a new service structure. But Gujranwala doctors are still complaining about a number of issues, claiming non-payment of salaries, ad hoc transfers and that colleagues suspended earlier have not been reinstated. What they appear not to have learned from last year is that violence — and suspending their services at public hospitals, as they have done after Wednesday’s incident, thereby depriving the poor of essential treatment — is not the ideal solution to every new disagreement with administrators.

Differing points of view between doctors and those who pay and supervise them are inevitable, as in any profession. These will continue to come up from time to time. What will not be constructive is to deal with them by physically attacking administrators and the media each time, or by continuing to deprive the poor of medical services. That attitude may have succeeded in finally wresting compromises from the government on the service structure for doctors. But it also led to serious inconvenience for patients and damaged the reputation of the YDA. The conclusion to be drawn from those months is not that aggression succeeds, but that a less aggressive way to reach agreements needs to be found. Sadly, the YDA appears not to have learned that lesson.

__________________
"Fear not for future, Weep not for past!" (P.B shelley)

Complex strategies

January 5th, 2013

Maulvi Nazir is no more, the good/bad Taliban wiped out by an American drone in South Waziristan. The reason for targeting him is obvious: Nazir and his fighters focused their attention on the fight in Afghanistan against the government there and the foreign troops. For the army-led security establishment, Nazir’s death is a blow — the dead militant was one of the key players in the state’s strategy of securing the restraint of some militants when it came to attacking the Pakistani state. Softening the blow, from the army’s perspective at least, is that Nazir’s purported successor, Bawal Khan, is also seen as one of the ‘good Taliban’, a young fighter whose attention is drawn towards the fight in Afghanistan and who is not particularly sympathetic to the TTP.

If all of this can seem bewildering, it is. The very idea of good Taliban is rooted in a flawed, defensive approach to the fight against militancy: fighting all militants at the same time is beyond the state’s capacity; the policy towards Afghanistan is to rely on jihadi proxies to keep Pakistan’s role influential; ergo, not all Taliban need to be defeated or even organisationally degraded. The argument that the fight to reclaim South Waziristan at least isn’t as tough as it could be had Maulvi Nazir and his fighters joined the Mehsuds fighting the Pakistani state is also deeply flawed. ‘At least it isn’t as bad as it could be’ is really just another way of the state saying that it doesn’t have the resolve or capacity to impose its will on groups whose explicit goal is to establish their own writ over Pakistani territory. The argument is not just a slippery slope, it is effectively giving up on the idea of the modern state, a peculiar concession for a country as heavily militarised and security oriented as Pakistan.

The killing of Maulvi Nazir also underlines the deep and continuing differences between Pakistan and the US, a reality that recent developments had suggested may be narrowing. The strong reaction in private by security officials here suggests that they were not involved in the decision to take out Nazir, a decision that will once again sharpen suspicions on both sides that for all the talk of closer cooperation in the so-called Afghan endgame, the US and Pakistan still have fundamentally different goals and interests. The tragedy is that Nazir’s killing can exacerbate problems for both countries, triggering revenge attacks inside Afghanistan against the US and perhaps renewing debate in the next tier of leadership in Nazir’s group that a harder line against the Pakistani state is also necessary.

Time for joint action

January 5th, 2013

The prime minister’s reassurances to the nation on Thursday for an on-time general election were necessary, coming at a point when Dr Tahirul Qadri’s scheduled long march threatens to sow chaos. The usual rhetoric apart, Raja Pervez Ashraf referred to the holding of the election as an amanat or sacred trust and said his government would not allow anyone to derail democracy. The impending march on Islamabad has caused considerable apprehensions in political circles, and many have seen it as an attempt to upset the democratic process. Sadly, in Pakistan democracy has been interrupted many times by military dispensations whose legacy has allowed even the civilians after them to misuse their powers. The current dispensation may not be the perfect one — and there have been many acts of omission and commission where governance is concerned — but the approaching elections will be the first time the baton of rule is passed on from a democratic set-up, that has completed its tenure, to the next elected government. Credit for the system’s resilience must be given to both government and opposition that despite their differences, they did not attempt to thwart democratic norms.

It is on the basis of this spirit that the current rumours must be scotched and any plans of irregular intervention frustrated. The leaders of the two mainstream political parties must now meet and announce the date for the general election and decide on a caretaker set-up. Any joint declaration of this nature by Mr Ashraf and Mian Nawaz Sharif will be welcomed with a sense of relief, and would do much to pull the rug from under the feet of those with questionable agendas. Electoral reforms and constitutional amendments are not made in the streets. The passage of the 18th Amendment was the result of a marathon effort with participation by representatives of all political parties. Their painstaking efforts and the spirit of compromise they showed led to an act that restored the 1973 constitution to its original character. Dr Qadri and others of his ilk would have a much better chance of seeing reforms materialise if they stuck to the parliamentary process.

A moment of glory

January 5th, 2013

Cricket matches between India and Pakistan have always been keenly watched by the citizens of both countries, in view of their traditional rivalry. Considering the emotions that have almost inevitably accompanied such matches, it was an agreeable sight to see the Kolkata home crowd appreciating Pakistan’s performance on Thursday. Domestically, too, cricket is one of the few elements that bind Pakistanis — otherwise so polarised — today. It is against this backdrop, at home and abroad, that the victory against India in Kolkata must be viewed. Pakistan’s latest triumph gave it an unassailable 2-0 margin in a three-match ODI series. The players stood up and delivered under intense pressure to win. What is, indeed, most satisfying is the fact that the two successive victories — the first in Chennai — came riding on the shoulders of the young crop, especially Nasir Jamshed and Junaid Khan. That they led the batting and bowling charge as much in spirit as they did physically is something that would have surely warmed the hearts of all concerned.

The visible improvement in the fielding during the short tour also came as a pleasant surprise. Pakistanis have been known for their rather slapdash efforts in the field, but the tour was indeed a revelation that the team can deliver in this area too — an improvement that must be attributed to the untiring efforts of Coach Dav Whatmore. Meanwhile, the players’ agility showed both professionalism and class. With all the positives in the bag, is everything perfect for the team? Perhaps not yet, although its performance in India shows that Pakistan is on the right track. Pakistan cricket had been in the doghouse for some time on account of the spot-fixing allegations that had earned the team a bad name. Now is the time to play well and with integrity to prove their worth.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

The way forward

January 6th, 2013

There has been much talk lately of Pakistan’s military doctrine. On Friday the prime minister said the country needs a new one. That comment came just a couple of days after media reports that the military is redefining its doctrine to incorporate internal militancy as a serious threat. But this idea is not a new one; in his Independence Day speech last year, Gen Kayani had publicly stated not only that “extremism and terrorism present a grave challenge”, but that “the war against it is our own war, and a just war too”. A shift in the military’s mindset appears to have been taking place for some time, and the government has been speaking out against the threat by way of condemning individual incidents. But what neither has done is convincingly lay out a new doctrine in a way that can unite the country — including doubting citizens, soldiers, politicians and members of the media — against violent extremism.

Part of the problem is that the doctrine has changed drastically over time. Pakistanis remember the way militants were trained and equipped by the state to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan, and then used to fight what was dubbed jihad in Kashmir. When the policy was changed in 2001, formerly ‘good’ jihadi organisations banned in 2002 — though some are still allowed, again for undefined reasons, to get away with violating bans — and military operations launched in the tribal areas in the following years, Pakistanis were left with no explanation other than post-9/11 American pressure. In private some military officials will now admit that the state followed the wrong course in the 1980s and 1990s, and in his speech Gen Kayani said, though without explanation, that “all of us have a share of the blame of our past”. But the case has not been made clearly or loudly enough.

This is particularly important to do at a time when militant groups appear to be proposing talks. While dialogue may be a tempting idea to sell to the public, the government and the military need to be crystal clear on the approach to militancy before sitting down with people who declare allegiance to Al Qaeda, don’t believe in democracy and demand war with India. There is also the lingering issue of false distinctions between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ militant groups. But the series of tragic incidents of terrorism that have taken place in the last few weeks should serve as a rude awakening, and this time be used as an opportunity for the state to finally explain, explicitly and publicly, what the current military doctrine is — and how it differs from those of the past.

Slow progress

January 6th, 2013

Pakistan may have missed the deadline to grant Most Favoured Nation status to India, but this should not necessarily be taken as a source of discouragement. It’s important that in a recent cabinet meeting, the government reiterated its resolve to normalise trade ties with India and held out the hope that this can be achieved before the end of February. The fact that the talks have continued even as differences have festered in other areas of cooperation is a positive sign. Both sides have much to gain from continued progress towards normalising trade ties with each other. For Pakistan, an important promise that the talks carry is to rectify the priorities that have informed foreign policy over the past six decades. For too long Pakistan has subordinated economic priorities to misplaced security considerations. The process of normalising trade ties is the best antidote to this upside-down state of affairs.

But a legacy decades in the making will not yield its ground very easily. Those who would prefer to continue seeing India as a strategic competitor instead of a trading partner have deep roots in the structures of power in Pakistan and are skilled at mobilising support for their whims and wishes. It is unfortunate that the final and most delicate leg of the entire process should come at a time when the noise and chaos of an approaching election has weakened the hand of the civilian government. But fortune must not be allowed to hold this imperative hostage. The trade and business groups that are voicing concerns regarding the whole process are a normal part of any trade negotiation, and if a few industries need to be convinced into going along, then so be it. The real opposition to watch out for comes from those who are wedded to a destructive past and are now discovering that they stand to become increasingly marginalised as the process gathers momentum. Through it all, the government must navigate the choppy waters ahead with care and see the process through to completion. The granting of MFN status to India should ideally happen before the government relinquishes power to an interim set-up.

Travel in style

January 6th, 2013

It is true that in Pakistan the servants of the people have a taste for the finer things in life, often at the expense of the very citizens they are supposed to serve. Yet it is also a fact that in a democracy, elected officials and other functionaries of the state are answerable to the people, especially when it comes to the use of official funds. Hence the report in this paper yesterday that the federal government wants to purchase six bulletproof sport utility vehicles in their latest models has raised eyebrows. Government officials say the vehicles are being procured for security reasons and for the office of the prime minister, not for any individual.

Security is no doubt important; leading Pakistani politicians have been killed and heads of state and government have been targeted by militants in the past. But security measures also need to be rational. It is fair to ask if there really is a need for six new luxury vehicles when there are already bulletproof automobiles in the prime minister’s fleet that are very well-maintained, have long lives and are subject to rigorous checks by the intelligence apparatus. All of which raises questions about whether security concerns are the sole reason behind the purchase of the SUVs. The pricey vehicles will likely cost over a million dollars. In these times of financial crisis, when the average Pakistani is struggling to secure life’s basic necessities, can the ruling elite justify such extravagant purchases? In any case, with elections due soon the incumbent administration is on its way out. So why go ahead with the deal? Let the next government decide what is and is not required for the prime minister’s security. From the common citizen’s perspective, this appears to be a frivolous purchase.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

US troops post-2014

January 7th, 2013

As Afghan President Hamid Karzai arrives in the US for talks this week, American officials have busy been shaping the debate on the post-2014 US military footprint in Afghanistan. First, it was reported that Gen Allen, the exiting commander of US forces in Afghanistan, had sent three options to the Pentagon: 6,000, 10,000 or 20,000 troops — the higher the number, the larger the mission presumably. Still, his high-end figure was short of the military hawks’ dreams: 34,000-60,000 troops to be left behind for a muscular counterterrorism force and to provide support to the Afghan security forces. Over the weekend, the White House has hit back, leaking to the media that it asked for and was provided lower troop estimates by the Pentagon, between 3,000 and 9,000 troops to be left behind after 2014. The public wrangling between the Obama White House and the US military over troop levels in Afghanistan has quite a history: pre-publication reviews of Gen McChrystal’s memoirs sheds some new light on how the military pushed for, and the White House tried to resist, a big surge of troops in Afghanistan in 2009.

This time, though, it seems likely the White House will largely get its way. A military footprint of less than 10,000 in Afghanistan may seem to be dictated by political considerations in the US, but then neither has the US military really been able to articulate an achievable mission and strategy in Afghanistan that would justify a massive troop presence. One of the benefits of the Petraeus resignation scandal has been that US military leadership has come under greater scrutiny, with questions being asked about whether the generals know what they are doing or have the ability to deliver lasting results in counter-insurgency situations. Even now, there is a push by the US military to at least maintain the present level of troops in Afghanistan — around 66,000 — as close as possible to the deadline for withdrawal at the end of 2014. It is a demand that may have some military logic but on the surface appears to be rooted in the theory that, for long as possible, more is better — hardly stirring.

Reaching a decision now on foreign troop levels post-2014 will have a significant impact on what happens in the next couple of years, particularly whether the Taliban will be tempted to come to the negotiating table, whether the Afghan government will absorb the implications of losing its safety net and scramble to perform better and if the Afghan security forces will be ready to lead. But before those tough questions can be answered, it remains to be seen if the mercurial Mr Karzai will cooperate with or resist US plans.

Boost for tax evaders

January 7th, 2013

The controversial bill seeking to change laws to provide an opportunity to tax dodgers to legalise their wealth has finally reached the National Assembly. Over the next few days, the tax amnesty bill could be passed into law. Those who think that opposition to the bill by the PML-Q, the MQM and the PML-N will block its passage are mistaken. After all, which political party does not have people in its fold waiting to take advantage of the tax concessions that the bill offers? And why are the government and the Federal Board of Revenue pushing the bill so earnestly when economists and tax bar associations have opposed the scheme? Both the finance minister and the FBR chairman insist that the amnesty will bring around 3.2 million untaxed rich people into the tax net, raising the number of taxpayers to four million from the existing 800,000 — which would still be a minuscule per cent of the population. The FBR contends that it is in possession of a “wealth” of data on the lavish expenditure of those who are being offered amnesty. If what the FBR is claiming is true, then the board has a very weak case for the amnesty scheme. It should have initiated ruthless action against those who do not pay their taxes instead of facilitating them in legalising their wealth.

The approval of the amnesty by the NA will not send a positive signal to honest taxpayers. It will only discourage them and provide an incentive for them to resort to illegal means in the hope of getting a similar deal a few years down the road. Nor will the exclusion of politicians and bureaucrats and their families from the scheme, as proposed by the FBR chief, help remove popular doubts about the hidden intentions of those who are pushing for it. The FBR must understand that the argument that it lacks enough powers to initiate legal action against tax dodgers and evaders doesn’t hold water. It has sufficient powers to punish cheaters. But FBR action against such people is not possible without political backing, and the government will not change its stance with polls round the corner.

Qazi Hussain Ahmed

January 7th, 2013

Those who had the opportunity of meeting Qazi Hussain Ahmed will remember him as a politician it was possible to have a conversation with, even if his ideas were in conflict with one’s own. With his accent, style and unhurried emphasis, he was representative of the Pakhtun politician. He did not intimidate in person though he headed a party whose cadres were known for their brash displays of emotionalism. He had to deal with the legacy of the Jamaat-i-Islami’s association with Gen Ziaul Haq’s martial law and his biggest challenge for space came from some other Zia protégés outside the party. As JI amir, he concentrated on establishing youth wings with a wider outreach than was available to the party’s student wing, the Islami Jamiat-i-Tulaba.Pasban and Shabab-i-Milli were the outcome. But by and large, the JI under him had to be content with trying to make a difference in partnership with other parties, such as the PML-N and later, the JUI. During his leadership, the JI’s city government in Karachi initiated major development projects that were often cited as examples of the party’s organisational skills. The Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal’s stint in power in the former NWFP was another high point of Qazi Sahib’s term as JI amir.

He may not have been able to realise his dream of spearheading change, the famous ‘Qazi is coming’ cries in the 1990s being little more than a catchy memory about an unsuccessful campaign. But as a junior or equal member in a coalition, Qazi Sahib did play a role in shaping the country’s politics to the present. Apart from this, he maintained and expanded the JI’s overall presence to make sure the party had ‘likeminded’ people in important organisations, from groups committed to jihadi politics to the campuses, bureaucracy, etc.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Reko Diq deal

January 8th, 2013

Into a thicket the Supreme Court has stepped again, and again with uncertain consequences. The Reko Diq deal has been struck down: a 1993 agreement signed under a caretaker government in Balochistan with an Australian mining company, which eventually fell into the hands of its present-day owners, Canadian- based Barrick Gold and Chile’s Antofagasta. At stake are copper and gold reserves that run apparently into tens of billions of dollars. Set aside the legal minutiae and two central issues are at stake here. One, will striking down a 20-year-old contract deliver a devastating blow to foreign investment, particularly in the mining and exploration sectors, in Pakistan? Two, are the mineral reserves of the country, essentially belonging to the people, to be sold off for a song just because the people do not have representatives in government with their best interest at heart? Lying between those two interests — often at odds with one another — is a third question: was the Reko Diq deal fair when assessed alongside similar contracts internationally and given the particular conditions of Balochistan?

To the last question first: privately, virtually all parties to the Reko Diq hearing in the Supreme Court suggest that the contract was not inherently unfair. Having spent $400m on exploration during various phases of ownership over the years, Tethyan Copper Company discovered that there are indeed vast sums of copper and gold to be mined in Reko Diq — with the Balochistan government not having spent a rupee of its own through the life of the project. Could, and should, the Balochistan government have pressed for a better deal than a small amount of royalties, a 25 per cent share of the project and sundry taxes to be imposed? Yes. But was the deal so outlandish that the companies involved should have known at the outset the danger of it being struck down? No.

Therein lies the difficulty with the Supreme Court judgment. Say a government in Balochistan today were to sign a mining lease on lucrative terms in unfavourable conditions: the government doesn’t have the money to even partially finance mega-investment projects; security conditions in the province are a concern for even the hardiest investor; and the medium-term outlook of the Pakistani economy is quite poor. Should the granting of lucrative terms to an investor today, reflecting present security and economic conditions, be struck down 20 years later if conditions at that future time render them ‘too generous’? The silver lining in Reko Diq is that investors are keen to begin mining — meaning the devastating impact on privatisation of the Steel Mills judgment is unlikely to be repeated in the mining sector.

A difficult winter

January 8th, 2013

A few months ago, the petroleum minister had warned of a tough winter this year in terms of availability of gas. His warnings have proved prophetic. This winter is proving much tougher for all gas users than they had imagined because demand has far outstripped the fuel’s supply. Domestic consumers across the country are complaining of low or insufficient gas pressure as temperatures fall below freezing point in some places. The industry has been forced to shut down a substantial part of its production at the cost of jobs and exports. And CNG pumps have been closed on account of non-availability of gas for the transport sector. Indeed, gas users in Punjab, which does not contribute much to national gas production, remain the biggest sufferers of the fuel’s increasing shortages. But the supply gap has now found its way to Karachi and the rest of Sindh, the largest producer of gas in the country. Violent protests, a common sight in Punjab, erupted in parts of Karachi over the weekend as domestic users did not get gas in spite of the temporary suspension of supply to the industry and CNG pumps.

The problem is growing bigger with each passing day as we run out of supplies to meet the demand. While different consumers vie with each other to get a bigger share in the shrinking pie, the government has responded to the crisis by rationing the supply for each sector. This policy has worsened the problem rather than solving it. Even the permanent shutdown of CNG stations may not help bridge the gap that is bringing the economy to a virtual halt. The solution lies in refurbishing supplies through new discoveries and imports from other countries through a pipeline or in liquid form. Simultaneously, gas utilities will have to cut their system and transmission losses and the consumers will have to learn to prudently use the depleting resource, and that too only for production. Unless supply in the system is increased, Pakistan may see the death of many of its factories in the not so distant future.

Assad’s ‘road map’

January 8th, 2013

It's a good plan in theory: an end to foreign interference, a “national dialogue” to prepare a charter, a referendum for popular ratification and then a parliamentary election. Speaking to a packed crowd at a cultural centre in Damascus on Sunday, President Bashar al-Assad denounced his opponents in strong terms, calling them “Western puppets” and “enemies of God” and said his forces would call off fighting if foreign powers stopped arming the dissidents. Appearing in public for the first time in six months, the president surprised the world by his confidence and, after the speech, was mobbed in scenes that observers called well-choreographed. But the end-result was a road map that has little chance of success. The Syrian National Coalition, which comprises different opposition groups, rejected the plan and called for his ouster. Pro-dissident powers denounced the plan, Turkey saying there was nothing new in it, while the US and the European Union called upon the president to quit. Iran alone welcomed the Assad speech, saying it could stop violence and lead to a negotiated settlement.

A peaceful solution is what Syria’s well-wishers want. But so much blood has been spilled over the last 21 months and the rival sides have adopted such hard-line positions it is difficult to see how they can negotiate across the table. Already, the character of the conflict has deviated from the ideals of the Arab Spring, for the entry of extremist elements, especially those loyal to Al Qaeda, has given it a sectarian hue. Yet that shouldn’t serve to hide the Baathist regime’s regional and international isolation. Frankly, there are no powers or elements, internal or external, which can truly be called impartial and genuinely interested in a peaceful solution. With neither side in a position to win militarily, the slaughter in Syria is likely to continue.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Caution needed

January 9th, 2013

The Line of Control separating Azad Kashmir and India-held Kashmir once again was the scene of an unfortunate military exchange on Sunday, with a Pakistani soldier dying in what the Foreign Office has termed an unprovoked incursion into the Pakistani side by Indian forces and what the Indians have termed as a response to cross-LoC infiltration.The death ofa soldieris a serious issue as is the allegation that Indian forces crossed the LoC and Pakistan has rightly protested the use of force. As yet, however, it does not appear that Sunday`s incident is the opening salvo in renewed conflict across the LoC, which has by and large remained quiet since the 2003 ceasefire. That neither side appears to be seeking an escalation is welcome but the incident itself points to the unhappy reality that military escalations are only an accident or two away, if both India and Pakistan`s calculations change.

Could those calculations of both countries change in the months ahead? On the Pakistani side, it is difficult to find any official who publicly is in favour of an escalation in Kashmir or a severe downturn in overall relations with India. Even in private, officials maintain the hand ofpeace is extended and it is the Indian side that is baulking. However, hawks continue to exist on both sides and in Pakistan there is an unspoken fearthat the movement on trade, liberalisation of the visa regime and resumption of cricketing ties may have drawn the displeasure of forces behind the scenes who are resistant to the idea of conceding anything while the core issue of Kashmir remains unresolved. Even the slowdown in trade liberalisation with India, in which election-year calculations of politicians certainly play a big role, is stalked by an unanswered question: could the civilian government be delaying granting of MFN status and other trade-related measures because they are unsure if the army-led security establishment will ultimately allow a deal to go through? On the Indian side, with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh`s government besieged by flagging ratings and the opposition BJP seemingly in the ascendant, the room for the Indian government to seem to be conceding anything to Pakistan is disappearing. In addition, for every hawk here there is one, or more, on the Indian side and perhaps some in the Indian establishment are looking at improving ties between the US and Pakistan with suspicion and wondering if it means the space for India in Afghanistan will be squeezed. None of these calculations on either side are new. The answer remains bold political leadership, which neither side appears to have at the moment.

Sudden shift in policy

January 9th, 2013

How a sudden shift in government policies can cause turbulence in the market is quite obvious from the recent upheaval witnessed in the price of wheat flour and its shortage in many parts of Sindh.

After having implemented a `liberal` policy of releasing unlimited quantities of the grain to anyone and everyone from its stocks for several weeks, the Sindh food department suddenly reverted to quotas for flour mills.

Apparently, the aim of the curtailment of supplies was to stop misuse of the liberal policy for hoarding and smuggling `subsidised` wheat. But, the millers allege, the food department did not stop supplies to traders and exporters responsible for smuggling and hoarding the commodity. Little wonder then that the shift in policy has resulted in the shortage of flour across a large part of the province, including Karachi and Hyderabad, and a substantial rise in its price, mainly at the expense of the urban poor whose food security is at risk. The fixation of inadequate daily quotas for mills is a signal to hoardersand profiteers to raise their price, making it difficult for mills to buy the grain from the market and sell flour at the officially fixed price.

The millers want the Sindh food department to both increase their supplies from its stocks, as under the liberal release policy, to meet their capacity requirements and stop sales to traders and exporters. The government has apparently promised to meet their demands, but it remains to be seen if it will act on its pledge. Without the earlier policy firmly back in place, millers are unlikely to sell wheat flour at the official price. While it is advisable to provide sufficient quantities of the grain to mills, measures should also be taken to ensure the smooth supply of flour to consumers at the official price. At the same time, the department must move quickly to bring wheat to Karachi where its stocks have already been exhausted. A flour price or supply crisis in any part of the province in spite of ample stocks meant to last till April will only be a manifestation of bad policies and misgovernance.

Uneventful landing

January 9th, 2013

Hundreds and thousands of people did not end up descending upon the Supreme Court. There were no refusals to accept the court`s charges against the party chief or attempts to significantly delay the hearing of the case. The final moves in the contempt of court case against MQM chief Altaf Hussain an unconditional apology, and its immediate acceptance by the Supreme Court were the right, least disruptive ones that could have been made. After a fair bit of bluster following the contempt of court notice, cooler heads thankfully prevailed, whether through a combination of political strategising or lower temperatures welcome news at a time when political drama and its potential effect on elections already has the country on tenterhooks. Even better would have been to avoid the initial protests altogether; the rallies, shutdown in Karachi and public outrage of party leaders when the con-tempt notice was issued achieved little other than raising the general level of tension in the country.

Meanwhile, the idiosyncrasies of the Supreme Court`s application of contempt of court became a little more noticeable. Mr Hussain`s case and the acceptance of his apology were a reminder that former law minister Babar Awan`s apology has been submitted months ago but hasn`t yet been accepted, and that firebrand senator Faisal Raza Abidi has yet to be charged with the offence. And every new contempt of court charge also raises the question of how to distinguish between legitimate criticism of the Supreme Court judgments and attacks that are unwarranted or disrespectful. As contempt of court standoffs between the current judiciary and politicians continue to crop up, it`s clear that, at the cost of their own time and energy and our peace of mind, neither camp has been able to figure out where to draw the line.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga