Breakthrough in sight?

The long-running saga that is the PTI’s quest to get the PML-N government to create a high-powered commission to investigate allegations of electoral fraud in the May 2013 general election is set to take a new twist – hopefully the last in this most wretched of affairs. PPP Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly Khurshid Shah is set to mediate between the two sides this week and, with both sides welcoming mediation by Mr Shah at this stage, there is surely a chance to put the finishing touches on an agreement that has proved elusive for so many months. Until recently, the problem essentially was that the PML-N wanted an inquiry commission to work on terms that would ensure no possibility of mid-term elections while the PTI wanted a commission that could pave the way for mid-term elections, either directly or indirectly by giving the PTI enough ammunition to reinvigorate its anti-government street protests.

So whether PML-N leaders like Finance Minister Ishaq Dar spoke endlessly about their being only minor differences on the terms of reference for the inquiry commission or the PTI leadership spoke innocently of just wanting the facts to emerge, each side was ultimately suspicious of the other’s true intentions. Now though the situation has changed significantly. A series of concessions by the PTI has made it clear that the party is retreating from its position of demanding mid-term elections – the decision to contest the upcoming Senate elections being just the latest sign that the PTI is returning to full-time participation in parliamentary politics.

In the present scenario, even were the PTI to try and twist the facts and findings of an inquiry commission to once again demand the ouster of the government, it would be perhaps one too many a flip-flop for the public to digest – and without mass public support the PTI will never be able to topple the government. So the risk of betrayal by the PTI is lower than ever, while the onus of responsibility on the PML-N is greater than ever. Much as the PTI and PML-N would like to cast this as a private, albeit high-stakes, dispute, what the affair is really about is the goal of free and fair elections where every vote cast is counted and is legitimate. That is the people’s right – the right that the government owes to the people and which needs to be delivered to the people.

America’s U-turn on Afghan Taliban

Even when the US does get it right, it tends to do so for mostly the wrong reasons. The Afghan Taliban, according to a White House spokesperson, are not a terrorist organisation but an armed insurgency. A belated, welcome realisation — and a correct one at that — on the part of the US government, but then there are the circumstances that triggered it. The war in Afghanistan is over — at least the war that the US-led coalition was fighting since 2001 — and the fight against the Islamic State is picking up, so now it appears the time is right to do everything possible against the new enemy and try and get along with the old. That the White House deputy spokesperson Eric Shultz was trying to explain why it was possible to do a prisoner swap with the Afghan Taliban but not the IS makes the matter all the more farcical.

The consequences though are anything but. It was only in the very recent past after all that the US turned a blind eye as it allies in the Middle East did everything they could to topple the Syrian regime of Bashar Al Assad — including supplying arms and creating the conditions that led to the rise of IS. Now, the Americans are reluctant to talk about Mr Assad and everything is about IS. But before IS and Assad, there was Iraq. And before Iraq there was Afghanistan. And before that there was Latin America. And before that there was some other region or country in which the US made disastrous miscalculations — and then left it to others to pick up the pieces.

To be sure, the Afghan Taliban, whether designated an armed insurgency or terrorist organisation, have made some terrible decisions of their own — not least of which was the choice to align with and protect Al Qaeda on Afghan soil. Ultimately, however, the Afghan Taliban have no ambitions outside the territory of Afghanistan, and are an inwards, nationalist movement that has little in common with the pan-Islamist ideology of groups such as Al Qaeda and the banned TTP. While the US corrects its past mistakes — and makes new ones elsewhere — it only emphasises the need for the Afghan and Pakistani states to put their own regional house in order.

After outlasting the American will to fight and with an Afghan army and police system that is already reeling, the Afghan Taliban believe they have more reason than ever to keep the pressure on, go for outright victory and take Afghanistan back into the 1990s. Where then is their incentive to negotiate with the Afghan government? Even some of the best-case scenarios describe a non-reconciled future as involving an Afghan government that cannot be toppled and an insurgency that cannot be defeated. The key, as ever, remains Pakistan: push the Afghan Taliban to negotiate and accept that a return to the 1990s is unacceptable.

Gas for steel

THE threats by Tuwairqi Steel Mills Ltd to uproot their investment and move it to Saudi Arabia if an agreement on gas supply is not reached quickly ought to be taken more seriously than they are being taken currently. The project’s requirements are large, and admittedly this is a time of gas shortages in the country and every decision on incremental allocations needs to be weighed carefully. But options other than complete dismissal of their case are available. In other situations, where gas claimants are loud but their claims not as strong, the government has gone the extra mile to make arrangements that satisfy the claimant without adversely impacting the allocations granted to others. The key example is the CNG sector, and the new arrangement to allow CNG stations to import their own LNG and sell it in the market. Given the will, the government can no doubt find a similar proposal for TSML that can satisfy their needs for feedstock gas without eating into others’ allocations or creating a large subsidy bill.

Reportedly, many members of the cabinet, and those in attendance at the Economic Coordination Committee, are willing to show flexibility in searching for a resolution. The government should show more seriousness when dealing with one of the largest foreign investments in the country in over a decade, especially in an area as crucial as steel, where the country already suffers from a lack of capacity. This isn’t about TSML alone. Other foreign investors are watching the matter carefully, and if the perception settles in that doing business in Pakistan is fraught with risk resulting from the capriciousness of government decision-makers, it will have a very negative impact on future investors’ appetite for stakes in Pakistan. A way out is not impossible to find, and the government should show more seriousness of purpose is searching for a solution. The stakes are too high in this affair to merit such dismissive treatment.

Published in Dawn February 2, 2015.

Mission accomplished?

GOING by what the government’s spokesman is saying, it would appear the economy has turned a corner and is now poised for sustainable growth. The emphasis placed by Information Minister Pervaiz Rasheed on the government’s track record in the economy is a little baffling coming on the heels of an announcement by the finance minister that the fiscal framework will need to be adjusted to accommodate a higher budget deficit, and the twin petrol and power crises we have just emerged from. How is this the right time to be reminding everyone of what a stellar job the government has been doing in managing the economy since memories of mismanagement and a near-crisis situation in fuel supply are still fresh? Nevertheless, now that the minister has played the economy card, it is worth examining the case he has built to substantiate his point.

For one, he says the FBR has collected more revenue this year than the last. But the increase, 12pc, shown in his numbers hardly inspires confidence. Recall that just last week the State Bank said that a 42pc growth rate is required in the second half of the fiscal year to meet the revenue target. Far from using revenue collection as a yardstick of stellar performance, what the minister needs to explain is why revenue collection has lagged so abysmallay thus far. It is also somewhat strange to use remittances as an indicator of economic performance. If there is an increase in remittances, it owes entirely to developments that took place prior to the arrival of this government. Inflation has remained contained, and this might have something to do with limited monetisation of the fiscal deficit, although the shift in deficit financing towards bank sources has had other adverse consequences that the minister did not go into.

In every area listed by the information minister, the shine comes off the numbers when examined closely. Reserves had risen, but largely due to borrowings and one-off inflows. The stock market is no indicator of economic performance. The GDP growth rate has seen some improvement, but in fits and starts. Last year, for instance, a large boost to GDP came as gas provision started idle capacity in fertiliser plants, hardly a turning of the corner as such. At a time when the government’s team is sitting down with the IMF in Dubai to go over the targets for the release of the next tranche, this statement appears to be an attempt on the part of the minister to set the stage for some positive spin. But the fiscal framework is under serious stress and exports are continuing to fall, placing a large question mark over the overall state of manufacturing. Surely the government can do better than trying to put a positive spin on the situation.

Attack on gas pipeline

EVER so often, we are reminded of the symbiotic relationship between Balochistan and the rest of Pakistan. On Sunday, Baloch separatists blew up a 24-inch diameter gas pipeline in Dera Bugti, which reduced gas supplies to Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and some other parts of the country by a massive 25 million cubic feet, and severely impacted the textile sector which is already under strain from power shortages. This is the latest in a spate of attacks carried out by insurgents on infrastructure and vital installations — including gas and power distribution networks and railway tracks — within the last few weeks.

Gas pipelines have been attacked in several districts of Balochistan, including Jaffarabad, Naseerabad, Sohbat Pur and Dera Bugti. On Jan 25, the bombing of two major transmission lines in Naseerabad district precipitated one of the worst power failures Pakistan has ever experienced, plunging 80pc of the country into darkness. A few days before that, three towers of the Guddu-Sibi transmission line were blown up, causing disruption to the national grid. Also in January, a Rawalpindi-bound passenger train sustained damage in a bombing near Quetta although luckily no one was hurt. According to estimates, during the last four years insurgents have carried out more than 100 attacks on gas pipelines and around 45 targeting trains/railway tracks in Balochistan. Although the sabotage of gas and power supplies does not per se result in casualties, it has a far-reaching impact on the economy and quality of life. Gas for heating is in particularly high demand in the bitter cold, which means that targeting gas pipelines in winter makes strategic sense for Baloch insurgents.

The string of attacks recently also underscores the fact that notwithstanding the heavy presence of paramilitary forces in many parts of the province, there is hardly any way to secure thousands of kilometres of gas pipelines — which are either exposed or just beneath the surface — or electricity transmission networks and railway tracks. At the most, security at key installation points can and should be enhanced. Overall though, it is clear that this is an unsustainable situation that cannot be resolved through military might, but requires a well-considered political solution. The central government must revive contacts with those who may be better placed to bridge the chasm of mistrust and long-standing grievances between the ‘angry Baloch’ and the state. And the establishment must demonstrate the wisdom to stand aside and let this happen.

Road classic

YOU don’t often see them on the streets ruled by grime and chaos as they are in Karachi; once in a while, though, the acute observer will notice heads turning as a vintage car tools along, hearkening back to a time when the streets were safer than they are now. Like anywhere else, there are many of them in Pakistan’s towns and cities, spending most of their time hidden away in garages, safe from harm. Now and then, though, these stately vehicles gather together in a classy show of force, and when they do, it is impressive. So it was that for the many car enthusiasts in the city, the 3rd Annual Volkswagen Show that was held outside the Forum Mall on Sunday was a treat of the highest order — a chance to let go for a brief while the many cares this troubled metropolis imposes, and allow themselves to be absorbed, instead, by timeless style. Organised by the Volkswagen Club of Pakistan and Motorheads Pakistan, the weekend line-up included a number of classic Beetles, from the Microbus — some might remember the days when the vehicle was fondly referred to as the Kombi — to the popular 1972 model, a VW jeep, a convertible and even a tricycle hybrid created by an enthusiastic owner who calls it the ‘Foxy Triangle’.

There may have been variety in how these cars looked, but all had one thing in common: a proud owner who had spent time and effort making sure that they were maintained in shipshape condition. Vintage car exhibitions and rallies have become a pleasure that Pakistanis now encounter fairly frequently, and the dedication of the enthusiasts that made this so deserves high appreciation. In a country where so much has gone wrong and where every day offers up new opportunities to lament, such efforts towards keeping a rosier picture fixed in people’s minds take on greater meaning. More power, then, to the organisers of this rally, and may others follow suit.

Published in Dawn, February 3rd, 2015

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Shocking statements

IT is unfortunate that the statements made by ANP lawmaker Ghulam Ahmed Bilour on Monday did not invite the opprobrium they merited. While most members of the house were pondering the Shikarpur tragedy, Mr Bilour chose to concern himself with Charlie Hebdo and offered to pay ‘bounty’ to the heirs of the Paris attackers. Not content with this, he offered $200,000 more to anyone who took the life of the magazine’s owner. Since these statements cannot possibly be explained away as condemnation of the publication’s editorial choices, in a civilised polity they would have been recognised for what they are: at the very least, incitement to violence and the glorification of acts of terror. Yet why should there be any surprise? In 2012, Mr Bilour similarly offered a ‘reward’ for the elimination of the person responsible for a film that was that year’s blasphemy flashpoint.

His zeal won him “complete amnesty” from the banned TTP — though his brother Bashir Bilour was not so lucky and was killed in a TTP-claimed attack. So whether the lawmaker was moved by motives of religion or cynical self-preservation might be considered a moot point. If it is appalling that such statements have come from a member of a party that is considered left-oriented and has suffered much at the hands of religious extremism, worse is the fact that they were made from the floor of the National Assembly, and that no one present saw it fit to object. Evidently, even those sitting in the corridors of power prefer to keep silent rather than voice their dissent, and thus the need for justice and rule of law go unremarked upon. Just as religious, political and citizens’ groups have every right to protest peacefully against images they deem insulting to their religion, those in parliament who see little sense in calls for a violent response must also express their views openly. A craven approach further empowers the extreme right’s narrative. What hope can there be if those that envision a prosperous Pakistan cannot close ranks?

Illegal money

IT is heartening that the interior minister wants to see a more strenuous effort against money laundering and terror finance, as well as hundi and hawala transactions. It would be more encouraging still if he had any ideas on how to strengthen these efforts beyond simply thumping his fist on the table and demanding action. In a meeting with the Federal Investigation Agency on Monday, the minister reportedly said he wanted stronger action against hundi and hawala operators, and “a strict watch” on suspicious transactions that might be linked with terrorism. The number of suspicious transactions detected in the last year are indeed very low and a far more robust effort is required if the action against terrorists is to succeed. But does the minister know that hundi and hawala transactions are not even scheduled offences under the Anti Terrorism Act or the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act? Does he know that they become scheduled offences only under an ad hoc arrangement whereby a notification is issued every year by his own ministry? And does he realise that the laws and guidelines that require banks to identify suspicious transactions are very weak and ambiguous for the detection of terror-related transactions?

The minister could put his own energies to better use by championing reform of the legislation under which hundi and hawala operators can be proceeded against, as well as reform of the laws and guidelines to facilitate the detection and reporting of suspicious transactions by banks. Detecting hundi and hawala transactions is still relatively easier, but tracking terror-related funds is going to require very careful coordination among various law-enforcement and regulatory bodies, as well as intelligence agencies. The interior minister’s powers can be very useful in helping to bring about this coordination. A detailed list of individuals and entities whose financial activities need to be monitored must be created and then communicated to the banks. Banks need to be urged under threat of penalty to play a stronger role in tracking these individuals and entities on the list. Law enforcement can only begin once the architecture of a stronger detection and monitoring regime has been built.

Demands for action without the necessary reforms risk creating unnecessary panic in the financial system as the law-enforcement agencies will be compelled to apprehend people without strong probable cause. We can only hope that the minister has feasible ideas on how to bring about these reforms.

Uncertain action

DESPITE the pretence of movement, there is an unmistakable sense that the state’s fight against militancy has stalled — again. The political and military leadership would likely reject such a claim. They would point to near-daily statements made by senior government and military officials, frequent meetings and reports of so-called intelligence-based operations that result in the capture or death of sundry militants. They would also point out the serious and sustained interest that the very highest level of the political and military leadership has demonstrated since the Peshawar tragedy — just yesterday was a corps commanders meeting in Rawalpindi to apparently assess the security situation in the country and on-going military-led operations while on Monday the federal government promised the provinces to more than match their interest. All of that, however, would be missing the point. Much of the focus of the government and military has been on a narrow, militarised version of a response against the spectrum of extremism, terrorism and militancy.

It amounts to casting a wide net, catching a few terrorists and disrupting parts of the physical infrastructure of the militants. What the state most certainly is not doing is developing a strategy that goes beyond hunting down the terrorists of today and ensuring that the supply of jihadists, militants, terrorists and extremists is progressively reduced in the years and generations to come. Essentially, the state’s response so far amounts to standing at the mouth of the militant pipeline and killing or capturing many who tumble out, without in any way trying to get to the source of the problem or attempting to stem the spread of extremism and militancy in society.

Perhaps it would help to return to the specifics — or just basic numerics — of the National Action Plan. To begin with, the 20 points in NAP were supposed to be elaborated on and explained in detail later, but, as expected, that has not happened as yet. Other than the legal framework for military courts and some ostensible movement on urban, counterterrorism capabilities, there has been virtually no interest in implementing, or even understanding, the other elements of NAP. It is not too late yet — surely, in the context of doing everything to save Pakistan from a terrorist and militant oblivion, it can never be too late — but there are only so many opportunities the state will get before the consequences of inaction grow larger than even the Peshawar atrocity. It is, for example, not enough for the state to hint at a sequential approach to dealing with militancy when all that implies is delaying action endlessly; after all, there have been several so-called game changers and turning points in the fight against militancy with the status quo eventually asserting itself.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and army chief Gen Raheel Sharif have a greater, inter-generational, burden on their shoulders than either appears to realise.

Published in Dawn, February 4th, 2015

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Barriers on the roads

AT his appearance before a Sindh High Court bench on Tuesday in connection with a petition regarding barricades on public roads, Karachi’s commissioner said that they did not hinder the movement of citizens. To claim this is to deny reality. Bollards and barricades that impede traffic, container blockades occupying footpaths and layers of security cordons encroaching on roads are unfortunate realities in the city. Meanwhile security concerns only seem to intensify, given these times when government and military installations, premises of foreign consulates and residences of important personalities face varying levels of threat. In Islamabad and Karachi in particular, many roads have been rendered inaccessible to the public for so long that they have virtually been forgotten about. To take just two examples, consider Bilawal Chowk in Karachi, and the section of Aabpara Road in Islamabad fronting the headquarters of an intelligence agency — both formerly key thoroughfares.

For years now, road users have had to take detours to reach their destination near such areas, where no balance is struck between genuine security concerns and public access. Unable to ensure foolproof security, law-enforcement agencies take the easy way out and erect a wall or put down a barrier; or bollards are placed so that traffic has to slow down ostensibly to facilitate inspection by law-enforcement personnel. Either way, the convenience of the public is sacrificed with nary a thought, and the impediments left exactly where they are. In this context, then, it must be welcomed that the matter has been taken up by both the Supreme Court, and the Sindh High Court. On Tuesday, a bench of the former summoned the chairman of the Capital Development Authority and ordered the removal of all hurdles within 24 hours.

The same day in Karachi, the Sindh High Court directed the city commissioner and law-enforcement agencies to similarly remove illegal barriers and submit a detailed report in a fortnight. In Islamabad, as many as 216 roads have restricted access — a large figure given the size of the city — and in Karachi, as claimed by the petitioner, some 70pc of roads are similarly affected. It is hoped that these august houses continue to pursue the matter. As it is, the general public is barely ever given a reason to believe that it figures in any of the authorities’ schemes; at the very least, the roads and footpaths need to be given back to the users.

Corridor furore

IF any proof were required that when it comes to Pakistan’s relationship with China, people tend to lose their minds, then Tuesday’s session of the Senate provided it in considerable quantity. Some senators hailing from parties from Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa led a loud protest against what they alleged were changes being made in the route of the Pakistan-China economic corridor, a project that aims to connect the port of Gwadar to China’s Xinjiang region. The senators, from parties including the PkMAP and the ANP, as well as an independent, first made angry speeches against the alleged route change then walked out of the Senate in protest, even as the government members tried in vain to tell them that no such change in route had been approved. One senator, independent Humayun Mandokhel, was so swept away with emotion that he decided to switch loyalties altogether and sit on the opposition benches, where he was received with loud thumping on the desks.

There is a point when desk thumping begins to sound like chest beating, and this was one example. The rhetoric that was hurled at the government included allusions to Kalabagh dam, and a dire warning from Senator Ilyas Bilour of the ANP that “the country will not remain united if the route is changed”. What is this if not overwrought emotionalism regarding what is otherwise a fairly straightforward infrastructure project? What evidence is there of a route change? And how will the country “not remain united” if there is indeed a route change? What is it about this proposed road project that got the senators so worked up when other far more pressing matters regarding their respective provinces hardly elicit much concern from them? If the senators in question have evidence of an arbitrary change of route, designed to benefit a few individuals rather than satisfy the technical requirements of the project, they should present it.

For its part, the government should also bring more transparency into its dealings with China, especially in the reasons behind the shelving of the Gadani power projects. Many politicians tend to go overboard when it comes to the country’s China conversation, with the government employing the usual rhetoric about Sino-Pak friendship and, in this case, opposing politicians invoking Kalabagh dam and the unity of the country. What is lost sight of every time is that the projects being negotiated with China are purely commercial ventures with little more than the cold play of geopolitics behind them. They should not be vested with such over-the-top emotion, nor be seen as some sort of prize to be fought over so bitterly. A little level headedness and transparency will go a long way to ensure that our China conversation remains focused on the country’s national interests, as opposed to the parochial interests of a few.

Karachi literature festival

“A ROOM without books is like a body without a soul,” said Marcus Cicero a long time ago. One could say the same about a people without a love of books. Thankfully though, many Pakistanis have rediscovered the joy of the printed word — if they had ever lost it at all — as the increasing number of literary festivals all over the country indicate. The Karachi Literature Festival 2015 begins tomorrow, the sixth iteration since it launched in 2010. It has since evolved into a much-anticipated event, an intellectual and cultural oasis in a teeming, frenetic city whose internal tensions often threaten to tip it into violence. Audience numbers have risen exponentially, from about 5,000 in 2010 to 70,000 last year. Speakers/participants have similarly gone up from 35 to over 200 over the same period. This year, although the number of sessions has been reduced, they have been crammed into two days, which is certain to leave many among the audience feeling they have a choice too many. Nevertheless, as always, the event will offer a platform for debate and discourse through panel discussions and talks on a diverse range of issues, as well as nearly 30 book launches.

While KLF is said to have taken its inspiration from the Jaipur Literature Festival, it has provided the impetus for other similar events in Pakistan, some of them organised by the KLF team itself. There are now literary festivals in Lahore and Islamabad, as well as children’s literary festivals — proving that instilling a love of books in children is possible even in an age of instant gratification via video games and multiple television channels. Nor are such events limited to the major urban centres of the country. Gwadar hosted a well-attended book festival last month. Some days before that, Shah Abdul Latif University in Khairpur was the venue of an international literature festival. All of which leads you to believe that the battle for the soul of Pakistan is far from over.

Published in Dawn, February 5, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Islamic State’s brutality

IT remains to be seen whether the strong verbal reaction to the recent burning to death of a Jordanian pilot and the beheading of two Japanese hostages will translate into a punitive response to the so-called Islamic State’s threat to human values in the cradle of civilisation. The barbaric form of death inflicted on Jordan’s Moaz al-Kasasbeh and the killing of the Japanese hostages are only two examples of IS brutality in a long list of crimes against humanity since the group began its murderous but unstoppable military advance from western Iraq to sweep into Syria and reach the Turkish border. Jordan’s King Abdullah II vowed an “earth-shattering response”, Saudi King Salman bin Abdul Aziz called the pilot’s murder an “odious crime”, Al Azhar denounced it as un-Islamic, while the UAE said this was “a brutal escalation” of the war by the terrorist group. An angry Japanese prime minister, Shinzo Abe, pledged his government’s continued support to the war on terror, and US President Barack Obama promised “decisive action”. But, despite this diplomatic rhetoric, the situation on the ground hasn’t changed much, and the IS militia looks unbeaten.

The only setback the militants have suffered is their failure to take Kobane. But this relative success for the US-led coalition was due to the tenacity shown by the Kurdish fighters. Jordan has responded by hanging two jihadists, but, as remarked by the dead pilot’s father, execution is no response, because what is missing is a concerted military offensive commensurate with the task involved. In fact, it is surprising that, with such a massive military presence in the region, the US is unable to reverse the IS tide. Also puzzling is Turkey’s aloofness from the events unfolding in its ‘underbelly’, as is the total absence from the scene of the Iraqi government. The truth is that vast sections of people in the Middle East do not believe all parties in the US-led coalition have their heart in the fighting, and the Islamic State’s militants enjoy many parties’ tacit sympathy.

Targeted polio workers

AS the state struggles to formulate an effective counterterrorism policy, it should not forget the threat that militants continue to pose to Pakistan’s polio eradication efforts. A number of vaccinators and security men deputed to guard them were killed throughout the country last year; and if the events of the last few weeks are any indication, far from being challenged, this violent trend is continuing in 2015. As reported, a policeman deputed to guard vaccinators was shot dead in Quetta on Wednesday. The officer was not on duty when he was targeted. On the same day, two polio workers were savagely attacked and injured in a village in Jacobabad district while they were administering drops. Earlier in January, at least two policemen guarding vaccinators were killed in Karachi in different incidents. Such brazen targeting of individuals associated with the anti-polio campaign poses a major question mark over official claims of progress on the counterterrorism front. If anti-militancy operations are indeed yielding results, how would it be possible for attackers to target polio workers at will? This clearly shows that massive loopholes exist both in the state’s anti-militancy drive, and the campaign to counter polio.

Perhaps the state has still not realised the extreme danger polio poses to Pakistan. Figures show that last year, there were just over 300 polio cases reported in the country — by far the highest number in the world. If earnest efforts are not made to vaccinate all children and neutralise the militants standing in the way of vaccinators, we may see an equally high, or even higher, number of cases this year. We fail to see which insurmountable barriers are standing in the way of thorough anti-polio campaigns. It is surprising to note that even in parts of Syria and Iraq controlled by the self-styled Islamic State — an outfit hardly known for its commitment to humanitarian values — the militant group has allowed polio vaccinators access to children.

It is also true that vaccinations are continuing in Syria despite a devastating, ongoing civil war. Nigeria, another polio-endemic country which also faces a vicious Islamist insurgency spearheaded by Boko Haram, has seen no new polio cases since July 2014. If Syria, Iraq and Nigeria, countries with just as volatile — if not more — security situations as Pakistan, can have the upper hand over the spread of polio, what is stopping us? Simply put, the anti-polio campaign — particularly its security — must be a national priority.

No direction in anti-militancy fight

A PATTERN has quickly been established: the government will talk up every success, mostly minor, in the fight against militancy while simultaneously warning that the fight is a long-term one. That has the benefit of gaining credit for even assumed successes while deflecting the blame in case — rather, when — something goes terribly wrong. The post-Peshawar world is beginning to look very much like the pre-Peshawar world. On Wednesday, Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan took to the floor of parliament to claim a major breakthrough against anti-Shia Hazara militants, with a nationwide, possibly even a regional, network being broken up on the back of close civil-military intelligence cooperation here. To the extent that the state is taking anti-Shia Hazara militancy seriously and even deploying significant resources to prevent attacks, the actions should be welcomed and the state should be encouraged to do more.

Shia Hazaras are perhaps uniquely vulnerable even in the spectrum of militant targets and given the savage, mind-numbing atrocities committed against them in recent years, they deserve to be accorded the very highest priority. For all the credit the interior minister would like to take, however, there remains a basic problem: there is still no clarity on what exactly is the state’s strategy to fight all forms of extremism, terrorism and militancy. It appears that government officials believe that the mere repetition of the National Action Plan or reference to it is enough by way of explanation. Reality suggests that NAP is anything but a coherent, cohesive and well-delineated plan to fight militancy. But the government seems unconcerned and unhurried about trying to move towards such a plan.

Worse, it appears to believe that such a plan already exists. But it does not. Where, for example, are the lists of banned organisations, their leaderships, their financing networks and what specific legal steps have been taken to shut down the public and clandestine operation of such groups? Can there really be said to be a National Action Plan if something as basic as a comprehensive listing of the enemy is yet to be created or made public? That is not wanton criticism. If questions about the details can be obfuscated by counter-details by the government — mere claims of breaking up terrorist networks mean little unless identities, affiliations and roles are revealed — there is also a simpler route. Yesterday was Kashmir Day and to mark the day a number of rallies were held in various parts of the country. Simply, how many extremists, terrorists and militants were present at those rallies? How many of those rallies were organised and led by avowedly militant groups and their leaders? The state, both the civilian and military sides of it, can have little credibility when it claims to be fighting one side of the militancy spectrum while simultaneously enabling another part of it.

Published in Dawn, February 6, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Obama’s outreach

IF there is to be an honest effort to transform the mistrust and confrontation that characterises the relationship between many Western and Muslim societies into one of engagement and harmony, there is no alternative but to choose the path of dialogue to address prevailing tensions. In this regard, Barack Obama’s comments at Washington DC’s National Prayer Breakfast on Thursday were a timely reminder — especially in an age where militants worldwide are claiming to fight in the name of Islam — that throughout history, believers of various faiths have used their religious convictions to commit atrocities. The US president cited some of the darker chapters from the world’s past, such as the Crusades, the Inquisition and the history of slavery and segregation in America, to illustrate his point. Mr Obama added that the self-styled Islamic State is “distorting” Islam, and that people should “push back” against those who twist religion.

The US president’s speech harks back to his landmark address to the Muslim world he made in Cairo in 2009, soon after moving into the White House. In that speech too he had hit all the right notes, seeking a “new beginning” with Muslim nations. Yet between the 2009 speech and the latest comments, the gulf dividing the West — particularly the US — and the Muslim world remains as wide as ever. Perhaps one of the biggest factors fuelling anti-Americanism, and with it extremism, in Muslim societies is the Palestine problem. Despite over six decades in the wilderness, all too often subjugated to Israeli brutality, the Palestinian people still have no viable state of their own. Hence when Mr Obama says US ties with Israel are “unbreakable”, as he did in Cairo, many in the Muslim world see Tel Aviv’s excesses supported or condoned by Washington, even though in the same speech Mr Obama admitted that the Palestinians’ plight was “intolerable”.

Also, the Afghan and Iraq wars have cast America as a belligerent aggressor in many Muslim eyes, willing to engineer regime change militarily. And despite all of America’s talk of standing for human rights and democracy, Washington’s support of Muslim despots and dictators sends the message to Muslim masses that when it is a question of strategic interests, the US is willing to look the other way as allies suppress their own people. Indeed, many of the Muslim world’s problems are of its own making. For example, the denial of fundamental rights to citizens by ruling elites in countless Muslim lands results in failed states and rising extremism. Hence the need for Muslim states to put their own house in order cannot be understated. Mr Obama has pushed the dialogue in the right direction. We hope this spirit of engagement is continued so that a just resolution to the Palestine problem is reached, and that Western and Muslim states can cooperate to combat militancy, and work for a better future for their peoples.

Madressah reform

A RECENT interview in this paper with an office-bearer of an umbrella group representing madressahs of five major sects, the Ittehad-i-Tanzeemat-i-Madaris-i-Deenia, was very revealing precisely because it was so unforthcoming. Maulana Mohammad Hanif Jalandhri, repeatedly avoided giving a direct answer to the query as to what precisely the ITMD finds so objectionable in the questionnaire for registration of madressahs in the country. However, the religious establishment’s reticence is matched by the government’s unwillingness to clearly spell out its modus operandi regarding the registration and regulation of madressahs. The latter is part of the 20-point National Action Plan rolled out after the APS Peshawar attack.

Bringing madressahs into a regulatory framework was never going to be an easy undertaking. These institutions have long thrived in an environment where no questions have been asked of them, regarding either financing or curricula. Now and then, reforms have been half-heartedly attempted but quietly abandoned in the face of an obdurate and aggressive religious establishment. Even at this watershed moment, instead of holding firm to its resolve to tackle one of the fundamental issues that have a bearing on extremism, the response of the government has been weak, erring on the side of caution rather than the rulers asserting their writ. The pushback from religious quarters that began with the furore created by Jamaat-i-Islami and the JUI-F over the 21st Amendment, which the parties decried as an attempt to link terrorism with religion, appears to have had the desired effect. The interior minister may have had a point when he stated that 90pc of madressahs in Pakistan have no role in promoting terrorism. What he left unsaid was that the remaining 10pc is enough to create havoc in a multicultural, multifaith society: there are around 35,000 madressahs affiliated with the ITMD, a tally that does not take unregistered madressahs into account.

After all, these institutions are performing the critical task of shaping the minds of our young generation — 3.5 million of them, according to estimates. It is unfortunately in the very nature of a madressah education that it promotes conservative thinking, and many of these institutions do, at the very least, foster a divisive approach in society. At the same time, it is also the state’s dereliction of duty towards formal education that has created the conditions for madressahs to proliferate. Reform must therefore encompass not only madressahs but ordinary schools as well, with a revised curricula that promotes tolerance and inclusivity.

Napa turns 10

Gathered together to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the facility, the administrators and faculty of Karachi’s National Academy of the Performing Arts looked proud of their work, and justifiably so. Ever since it was established under the aegis of the Musharraf regime and supported by a grant from the centre, the academy has had an appreciable effect on the city’s theatre and music landscape. The people it has trained have not just swelled the ranks of well-taught actors, directors and musicians, etc, they have also helped raise standards in fields other than those taught directly at Napa, such as television. The school has successfully met challenges such as developing from scratch a curriculum that incorporates elements of both Eastern and Western academic thought, and teaching primarily in Urdu despite the paucity of texts in the language. But perhaps its most important contribution is to bring the disciplines it teaches out of the realm of the amateur, to which they had long been relegated, and turn them professional.

In Napa’s success, there is a lesson to be learnt. It is important that projects such as this should not have to depend on commercial viability, for that compromises the integrity and standards of their output. State support is absolutely vital and once that is forthcoming, there is no dearth of interest and talent. Sadly enough, the provincially administered Arts Councils that exist in a number of towns and cities were originally created with this very aim, but can hardly be said to now be carrying out such a supportive function. It is time for them to be revamped, and also for the Napa model to be replicated across the country.

Some might wonder at the need, given the uncertain times. There is a simple point to ponder, though: at its heart, the conflict in Pakistan is a war of narratives — and where are narratives born and strengthened but in the creative arts?

Published in Dawn February 7, 2015

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Confusion after IMF review

THE sixth review of Pakistan’s IMF programme has concluded successfully. The latter remains on track with all targets met and no waivers being sought. But confusion has arisen in the wake of an announcement that the revenue target envisaged in the programme has been revised downward while the fiscal deficit target remains the same, therefore implying that expenditure cuts will become necessary. The downward revision in the revenue target is actually Rs65bn going by Fund figures, or Rs119bn according to Finance Minister Ishaq Dar. The revenue target envisaged in the IMF programme is Rs2,756bn as of the last review, whereas the government budgeted revenue collection is Rs2,810bn. The new revenue target following the sixth review is now Rs2,691bn.

The matter becomes important because since January the government has been searching for ways to accommodate expenditures arising from implementation of the National Action Plan, and rehabilitation of the IDPs. These expenditures, which were not budgeted, are expected to soar in the second half of the fiscal year. In early January, the government expected to raise $380m from the third donors’ conference held in Islamabad, but was disappointed when the United States failed to commit an expected $250m for the rehabilitation of the IDPs. Only days later, Mr Dar announced that the fiscal deficit target ‘may remain above the target of 4.9pc of GDP’ due to expenses arising from implementation of NAP and rehabilitation of the IDPs. Then again, on the eve of his departure for Dubai to take part in negotiations with the Fund, the finance minister repeated that the fiscal deficit target for the year may not be met because of additional spending due to NAP and the IDPs.

So far, no figures have been released by the government about how large these expenses might be, but according to media reports the total sum may be as large as Rs100bn. The IMF mission chief has confirmed that the government delegation did indeed raise the matter of additional spending arising from NAP, but that no changes in the fiscal deficit target were approved. So the question naturally arises: if everyone now agrees that revenues will be lower than projected, and expenditures will be higher, how does the government intend to keep within the deficit target? One way could be for the government to step up its efforts to obtain international assistance. Another way could be through a hike in the deficit target and greater borrowing, steps not allowed under the fiscal terms agreed during the sixth review talks. The forthcoming spring meetings of the IMF and World Bank could provide an opportunity for the government to raise the matter of raising the deficit target with the IMF high-ups. But without these steps, there is a question mark hanging over the fiscal terms agreed during the just concluded sixth review negotiations.

Serious allegations

THERE is no doubt that the truth behind the Baldia fire tragedy of 2012 — in which 258 workers perished — needs to emerge. While it is bad enough that the inferno was billed as one of the nation’s worst industrial disasters, the fact that the fire may have been caused deliberately is particularly disturbing. In this regard, the startling revelations about the incident made in court on Friday need to be thoroughly verified and cross-checked. According to a report, compiled by the joint investigation team probing the tragedy, filed with the Sindh High Court, a statement from the Rangers claims that individuals associated with the MQM deliberately set the factory on fire. As per information gleaned from a suspect — allegedly a Muttahida worker — by the paramilitary force, the factory was set on fire as its owners refused to pay extortion money. The report says a “party high official”, through a front man, had demanded Rs200m in extortion money; when the owners did not pay the building was set on fire using chemical substances. These are very serious allegations and cannot be taken lightly. But before jumping to any conclusions we must realise that this claim is based on the ‘confession’ of just one individual who was picked up by the Rangers. A more detailed investigation is needed to reach the facts in this case. It is hoped scientific investigation methods are used to uncover the truth behind the inferno.

The onus now lies on the MQM to disprove the allegation and clear its name as the party or its activists have been accused of strong-arm tactics in the past. In fact, Muttahida chief Altaf Hussain himself has publicly lashed out at “corrupt and unwanted” elements within the party. In 2013 he had said there was a ban on party workers collecting ‘donations’, and that there was no room for land grabbers within the Muttahida’s ranks. The Coordination and Karachi Tanzeemi committees have also been shaken up in the recent past; the latter outfit was believed to have become too powerful even by some party members. Despite the MQM’s efforts at internal cleansing, the stigma caused by the activities of ‘unwanted elements’ remains, and the party will have to make a greater effort — especially in light of the latest allegations — to root out such forces. The fact is the Muttahida is a major player in Sindh’s politics, as well as nationally, and cannot afford to have black sheep within its fold.

LG polls muddle

RAPPED by the judiciary several times over, three ‘delinquent’ provinces have finally shown what appears to be a grudging willingness to hold local government elections. At a meeting with Chief Election Commissioner Sardar Raza Khan in Islamabad on Friday, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa official gave May as the month for the polls, while Punjab and Sindh could only make promises for next November and March 2016 respectively. Undoubtedly, all three provinces are guilty of dodging the polls to what indeed is the first rung of democracy, but the dates given by Punjab and Sindh come as a rude shock. Both the PML-N and the PPP have been running these provinces for six years, and they still do not find themselves in a position to give their people democratic institutions at the grass roots. Even at this late stage the provinces have stirred only because the Supreme Court in its Jan 8 judgment asked the ECP to make arrangements for the polls and let the court know its programme at the next hearing on Feb 12.

That there are still hurdles to be overcome became clear at Friday’s proceedings. Since a census was held as far back as 1998, major changes in demography have rendered the existing constituencies outdated. The provinces had been asked to provide data to the ECP for the delimitation of constituencies. This was not done, and it is difficult to see how the poll process can be completed smoothly without the full involvement of the provinces. In fact, Punjab’s commitment to the polls was conditional, for the official concerned told the meeting the promise to hold polls in November was subject to the fulfilment of certain prerequisites. These bureaucratic hitches apart, the truth is that all provincial governments fear the political consequences of local government polls if the results go against them. It is, thus, a matter of shame that the elected governments should deny their people the benefits of representative municipal bodies for partisan reasons.

Published in Dawn, February 8, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Purchase of vaccines

After the 18th Amendment, the procurement of vaccines was to be, ultimately, the responsibility of the provinces. According to an understanding, the federal government had accepted the responsibility of obtaining the vaccination drugs for onward supply to the provinces until June 2015. Now the provinces — or at least two of them at present — want the same arrangement to continue beyond June. Both Punjab and Balochistan favour a uniform vaccine procurement policy for the country, which is no surprise given that uniformity in outreach, quality and commitment for all parts of Pakistan is crucial for the success of the immunisation programme. The surprising part is that this basic question has been left pending with only a few months to go for the deadline set for handing over the task of obtaining the vaccination drugs to the provinces. The devolution dates back to July 2011 and this is an issue serious enough to have been decided long ago.

Now that the matter has been brought up for consideration, it has to be tackled with utmost urgency. The failure of the provinces to evolve a system of their own to deal with the crucial job apart, quite a few positives of the federal government acting as the national supplier have been mentioned. For instance, economy of scale in the event of Islamabad buying on behalf of provinces is quite a solid reason. It is also said that the Expanded Programme of Immunisation that exists at the federal level has the capacity to take up the job of procurement.

A report in this paper on Friday quoted an EPI official as saying that requests from the other two provinces — Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — are being ‘awaited’ before a decision could be taken for procurement of the vaccines at the federal level beyond June. Immunisation is something that cannot afford the luxury of anyone ‘waiting’ to act. The formalities have to be overcome. If the provinces are not coming to the centre on this promptly, let the federal government go to them immediately to ensure the immunisation programme runs without any hiccups.

Mysterious numbers

IT is an impressive figure — 10,616 individuals arrested in 14,886 raids conducted across the country since Dec 24 under the National Action Plan. Which only makes the mystery even bigger: with thousands upon thousands of individuals arrested in anti-terrorism raids, how come nothing has been heard from any of the arrested, their families or their lawyers? Usually, when someone is detained and charged with crimes as in the anti-terror scheme of things, there is some statement by the arrested, a protest by family members perhaps or even a news conference by legal representatives. But the interior ministry, which passed on the latest data to the Prime Minister’s Office which made them public on Friday, appears to have found 10,616 of the rarest of individuals in Pakistan: those who are amenable to being arrested and charged with presumably serious crimes without so much as even trying to go public with their side of the story.

There is of course a much more likely explanation. The arrested are overwhelmingly drawn from a pool of the usual suspects — militants and extremists who are used to being periodically arrested or detained and then, after a suitable pause and easily dodged legal troubles, simply cycle back to active duty. There is no need for them to create a ruckus and they know the rules of this semi-formal game well enough to realise that there is no real danger of lengthy incarcerations or convictions that will stand on appeal. The government may well challenge this notion. It has the easiest of routes available to it to do so — simply list the names of the individuals, state where they were arrested and by whom, name the groups they are alleged to be affiliated with and explain what crimes they are believed to have committed and are to be charged with.

Much as the government wants to be seen to be serious about implementing NAP, there are also pre-existing duties that it owes to the public, and even the individuals arrested. Transparency and accountability are at the top of that list. The interior ministry’s various law-enforcement and intelligence arms are overwhelmingly operating in the country’s cities, towns and rural areas, not in Fata war zones where different rules apply. The public has a right to know not just which extremist groups and militants are operating among the citizenry but also what the state is doing against individuals in the name of security. More transparency, please.

YouTube: a calcified issue

THE outrage is over, the perceived hurt has healed and the piece of mischief that caused the furore in the first place has taken its place in the dustbin of history. The world has moved on — except for Pakistan, which stubbornly refuses to come to terms with the realities of the age of information, and in doing so, continues to deprive its citizenry of internet freedoms. We refer, of course, to the blockade on access to the file-sharing site YouTube. Imposed on Sept 12, 2012, this was originally an ill-thought-out fire-fighting measure, but more than two years later, matters stand exactly where they did that September. If anything, the issue has calcified: the site cannot generally be accessed from this country; those with the ability have found means of bypassing the ban; and the government is still casting about for ways and means to block content it considers blasphemous on the site.

Most recently, on Friday, Minister of State for Information Technology Anusha Rehman told the Senate that as a result of the Supreme Court ordering the Pakistan Telecommunications Authority to block all offending material, the matter had been reviewed several times but there was no way to do this other than by imposing a blanket ban on the site. The irony here is that it was Ms Rehman who, soon after taking office, promised the restoration of the site. Leave aside the issue of offensive content, what this sorry story speaks volumes for is the state’s attitude towards citizens’ right to attain information — apparently, it really could not care less. In trying to ensure that access to selective content is restricted, it has completely shut down a site that is the gateway to information and entertainment for millions of people. While other nations factor in and meet the challenges thrown up by the internet and a globalised world — including Muslim countries — Pakistan penalises its citizens under the pretext of protecting them from material they might — might — find offensive. Today it is YouTube; tomorrow it might be the internet in its entirety. And, the acerbic would argue, why stop here?

This piece of absurdity has to come to an end. Of the various potential solutions that have been thrown up during these two years, the most feasible might be the one suggested by Google itself but which the government does not seem to have pondered over much: the display of interstitial warnings on pages that contain objectionable material. This, as the Lahore High Court observed last year while hearing a petition on the issue, would pin liability on the user who “consciously and deliberately ignore[d] the warning page” before accessing content that is offensive or in contravention of local laws. The approach Pakistan has taken so far is not just laughably ineffective, it is indicative of just how out of touch the state is with technological realities.

Published in Dawn, February 9th, 2015

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

LoC suspension

THE Chakothi-Uri crossing point on the Line of Control in Kashmir reflects just how tenuous the link between Pakistan and India is. A bus service that operates every Monday through the crossing was suspended on Feb 9 after allegations that 12 kilogrammes of contraband had been recovered from a truck bound for Uri in Indian-held Kashmir. The incident also brought to a halt the transportation of goods. In a repeat of familiar scenes at the LoC, traders once again complained that the blockage had caused them huge losses. Just as last summer a similar dispute had drawn protests from the exporters of Pakistani mangoes across the divide, this time, reports said as many as 49 trucks laden with bananas were stuck up. Some traders put the value of the fruit at Rs30 million as they called on the authorities to address the issue urgently. The figure given by the traders for the rotting bananas may or may not be inflated, but there is no doubt that their call for urgency in tackling the problem on a permanent basis is rooted in genuine concerns.

There can be no two opinions about the need for evolving a fast-track system that ensures smooth travel and trade on the Chakothi-Uri sector, and similar other crossing points in Kashmir and on the border between Pakistan and India elsewhere. Initial reports on Sunday had an official on this side of the line predicting an early reopening of the road link. Considering how hopeful he sounded, it would be in the interest of Pakistan-India ties that steps are taken to avoid such hiccups in the first place rather than look for emergency remedies later. Once there is suspension, there could always be complications which may not yield quickly to negotiations. The instances of the past are proof of how long it can take matters to resolve once there is a dispute.

In the interest of uninterrupted exchanges, utmost caution has to be displayed in screening goods that are to be sent across the border and the emphasis has to be on keeping things moving rather than on finding, or looking for, a reason to hurriedly close the crossings. Too many flights between Pakistan and India have been discontinued in recent times and too many ground routes have come under a cloud. Too many travellers feel restricted. These road links are crucial to connecting the two countries.

LG for cantonments, Islamabad

AS the mystery of when the exact dates for local government polls in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Punjab will be announced continues, we must not forget that cantonment boards across Pakistan, as well as the federal capital, also need to have representative local bodies. While politicians and the bureaucracy have successfully managed to delay LG polls in three provinces, movement has also been slow on paving the way for the elections in cantonments and Islamabad. This is despite the fact that the Supreme Court has ordered the federal government to promulgate an ordinance that would allow the ECP to hold polls in cantonments. In fact, were it not for the apex court’s constant reminders to the government, perhaps the issue of local elections would be placed by the rulers in perpetual limbo.

It is important that citizens living within cantonments have representative local governments. When these military facilities were first established, they were mostly located far from population centres. However, today, in nearly every provincial capital cantonments have either been enveloped by the city, or are barely distinguishable from the ‘civilian’ part of town. Also, cantonments occupy significant acreage in all cities, and far from housing only military personnel, also accommodate civilians. Hence residents of cantonments should not be denied the right to elect their own local representatives.

Coming to Islamabad, the city is practically run by the Capital Development Authority. While it may be relatively better planned and run than Pakistan’s other cities, there are more than enough civic issues in Islamabad that warrant an elected local government answerable to its people. A draft law that would amend the Cantonments Ordinance, 2002, and allow the ECP to conduct local polls is reportedly ready and sitting with the law ministry awaiting promulgation. Similarly, a draft bill that would enable local polls in the Islamabad Capital Territory — both rural and urban portions of it — is also ready and awaiting passage. Both these laws need to be passed without delay so that these areas can have elected local bodies and not have to be run as per the fiat of bureaucrats or generals. As for the rest of the country, the judiciary needs to continue to pursue the matter until the KP, Sindh and Punjab governments do their constitutional duty and provide the legal and logistical foundation for LG polls.

It is shameful that while the people have elected members of the National Assembly and the provincial legislatures, many lawmakers sitting in these august houses are trying their best to block elected representatives at the local level. Let us be clear: no amount of bureaucratic oversight or interference from the provincial governments can replace an elected dispensation at the local level which can address people’s everyday problems most effectively.

Ajmal’s return

While the beleaguered Pakistan cricket team continues to grapple with the chequered form of its players and a spate of injuries ahead of the Cricket World Cup, ace off-spinner Saeed Ajmal’s clearance by the International Cricket Council on Saturday has come as a morale booster. The player put in four months of a Herculean effort to correct a suspect bowling action, for which he was banned by the ICC last year, and made a swift return to the game. As he underwent a number of biomechanics tests at London and Chennai, though without much success, his detractors insisted that Ajmal’s brilliant career had come to a sad end. The emergence of the talented Yasir Shah and Zulfiqar Baber in the back-to-back series in the UAE against Australia and New Zealand had further dampened Ajmal’s chances of returning to the national team.

To his credit, Ajmal has remained focused throughout his period of banishment and has weathered the storm with determination, never succumbing to the heavy odds stacked against him. Credit is also due to Ajmal’s mentor and ex-Pakistan spin wizard Saqlain Mushtaq — the inventor of the magical delivery ‘doosra’ — who thankfully never lost faith in Ajmal’s ability to make a comeback. Saqlain convinced the Pakistan Cricket Board to allow him to work with Ajmal in the resurrection process and the move has surely paid off.

Subsequent to his clearance by the ICC, there is now a vociferous campaign by his fans and a handful of former cricketers to quickly induct Ajmal into the Pakistan World Cup squad to salvage some of the dented pride after a string of defeats in warm-up game. No doubt, Pakistan would want a match-winner like Ajmal to spearhead its bowling attack in the mega event. However, Ajmal himself has said that he is a bit rusty and is keen to play matches in the domestic circuit to test his remodelled action before resuming his international career. This is a sensible, unselfish approach by a player whose focus is on skills, not glory.

Published in Dawn, February 10th, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Overstepping the limits

FOR as long as there has been politics, there have been politicians willing to indulge in the business of slander, mudslinging and worse. Pakistan has been no exception. Over the decades, there have been many politicians and political operatives who have said and done ugly things, sometimes coming to regret them later, often remaining unapologetic. But perhaps there have been few who have indulged in accusations and recriminations as wantonly as Altaf Hussain and Imran Khan, and their respective parties have done against each other. Sadly, another round appears to have erupted as the mercurial MQM chief and the shoot-from-the-hip PTI supremo tear into each other and each other’s politics for the umpteenth time. Many of the allegations are old, some new, but together they amount to another sorry episode in politics here. For, despite Mr Hussain’s apology to PTI ’s women supporters, the MQM chief and the PTI leader are tarnishing the very image of politics itself.

It is not so much what the two leaders, and their eager courtiers, have been saying but the context itself. To be political rivals, even sworn enemies, is one thing — there can be little expectation either side would pull their punches in that environment. But the two parties appear to want the nation to forget that their relationship is less a continuous downward spiral and more a roller-coaster. At various occasions, both sides have sought each other’s help, have allied with each other and provided political cover to each other. It seems the MQM and PTI want to be each other’s political enemies when beneficial and quietly revert to a semblance of friendship when more convenient.

Could there be a more cynical kind of politics than that? It is not hard to imagine that days or weeks from now, the two parties’ leadership will be exchanging smiles, handshakes and even hugs, the vitriol, vile accusations and uncouth behaviour forgotten — until the next time. Perhaps the greater problem here is not the faux war of words between the two but, as ever, how that taints the public’s perception of politics, the political process and democracy itself. The partisanship does not rankle so much as the utter hypocrisy of what is on display. Pakistan has urgent, serious problems to attend to. Karachi is a city that has been mauled by yet another period of strife and conflict.

The MQM and PTI are both navigating an uncertain period in their immediate political futures. How does any of what is on display in recent days help any of that? To expect the public to be conveniently distracted, to expect the people to fall for ratings-hungry plot-lines of the electronic media, to expect that the citizenry will simply accept the theatrics on display is perhaps to expect too much. The question, as ever, is what happens when the people tire of politicians?

KCR: never-ending delay

THE four-decade-long tomfoolery concerning the Karachi Circular Railway shows no signs of dying out. On Monday, a Sindh minister said the project would be launched “soon”, even though he informed the provincial legislature that they would now approach the Chinese for help, the Japanese having shown their frustration by withdrawing their offer. Some Chinese companies, he said, had demonstrated an interest in the project, but Transport Minister Mumtaz Jhakrani did not rule out bringing the Japanese International Cooperation Agency back. So a mass transit plan first heard of in the 1970s is now to be launched “soon”, even though the Sindh government still has to decide whether it would approach the Chinese or mollify the Japanese.

Mr Jhakrani also said the provincial government would approach federal authorities to hand over the complete ownership of the project to the Sindh government. In the first place, one wonders if Islamabad is willing to trust Karachi with the execution of a project as big as the KCR. Secondly, what is the federal government’s own record when it comes to the KCR? It is equally casual. Countless studies and feasibility reports over the decades have yielded nothing, and the nation’s biggest city remains without a modern mass transit system. In the 1990s, an Indus Mass Transit Company was formed, having a consortium of foreign entities, with all plans approved and money pledged. It never saw the light of day, with the federal government showing a lack of interest for reasons it never fully explained. The real issue is lack of political will. There were times when the PPP was in power in both Islamabad and Sindh. The provincial government, if it wanted, could have used that opportunity to kick-start the project. But it never could make up its mind on the issue.

The reason why Jica ran away was the Sindh government’s failure to remove encroachments on the existing tracks. Sindh’s two leading parties, the PPP and MQM, must share the blame for Karachiites’ transport misery.

Madressah funding

AFTER weeks of commentary in the media about Saudi Arabia’s role in financing an extremist mindset in Pakistan, a clarification has finally emerged. The kingdom’s embassy in Pakistan says all cases of financial assistance being given to seminaries, mosques and charity organisations are vetted by the Foreign Office before any funding is approved. While the correct procedure seems to have been followed by the Saudi Arabian government, it is sad that the Foreign Office itself has nothing to say on the matter. How many such requests for vetting have been sent to it? How much money has flowed in and to whom thus far? And do other countries sending funds for seminaries, mosques and charities also follow the same procedure of first getting the intended beneficiary vetted by the Foreign Office? These questions become all the more important since they are left hanging in the air after a protracted controversy in the media and in the National Assembly.

The money coming in from formal sources has hardly been the issue, and the real challenge has been funds from secret channels. These have been used to promote extremism in the country. The matter of foreign funding of the ‘extremist mindset’ in Pakistan was raised in the debates on the 21st Amendment and on other occasions. The government even received advice from the home ministries of the four provinces on the subject. Following the report from the provincial governments, the federal interior minister went to the length of telling the nation that funding for seminaries, mosques and charities was now a provincial subject and it was up to the provincial law-enforcement authorities to follow up on it. According to him, only 10pc of the total number of madressahs in the countries promote extremism — a figure that translates into hundreds of possibly radicalised seminaries, with independent reports suggesting the number is even higher.

The government has chosen not to reveal much about the matter, or washed its hands of it. Unfortunately, the clarification from the kingdom raises more questions than it answers. Saudi Arabia and a number of other Muslim countries from where funds flow to seminaries in Pakistan should clarify how private donations are handled by them. On its part, the federal government should provide answers to how it has been vetting the beneficiaries of funds coming from these secret channels. The matter is important, and deserves far more serious handling.

Published in Dawn February 11th , 2015

Waiting for hepatitis drug

AN estimated 10 million hepatitis C patients in the country may hear the good news soon. A life-saving drug to be administered orally to such patients is expected to be cleared for distribution next week, long after it got the approval of the Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan. The matter has been pending with the Federal Ministry of Health Services Regulations and Coordination for the last three months, which somehow could not take out the time to give a formal nod to the medicine called Sovaldi. Whereas doctors have prescribed the tablet to a few thousand suffering Pakistanis in anticipation of its availability on the local market, one distribution company has been selected for its supply. The company is going to buy it from the United States. It was initially in competition with many other aspiring distributors, but managed to convince DRAP that it had the right combination of price and quality.

As opposed to the painful process of getting injections over a prolonged period, the patients will be required to take one tablet of Sovaldi daily. At around Rs2,000 a tablet it is a very costly medication, but as compared to the interferon injection the oral drug is said to have fewer side effects and greater efficiency. Experts say the tablet has a 95pc success rate and it is already being tried as a remedy for hepatitis C in many countries.

With a slightly more efficient ministry in place the drug could have been made available to patients in Pakistan much earlier than its expected introduction now. If that gives one a cause to sigh and protest at official lethargy, it is something that cannot be undone. Millions in the country will now be hoping that the medicine lives up to its billing as a life-saver. One hopes that this will encourage other drug companies to find and market affordable alternatives — without compromising on quality and efficacy — so that the maximum number of hepatitis C patients can benefit.

Blasphemy cases

OVER the years, as self-anointed ‘defenders of the faith’ have multiplied in a rightward-drifting Pakistan, the number of people accused of ‘offences against religion’ has gone up exponentially. As reported in this paper, the Punjab prosecution department, in collaboration with the home and police departments, has shortlisted 50 undertrial blasphemy cases to be fast-tracked in which the state itself will defend the accused. According to the government, the selected cases — chosen from 262 being tried in different courts in Punjab from 2010 to date — are of those who have been languishing behind bars due to lack of, or weak, evidence and non-availability of counsel. Further, it has been said, the accused in these cases are ones who have been ‘victimised’ and that some of them may also be medically examined to gauge their mental health.

It is encouraging that Punjab is making efforts to expedite matters for those who appear to have either been unjustly charged with blasphemy, or deprived of their right to due process in such cases. However, the criteria for their selection say much about the radicalisation of this society, in which vigilante justice in matters of faith is often feted rather than vilified. Why are there such few lawyers available to defend blasphemy accused? Because lawyers defending such individuals are deemed guilty by association, sometimes by those who themselves have sworn to uphold the law. Advocate Rashid Rehman, shortly before his murder in May last year, received death threats from fellow lawyers for defending a blasphemy accused. Then there is the blasphemy law itself, and the procedural requirements according to which someone can be charged under it.

While no one should have to fear being charged with a crime — any crime — in the absence of the requisite prima facie evidence, a charge of blasphemy instantly stigmatises the individual and invites the risk of violence against him. Several such accused have been murdered behind bars, some even after being acquitted. A revisiting of the blasphemy law, at the very least, to prevent false allegations based on vendetta or even pure mischief, is thus urgently required.

Finally, it would have been appropriate if some of the cases selected for speedy trials involved accused that belong to minority faiths. For while allegations of blasphemy menace Muslims and non-Muslims alike, minorities are especially vulnerable, with entire communities driven out of their homes in paroxysms of faith-based violence.

Iran’s energy overtures

THERE are strong grounds for seizing the most recent Iranian offer to sell Pakistan electricity and feed it directly into our national grid. The benefits of this proposal are self-evident, even as it sidesteps all the security-related questions concerning other proposals to import electricity. The Iran-Pakistan natural gas pipeline has also languished for too long, due in significant part to Islamabad’s deference to American sensitivities in dealing with Iran. A body of expert opinion, however, clearly states that Pakistan has a strong case to argue that the sanctions regime on Iran does not cover the pipeline project, primarily because the Gas Purchase Agreement for that project was signed before the latest sanctions came into force. There are good reasons to press ahead with that project as well, especially now that American sensitivities in the region appear to be undergoing a paradigm shift.

Iran’s overtures to Pakistan present an opportunity that the latter can only benefit from if it demonstrates courage and gritty resolve. Pakistan has been struggling with gas and electricity shortages that are crippling the economy and bringing ever-increasing distress to the population with each passing year. The size of the circular debt is growing, and the vulnerabilities that it exposes other sectors of the economy to are also becoming more evident as the recent petrol crisis brought home so clearly. Pakistan cannot muddle through the energy crisis indefinitely, and pinning all its hopes on a massive infrastructure bailout from the Chinese is to put too many eggs in one basket.

Other options to carry energy — whether in the form of natural gas or electricity — from Central Asia have too many question marks hanging over them due to their transit through Afghanistan. In fact, Iran is a natural partner for Pakistan when it comes to energy, gas and electricity both. But this natural partnership will not come walking in through the door on its own. It will need to be pursued with vigour. What helps is the fact that the United States is itself struggling to overcome formidable opposition to arrive at an agreement that ends Iran’s isolation from the world. President Barack Obama openly sparred with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who has vowed that he would “do everything and will take any action to foil this bad and dangerous agreement”. The terse exchanges taking place across the Atlantic between Mr Obama and Mr Netanyahu are evidence that the US leader is determined to pursue talks with Iran until the deadline set for late March, no matter what the scale of the opposition might be.

Clearly, he sees the moment as a historic opportunity to be seized. It is time for Pakistan to also find the determination to do what is necessary and bring an energy partnership with Iran to fruition so that it can tackle the crisis at home.

Published in Dawn, February 12th, 2015

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"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')