Hell on wheels

GIVEN the grisly death toll from traffic accidents on our highways, one would think that the road transport sector is deserving of some attention so that the hazards that create often hellish scenes can be identified and addressed. Most recently, over 60 people were burned alive following a collision on Sindh’s Super Highway when their bus collided with an oil tanker and caught fire. Scenes of the burned wreckage inside the bus were absolutely nightmarish. A few months ago in November, a similar collision near Khairpur killed 58 people while earlier in April some 40 people were killed in an accident near Sukkur when their bus collided with a trailer. Closer to Karachi, another collision between a bus and an oil tanker last year led to 35 people being incinerated in Hub district. In each case, the death toll was dreadfully high, and the nature of the collisions strikingly similar.

The myriad hazards that lead to accidents of such horrific scope remain unaddressed, while all that the grieving families of the victims are left to deal with is a bland form of fatalism. Far too many hazards are allowed to persist in the road transport sector. The state of the roads is appalling and traffic rules poorly conceived and even more inadequately enforced. Drivers are untrained and not sensitised to the need to protect the precious lives entrusted to their care. Buses are packed beyond capacity and built to prevent any escape in the event of an emergency, while fuel tanks are loosely assembled. In the case of the Hub accident, for instance, the bus in question was carrying jerry cans full of smuggled fuel from Iran on its roof. In the most recent accident, the CNG cylinders on the vehicle’s roof exploded, causing the inferno.

To top it off, no proper emergency response system is in place. High-level responsibility needs to be fixed, starting with the provincial transport minister, Mir Mumtaz Hussain Jhakrani, and the secretary transport, Tuaha Ahmed Farooqui. It is too easy to blame the driver especially when the frequency of such accidents makes clear that far more than the carelessness of those driving the vehicle is at play. The roads are hazardous, and the transport sector has been left to its own devices. The provincial government needs to wake up to its responsibility in this area, and it must start by holding those at the top accountable for their lapses.

Monumental courage

TO dwell upon what must have gone through the minds of those connected with Peshawar’s Army Public School, when it reopened yesterday, less than a month after the grotesque Dec 16 massacre, is to be overtaken simultaneously by apprehension and awe. The former sentiment stems from reasons that are obvious, but it is the latter that dominates because of the immense courage and fortitude shown by the staff, parent body and especially the students of the school.

The horror these premises saw was too much, and took place too recently; too many spoke silently by their absence. Those who had to make such a difficult decision can be offered only the empathy of a nation in mourning, for perhaps there was never really a choice when it came to reopening the school: the darkness that seeks to overcome the country has to be resisted in every way possible — sadly enough, regardless of the enormous personal cost extracted.

The army chief, Gen Raheel Sharif, was correct in showing support by visiting the school on the day it reopened, but it is the prime minister who should have been present. It is reasonable to expect the head of government to concern himself with such an event, not for the optics or reasons of politics but out of genuine emotion. Yet, unfortunately, in this country such hopes often turn out to be in vain.

Now that the school’s administration and student body have signalled their desire to turn towards the future, it behoves the government, the army and the polity at large to provide all the help possible. Most obviously and crucially, there is the need to make available teams of professionals who are easily accessible and can help in grief counselling and countering the effects of conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder. In the wake of an atrocity of such scale, it is hard enough to imagine adults finding coping mechanisms; for children this appears almost impossible. If the state is committed to its promises of saving the future of the country ie its children, then this would be a good place to start. The school administration, on its part, can consider methods of catharsis too, one example being the conversion of the auditorium, the main venue of the killings and which has been cordoned off, into a memorial.

Meanwhile, in Peshawar and elsewhere, there is the need for the state to more urgently start beefing up security and step up coordination on gathering intelligence. Educational institutions have been asked to tighten protocols, and they must surely do that. But it is for the government to aggressively counter the central problem: the hydra-headed monster of militancy. The words that spring to mind come from Pakistan-born British author Nadeem Aslam: “Pakistan produces people of extraordinary bravery. But no nation should ever require its citizens to be that brave.”

Fisheries threatened

OWING primarily to overfishing, not only is the long-term stability of the fisheries industry under threat, species once found in plenty in Pakistan’s coastal waters may soon become a rarity. As reported in this paper, lobster fisheries along the Sindh and Balochistan coasts are on the verge of collapse, while matters also do not look good where other marine species, such as fish and shrimp, are concerned. Along with overfishing, the use of illegal small-sized nets has also jeopardised the fishing trade, as these nets scoop up nearly everything — including juvenile fish — from the depths of the sea. Reportedly, most of the catch that reaches the harbour in Karachi consists of juvenile fish. This ‘trash fish’ yields a lower price in the market, while the process also disturbs the natural reproductive cycle of marine life. Huge foreign trawlers fishing illegally in Pakistan’s waters have also decimated fish stocks.

To protect the fisheries industry and to maintain the ecological balance, a sustainable fisheries policy needs to be implemented. A crackdown is required against destructive illegal nets that — despite being outlawed — are still in widespread use. Better policing of the coastline and territorial waters is also required in order to keep a check on illegal vessels. It must also be ensured that fish, shrimp and lobsters are not caught during their respective breeding seasons; unless the stocks are allowed to be replenished, there is little hope for the future availability of many marine species in our waters. Fishermen need to be consulted and alternative means of livelihood suggested during the periods the ban on fishing is enforced. The choice is between the stakeholders coming up with a sustainable and fair fisheries policy and the seafood industry in Pakistan being prepared for its eventual demise. Unless the fisheries sector is regulated with input from all stakeholders, including fishermen and experts, and policy decisions are firmly implemented, we risk destroying rich marine life and countless livelihoods due to unsustainable practices.

Published in Dawn, January 13th, 2015.

Military operation costs

THE finance minister has disclosed that an incremental expenditure of at least Rs110bn will be required this fiscal year to meet the expenses arising from the military’s Operation Zarb-i-Azb under way in North Waziristan and its larger fallout.

Of this, he says, Rs75bn will be used for the operation and Rs35bn for IDPs, which presumably includes the cost of reconstruction in populated areas that have been destroyed by the bombing. This is an out-of-budget expense, meaning it was not programmed into the expenditure plan in June 2014. The fiscal deficit target, already under pressure from declining revenues, will probably need to be revised upwards, with commitments to the IMF and implications for the fiscal framework, and other areas of the budget from where resources will have to be freed up to pay for this incremental expenditure.

But the finance minister must try and obtain greater disclosures from the military about how this money is being spent, even if those numbers are not to be made public. The government can afford this expense given the nature of the threat, but since it has ramifications for other areas of the budget, and because it is an off-budget item, it is important that there be at least some oversight to ensure that it is being spent wisely. The figure appears to suggest that the military operation may be larger than what we have been led to believe, both in its present execution as well as its future scope. Reportedly, two divisions are involved in the operation, and if their expenses can add up to such a huge sum then it is essential for the government to raise the right questions regarding these expenditures. If the costs of mobilising a small number of divisions can escalate so rapidly, then one wonders what the expenses would be in the event of a larger conflict, and how far the fiscal framework can sustain them. It is hoped that our rulers will focus on these concerns as they proceed with their plans.

Kerry’s visit

CONTINUING the recent trend of workmanlike and somewhat productive meetings between Pakistani and US officials, US Secretary of State John Kerry’s visit to Islamabad has gone off smoothly. There were no histrionics, no surprises and, thankfully, no American demands for Pakistan to ‘do more’.

The two countries appear to have found a recipe for relatively stable relations: focus on security matters; keep American aid — military and civilian — flowing; and recognise the economic importance of the relationship in terms of Pakistani exports to the US and American influence over IFIs that Pakistan is indebted to. In Islamabad this week, that three-part recipe was again in evidence as America’s top diplomat met the senior political and military leadership here. While the civil-military imbalance in Pakistan may have worsened, at least both sides appear to be on the same page when it comes to keeping ties with the US stable and productive. Also continuing the trend established in recent interactions between senior Pakistani and American leaders was the focus on two countries in particular: Afghanistan and India.

On Afghanistan, with the US having a significantly different military mission there beginning this year, Washington appears keen to nudge the Pakistani and Afghan states closer and to ramp up the bilateral relationship. This makes sense for it is Pakistan and Afghanistan that must directly bear the consequences of each other’s security decisions and so routing substantive relations through a distant superpower is not necessarily the desirable formula. However, given the long-running divergences in the security interests of the two countries (as articulated by the Afghan and Pakistani security establishments) and the old suspicions that plague the bilateral relationship, an American role is necessary to try and make the most of the new beginning that the post-Karzai era in Afghanistan and the Pakistani military operation in North Waziristan may represent.

Surely, reconciliation between the Afghan government and the Afghan Taliban and the bi-directional cross-border militancy problem should be at the top of the security agenda and it is there that a delicate three-way dance between Afghanistan, Pakistan and the US will have to play out if results are to be achieved. While the US does appear interested in actively working on the Pak-Afghan relationship, it appears far cooler to the idea of intervening in the Pak-India relationship.

From army chief Gen Raheel Sharif’s visit to the US late last year to the Prime Minister’s Adviser on Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz, Pakistani officials have tried to nudge the US into suggesting to India that now is not the time to stoke tensions on Pakistan’s eastern border, given the internal fight against militancy here. But thus far the US appears unwilling to do more than offer carefully worded phrases of support for stable Pak-India ties. That is not enough, as surely the American side must know.

Problematic security

THE latest announcements on the subject of school security display a breathtaking lack of sagacity. On Monday, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Sindh governments disclosed further measures they intend to take in order to beef up security at educational institutions in the wake of last month’s devastating attack on Peshawar’s Army Public School. It seems that the KP government has decided to allow employees of all educational institutions to carry licensed arms on the premises.

According to the provincial information minister, Mushtaq Ahmad Ghani, the move will allow teachers and other staff members to engage the attackers for the “initial five to 10 minutes” before law-enforcement personnel reach the spot. On the other hand, in Sindh a high-level security review meeting resolved to ban the use of mobile phones in all educational institutions during teaching hours since the devices afford room for “unchecked communication”. The latter piece of absurdity can perhaps be dismissed not just because mobile phones are now ubiquitous and indispensable, but also because such a decision would be near impossible to implement. The question to be asked of the Sindh authorities is whether, by raising the issue of “unchecked communication”, they are implying that an attack on an educational institution may involve inside help. And if that is the case, where is the effort to identify and de-radicalise such individuals?

The move in KP, however, deserves outright castigation. Leave aside the folly of expecting the employees of educational institutions to act as the first line of defence in case of an attack. Leave aside even the fact that weapons and the violence that they lead to are anathema to places of learning. Consider simply the numerous scenarios in which such a move could go horribly wrong — weapons in the hands of untrained and apprehensive chowkidars; guns being misued or misappropriated; or, terrifying, a potential assailant having easy access to the weapons.

Consider just the fact that the answer to solving the conundrum of a heavily weaponised and violent society does not lie in adding more guns to the mix. No doubt, it is important to boost security at our schools, but this is a deeply irresponsible way to go about it. Taken together, these decisions run the gamut between idiocy and serious hazard. If this is the best that the two provinces can do in the face of an implacable enemy, there is much to worry about.

Published in Dawn January 14th, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Recourse to encounters

Apart from the presence of religious and sectarian extremists, Karachi’s law and order situation is also jeopardised by political and ethnic militants, as well as criminal gangs. But while the city’s crime and militancy problems are indeed major and require effective approaches to tackle them, the answer certainly does not lie in relying on extrajudicial methods to address the violence. Of late, there has been an uptick in the number of alleged encounters and extrajudicial killings in the city.

The MQM cried foul when a party member died in police custody on Jan 10. While police claimed the man was in possession of an illegal weapon and had confessed to several murders, other reports indicated that the individual was tortured in custody. Following the man’s death, party leaders said the Muttahida was being targeted both by religious extremists and the security establishment, while the MQM shut down the city on Sunday in protest. Around the same time as the custodial death, the bodies of three MQM supporters were discovered on the outskirts of the metropolis bearing torture marks. Meanwhile, several suspected religious militants have been gunned down in alleged encounters over the past few days. Two suspects with reported links to Al Qaeda and the banned TTP were killed by police on Tuesday, while two individuals allegedly belonging to militant groups were also shot a day earlier.

It is not only political parties that are complaining about the extrajudicial deaths of their workers; civil society activists have also raised concerns about the all-too-frequent encounters in Karachi. Supporters of Sindhi and Baloch nationalist groups have also been targeted. It appears likely that some within the law-enforcement apparatus are using the cover of anti-militancy operations to settle scores and eliminate suspects by circumventing the criminal justice system.

Yet in a civilised, democratic society there is simply no room for extralegal methods. Especially now, with the creation of military courts — despite their drawbacks — the law-enforcement agencies have no excuse to skip the investigation and prosecution process and play executioner. The criminal justice system surely needs a massive overhaul, while militancy in Karachi must be addressed through firm action. But neither of these realities can justify extrajudicial killings. The authorities need to fix the investigation and prosecution systems, at the same time making it clear to law enforcers that no extralegal methods will be tolerated when it comes to dealing with militancy and crime.

Confrontation again

It proved to be the shortest of hiatuses. Even in the immediate aftermath of the Peshawar school carnage, there were questions about just how long the pause in the long-running feud between the PML-N and PTI/PAT could last.

Now, the country knows the answer: less than a month. When the PTI unilaterally called off its anti-government protests, the rulers had an opportunity to end the long-running crisis by constituting a high-powered commission to investigate PTI allegations of fraud and malfeasance in the May 2013 general election. But the PML-N did not take the initiative and soon enough the quarrelling restarted. The PTI claimed the PML-N was reneging on its promises; the PML-N claimed the PTI kept shifting the goalposts and expanding its demands. Neither side seemed particularly concerned that the most urgent issue — developing a coherent, workable plan to combat militancy and extremism — was suffering as a result of the squabbling.

It was also only a matter of time before the supporting cast also became involved. Sure enough, and seemingly on cue, the PAT has announced that it will restart its own protests against the government a day before the PTI will re-congregate near Constitution Avenue in Islamabad. At this point, six months since the PTI and PAT launched their Islamabad campaign to oust the government, there is little new to be said about the individual culpability of the major protagonists. By now, the PML-N should have notified the formation of a high-powered commission to investigate alleged electoral fraud in May 2013 and completed the process of electoral reforms. That neither of those steps has been taken is the result of the PML-N’s recalcitrance.

What after all could the PTI’s legitimate complaints be had a high-powered, manifestly independent and substantively empowered investigation commission been formed by the government? Surely, pressure would be on the PTI to accept such a commission and not insist on its own tailored version of one. Similarly, the process of electoral reforms did not have to become an issue to be sorted out privately between the PML-N and the PTI and could have been entrusted to parliament in substance and not only in form.

Yet, for all the PML-N does wrong, the PTI manages to set new lows in terms of a focus on the parochial. Post-Peshawar, the PTI could have used its demonstrable ability to shape the national political discourse to focus on the militancy threat. Instead, the party appears to have chosen to do the bare minimum — support military courts, make perfunctory suggestions to improve security in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — and then immediately return to its politics of protest. When more was needed and expected, the PTI once again has chosen to disappoint and under-deliver. It is a vain hope that the imminent return to the politics of confrontation will be brief.

Merkel’s resolve

IT may not have had the dimensions of Sunday’s Paris march, but Tuesday’s rally in Berlin symbolised the German leadership’s determination to preserve the country’s multicultural character in the face of a rising wave of xenophobia, a large part of it in reaction to acts of terrorism carried out in the name of Islam. While President Joachim Gauck said Germany had become more diverse “religiously, culturally and mentally”, Chancellor Angela Merkel pledged to use “all the means at our disposal” to combat intolerance. The challenge before the Merkel government shouldn’t be underestimated. Home to four million Muslims, mostly Turkish immigrants, Germany has been witnessing a growth in support for extremist groups many of whom have been mobilising people against the government’s immigration policy; some groups display their Islamophobia openly. The most notorious of them is Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the West, which on Monday organised a rally in Dresden. Another anti-immigrant group gaining attention is Alternative for Germany. Both are anti-Muslim and demand stricter immigration and asylum policies. The Dresden marchers carried Chancellor Merkel’s doctored pictures showing her wearing a scarf. Fortunately, rallies in other cities have drawn fewer participants.

There can be no doubt that murderous attacks such as the Charlie Hebdo killings only strengthen anti-Muslim lobbies worldwide, creating difficulties for those who believe in tolerance and pluralism. While the far right in the West is in a minority, many among the majority do listen to what it has to say when terrorists spill innocent blood. The killers should know that whether it is 9/11, the London bombings, the Mumbai attack or Paris, the losers are Muslims worldwide, especially those who have made the West their home and want to live in peace. Chancellor Merkel has made no secret of her determination to take on the extremists, and declared at Tuesday’s rally that “xenophobia, racism, extremism, have no place” in Germany. Hopefully Muslim community leaders in the West will support the chancellor’s inclusive stance — whether in the fight against European xenophobia or Islamist militancy.

Published in Dawn, January 15th, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Militants in Punjab

LONG in denial about Punjab’s militancy problem, the PML-N appears to finally be waking up to the dangers in its home province. On Wednesday, Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan briefed the prime minister on steps taken under the National Action Plan against militant groups and extremists operating in Punjab and even the scant details offered to the media make for sober reading: 14,000 individuals hauled up for investigation; 341 allegedly involved in hate speech; 1,100 warned for misuse of loudspeakers; and 41 shops closed for distributing hate material. Those numbers though surely represent only a fraction of the militancy and extremism in Punjab. Consider just a few factors: the population of Punjab is in the region of 100 million; the province has a vast mosque-madressah-social welfare network operated by multiple groups — some of them household names, others unheard of outside the sub-regions of Punjab; and virtually nothing has been done in over a decade to clamp down on extremist and militant outfits in the province. That is perhaps why the number of proscribed groups operating in the province has soared to 95, according to the interior minister’s presentation to the prime minister on Wednesday. However, for all the attempts by the PML-N leadership to get serious about problems in its home province, the revelations by the interior minister indicate a continuing unwillingness to be as forthright as possible.

Statistics are important, but should not be a substitute for meaningful details. To begin with, which groups comprise the proscribed 95? That number is well above the nationally proscribed 72 groups that the interior ministry itself has listed, so which are the additional groups active in Punjab? To expect the names of proscribed organisations to be shared is the bare minimum. Who are the leaders of these groups? Where do they operate? What is their reach? Who funds them? Which madressahs, mosques or religious networks are they tied to? What attacks have they carried out? And, perhaps most relevantly, what types of attacks are they suspected of planning? Worryingly none of these details were provided. That would inevitably lead to speculation about the true identities of the individuals targeted and whether the state is simply indulging in a cover-up.

Consider that according to the interior minister’s own claim, of the 14,000 individuals rounded up in Punjab since the NAP implementation has begun, a mere 780 have had some form of preliminary charges drawn up against them. What about the rest? Have they been wrongly scooped up? Where are they now? What about the hardcore terrorists and militants who do exist in Punjab — have they been allowed to slip out of the province undetected? Encouraging as it is that the PML-N is willing to acknowledge a militancy problem in Punjab, defeating the militant threat will require a great deal more transparency and determination by the state.

LG poll inaction

WHILE Balochistan is plodding along the path of establishing elected local governments, the other provinces, especially Sindh and Punjab, appear least interested in this essential component of the democratic project. As reported on Thursday, the Election Commission of Pakistan has set Jan 28 as the date for the election of Quetta’s mayor as well as the chairmen of local councils. The local polls’ process began in December 2013 and the elections on the 28th should bring the long-drawn exercise to a close. While Balochistan with all its security and political issues has gone ahead with the LG polls, it is indeed a matter of shame that more ‘stable’ provinces have shown little inclination to carry out the grass-roots democratic exercise. There is some encouraging news from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; delimitation has been done there and Imran Khan reportedly has said the polls will be held by April. Let us hope the PTI sticks to this latest deadline. However, where Sindh and Punjab are concerned, the situation remains bleak, despite demands — such as that of the opposition leader in the Sindh Assembly — to hold the polls without delay. For example, the ECP told the Supreme Court recently that it had not received the data from Sindh and Punjab that would allow it to delimit wards. Despite the apex court’s pressure, both provinces have been slothful in completing the legal and procedural tasks required to pave the way for the polls.

This paper has said countless times that the provincial governments need to speed up the process and hold the polls without delay. Yet for some puzzling reason — perhaps fearing the loss of influence and control to elected local governments — provincial lawmakers have not been interested in holding LG polls. This attitude is highly undemocratic and is tantamount to denying the people elected representation at the local level. The lack of local governments adds to the people’s miseries, as citizens have to cut through much red tape just to secure basic civic services. Despite the sensitive law and order situation in the country, Sindh, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa need to move at full speed to prepare for the polls. Counterterrorism operations should not be used as an excuse to postpone polls indefinitely. If general elections can be held in a less than desirable atmosphere where law and order are concerned, there is no reason to block local polls in the current circumstances.

School van hazards

IT is unfortunate that the general lack of humane values in our society should also manifest itself in the manner in which children go to school and return. Packed like sardines in a four-wheeler that is unfit to be called a school bus, the children are without a chaperon who could ensure their safe journey and return. A common sight is students standing precariously on the footboard, highlighting the indifference of school managements and education authorities to students’ lives and limbs. As an ad published in yesterday’s issue of this paper shows, the Sindh government appears solely concerned with security matters and is oblivious to the hazards of students’ transportation.

Developed countries have strict rules regarding school buses to ensure children’s safety. Invariably, school buses have a standardised body and colour so that they can be spotted, and traffic rules provide for all motorists to observe certain norms when a school bus is stationary, when it is in motion and when children are boarding or alighting. These are followed strictly, and tests for driving licences include questions on safety regulations regarding school buses. There are websites which inform parents about possible changes in the pick and drop schedule due to the weather, and companies which run school bus services require a parent to be present at the appointed place to receive his/her ward. Besides, there are meetings between parents, teachers and bus operators to discuss safety concerns.

It is time the provincial transport department updated the rules regarding school buses to make the system more humane and compatible with life in many of our bustling cities where traffic discipline hardly exists. To begin with it is not vans but buses that should carry students, and the law must make it compulsory for every school to provide a chaperon with every bus to keep a meticulous record, including the time when a student is finally home. Above all, motorists, pedestrians and society itself need to change their attitude towards the young and vulnerable.

Published in Dawn, January 16th, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Detection of terror funds

THE Senate finance committee was told by a State Bank delegation led by the governor that only 34 cases of suspicious transactions were proceeded against in the past five years, while 5,775 Suspicious Transaction Reports, or STRs, were filed in the same period. This is an abysmally low figure and underscores the strong need to strengthen efforts to intercept terror financing.

A new bill is being debated in the Senate to amend the Anti Money Laundering Act 2010 which dilates significantly on the definition of funds considered suspicious in connection with militancy. This is a good start, but in order for efforts aimed at intercepting terror financing to bear fruit, much more will need to be done to boost the detection of these funds in the first place. Without stronger detection, there is little point in strengthening the powers of investigation and prosecution, which is where the bulk of the bill`s emphasis lies.

Banks must play an important role in detecting funds connected with terrorist activity, but banks cannot undertake the challenge on their own. Banks need to know what they are looking for when told to track fund flows and look for tell-tale signs of connections to terrorist activity. To do this, they need some idea of the geography of fund flows and a database of names and entities that are on a watch list, no matter how long the latter may be. Both these elements need to be updated in real time. Currently, the regulations to AMLA 2010 contain guidelines only for detecting money laundering, but very little for the detection of fund flows linked to terrorist activity. In light of the extremely poor track record of the Financial Monitoring Unit to facilitate the detection of funds connected to terrorist financing, there is clearly a need to update these guidelines and include more specific information on the form that fund flows connected with terrorism might take. This is a big task that cannot be left to the FMU and the banks to perform by themselves. The intelligence agencies and other law-enforcement bodies need to play a role in developing these guidelines.

Once detection has been strengthened, the next question to address is the speed with which suspicious funds can be frozen. Currently, AMLA 2010 stipulates a seven-day limit within which suspicious activity must be reported, though in reality STRs can take years before landing on the desk of an investigating officer. With strong guidelines, and stronger compliance requirements for banks, freezing of the funds can come much earlier than it does at the moment. These are the first steps involved in apprehending terrorist facilitators who, contrary to popular belief, actually do use formal banking channels on many occasions. Terrorism cannot be defeated if its facilitators cannot be apprehended, and that cannot happen if the state cannot see them.

Price of free speech

WHILE the debate on the limits of free speech has always been pertinent in a globalised, interlinked and interracial world, it has assumed greater urgency in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo killings last week. Particularly so after the French satirical magazine’s latest edition once again included a depiction of the Prophet (PBUH). Pope Francis has also weighed in on the subject, saying that while murder `in the name of God is an absurdity`, freedom of speech should be tempered by respect for faith. Several Muslim countries have voiced disapproval of the latest affront to their beliefs. The massacre at Charlie Hebdo had given rise to expressions of unalloyed sympathy across the world, and rightly so, for no matter what the provocation, settling scores through violence is never justified. From that sympathy, a unity of narrative transcending divisions of faith, ethnicity and nationality had emerged. This is a critical element in fighting the multi-dimensional scourge of religious extremism on a global scale, and it was perhaps that realisation which prompted President François Hollande to publicly acknowledge the fact that Muslims themselves are `the main victims of fanaticism, fundamentalism and intolerance`. The statement, similar to the stance taken recently by German Chancellor Angela Merkel, is especially significant against the backdrop of worrying xenophobic trends in Europe.

A refusal to cave in to threats of violence can be deemed courageous, but the situation in this instance demands a more nuanced view. Charlie Hebdo`s journalists, by re-offending, have opted for a narrow, parochial response instead of seeing resistance to extremist elements as a battle in a much bigger war. As a result, the narrative against extremism has once more become fragmented, skewed towards the acts that insult faith, rather than the actions that violate the norms of all faiths, in this case murder in the name of religion. Such a climate is conducive for voices on the margins to stir the cauldron of hate anew. Their impact is already being felt on the streets of Karachi with violent protests against the new cartoons. Further afield, the lives of millions of peaceful, law-abiding Muslims across the world will become more precarious at the hands of those who conflate Islam with Islamist militancy. Perhaps it is time for world leaders to come together and shape this debate along rational and non-discriminatory lines with a view to the long-term implications of unbridled free speech.

ODI retirements

TWO of Pakistan`s favourite sportsmen Misbah-ul-Haq and Shahid Afridi have decided to retire from ODI matches after next month`s ICC Cricket World Cup scheduled to be held in Australia and New Zealand. The two cricketing stalwarts, who have served the game in Pakistan with distinction over the years, have expressed their resolve to perform their best at the upcoming event in order to make it a memorable departure. However, Misbah will continue to lead Pakistan in the Test matches while Afridi has been named captain for the 2016 T20 World Cup and intends to concentrate his energies on that event which will be held in India. The announcements, though very much on the cards, have rocked Pakistan cricket especially as there are no immediate replacements in sight of those who could be termed as natural successors of the two. However, it has triggered a lively debate regarding the nomination of a possible candidate to lead Pakistan in the ODIs after the World Cup.

Interestingly, the other senior player in the team Younis Khan has made it evident that he has no immediate plans to hang up his boots where ODIs are concerned like his two other colleagues. But whether or not the Pakistan Cricket Board hands him the mantle, or, with an eye on the future, appoints a youngster to lead the team remains to be seen. The names of talented youngsters including opener Ahmed Shehzad, Sohaib Maqsood, Fawad Alam and Asad Shafiq are being discussed in cricketing circles for the coveted position, but since they have not led Pakistan at the international level, their leadership skills remain untested. Besides Misbah and Afridi, Sri Lanka`s Mahela Jayawardene and Kumar Sangakkara have also announced their retirement once the World Cup is over. Some other international players who are likely to call it a day after the extravaganza include Chris Gayle of the West Indies, New Zealand`s Daniel Vettori and Brendon McCullum and Robin Peterson of South Africa.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Safety of media persons

IN Pakistan, media personnel often have to carry out their duties in an extremely volatile and dangerous atmosphere. It is not just active conflict zones; cities can also become highly unstable, prone to acts of terrorism, riots or other disturbances. Hence journalists must act with alacrity and caution, balancing their professional duties with awareness about when to pull back should things spiral out of control. While numerous journalists have been killed for carrying out their duties in Pakistan over the years, the threats media persons face while covering live events are also a matter of concern. In this regard, it is a relief that a photojournalist associated with French news agency AFP is in stable condition now.

Asif Hassan was shot on Friday in Karachi as a clash broke out between the police and supporters of the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba; the latter were marching on the French consulate in protest against the controversial caricatures published recently. It is unclear who shot the photographer, as in such situations it is difficult to affix responsibility without a proper investigation. But irrespective of who is responsible, the incident highlights the threats journalists face while working in the field, as well as what can be done to minimise these hazards.

Firstly, it is clear that the onus is on the media organisations — both foreign and local — to ensure their employees have the protective gear and training necessary to deal with covering conflict situations. For example, while covering riots or protests, flak jackets need to be worn, while emergency response training must also be given to journalists working in the field. Also, while equipment is usually insured, those operating it are mostly not, which needs to change. While foreign media outlets are generally more responsible when it comes to sensitising employees about safety protocols, most local organisations need to do much more. Getting the story is important, but much more so is the safety of media personnel. This is a message media organisations need to clearly communicate to their workers.

Problematic penalty

WHEN an ambulance carrying the body of a Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan militant hanged in Karachi Central Prison is showered with rose petals by well-wishers — as pictured in this newspaper on Friday — it demonstrates how problematic the death penalty is in religiously inspired militancy and terrorism cases. It clearly cannot be a deterrent for terrorists whose very missions either involve blowing themselves up or launching attacks in which death is a likely outcome. Moreover, the hangings may only be inspiring other would-be militants given the faux martyr status bestowed by a certain fringe section of society upon those executed. All that the hangings have achieved so far is feed a growing appetite in society for vengeance rather than justice — turning an already wounded populace into cheerleaders of death.

More broadly, the question that is still unanswered is, what of the government’s National Action Plan and the range of other measures the government is meant to take to combat extremism and dismantle terrorist groups operating on Pakistani soil? Some initial steps have been taken, but nothing close to a coherent strategy has emerged yet and the government, for all its meetings and press releases, does not appear to have the will or the capacity to develop one. Where there has been movement, it appears to occur largely because of the military’s initiative or insistence that the civilian-run side of the state take certain steps.

Surely, though, a militarised strategy to fight militancy and extremism cannot be a winning strategy. The PML-N government may have only reluctantly, and very belatedly, tried to own the fight against militancy, but being in charge of two governments — in Punjab and the centre — means the party leadership must play a central role. Where is the PML-N lacking? In nearly every department, starting from the interior ministry, which is still in the hands of a minister who fruitlessly pursued peace talks with the very same militants that the ministry must now take the fight to. The unwieldy committee approach to taking on militancy is another problem, with bureaucrats having an unhealthily large presence in many committees that could do with subject-specific expertise. Why, for example, is the police leadership so under-represented in the multiple committees that the PML-N has created? There is still time to correct course, beginning with admitting that execution is no answer and what the government really needs to do is speed up other aspects of the fight against terrorism.

Out of fuel

Faced with a crisis in fuel supply, the government decided last night to shoot the messenger and suspend four officials from the bureaucracy, leaving ministers untouched. The minister for petroleum escaped accountability after telling the Senate and later the media that the shortages are the result of a spike in demand because of the downward revision in prices, as well as a partial shutdown at Parco, the country’s largest refinery. Ogra, the regulator for the oil and gas sector, placed the emphasis elsewhere, saying that the crisis is due in part to the rise in demand, and also to the unwillingness of oil marketing companies to maintain stocks to help tide over temporary difficulties.

Meanwhile, the finance secretary told the Senate that the circular debt was the main reason, because of which PSO could not arrange the funds to pay its creditors and thus found itself unplugged from its lines of credit. So which of all these is it? Common sense says all these factors must have played a role, but the evidence says it was mismanagement of the circular debt, which caused a severe crisis of liquidity in the country’s largest oil importing company — PSO — which was the primary cause. The unexpected surge in demand could certainly have aggravated the problem, but the figure given for the size of this surge — 23pc — cannot justify the complete closure of pumps across Punjab and parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

A string of defaults on its payments for oil imports at PSO begins on Nov 28 and escalates rapidly to Rs46bn in a week’s time. The company began sounding the alarm as early as Dec 24 raising the spectre of “an imminent supply chain breakdown”. Today government ministers and functionaries are searching for all sorts of excuses that absolve the government of responsibility in the creation of this mess, while heads roll in the wrong quarters, and different departments give us different ideas of how long it will take for the situation to normalise. They have offered excuses before the Senate, on media talk shows and at press conferences that say everything, other than stating the plain fact that we are in this mess because they have failed to manage the circular debt, in cause and consequence.

This circus must end. In large part, the crisis is also the result of the heavy centralisation of all decision-making in the hands of a very small number of individuals, which is the hallmark of this government’s style. Evidence is in the fact that when the crisis is at its peak, both the prime minister and the finance minister, widely understood to hold key decisions in their own hands, are both out of the country, while the government clutches at straws to explain itself. The situation is serious, and demands a mature response.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Ban on militant groups

IN the long, convoluted history of the Pakistani state banning militant groups, the present episode may be the most mysterious: a US government spokesperson has publicly and explicitly welcomed a decision by Pakistan to ban several more militant groups, even though absolutely no one in government here has made any such announcement. If US State Department Deputy Spokesperson Marie Harf`s assertion in a news briefing on Friday proves true `We welcome [the decision] to outlaw the Haqqani network, Jamaatud Dawa, and I think about 10 other organisations linked to violent extremism,` Ms Harf is quoted as saying it would demonstrate that the bad old days of Pakistani leaders treating external powers as more relevant and important in matters of national security than, say, the Pakistani public or parliament have never really gone away. Even more problematically, the latest move if, indeed, it is announced soon, as Ms Harf has claimed it will be would bolster the perception that Pakistan is fighting militancy at the behest of others, especially the US, and not because this is a war that this country must fight and win for its own survival.

There is no doubt that the Pakistani state needs to do more against a much wider spectrum of militant and extremist groups operating its soil. Focusing on simply the so-called anti-Pakistan militant networks such as the TTP will only produce medium-term results, perhaps, but guarantees long-term failure in the fight against militancy. This is both because of the overlapping nature of militant groups operational, strategic and ideological and because a long-term future where the state is in competition with militias for predominance inside Pakistan is not a future that ought to be acceptable to anyone in this country. So yes, the Haqqani network needs to be banned as does the Jamaatud Dawa and sundry more names that may come to light soon. But without a zero-tolerance policy against militancy, there will be no winning strategy. Zero tolerance certainly does not mean simply military operations and heavy-handed counterterrorism measures in the urban areas; what it does suggest is a commitment to progressively disarm and dismantle militant groups and the wider extremist network that enables those groups to survive and thrive.

Of course, simply banning more groups will not mean much unless the previous bans are implemented, the new bans cover all incarnations of a militant group, and there are sustained efforts by the law-enforcement and intelligence apparatus to ensure banned organisations do not quietly regroup once the initial focus fades. That has never happened before. And the present is even more complicated. What will a ban on the Haqqani network mean in practice given that the major sanctuary in North Waziristan has already been disrupted by Operation Zarb-e-Azb? What will banning the JuD mean for the Falahi Insaniyat Foundation? Will the government offer answers to anything?

Climate change

SUCH is the ferocious immediacy of the threat of terrorism that a whole host of other issues, some that may in the long term prove perhaps equally debilitating for the country, have ended up being pushed into the shadows. The battle against polio springs immediately to mind. Another such area is climate change, the effects of which are already being felt globally and which will have in the future a devastating effect on vulnerable terrains.

Unhappily, Pakistan joins several other developing countries in having done little to trigger climate change, but are likely to bear the brunt of the effects. This was pointed out yet again in Islamabad on Thursday, as members of the Parliamentary Task Force on Sustainable Development Goals attended a presentation on the issue.

They were told that Pakistan ranks 135th among carbon-emitting countries and contributes merely 0.8 per cent to global carbon emissions; nevertheless, it is still included in the eight countries most vulnerable to climate change. In the view of Dr Qamaruzzaman Chaudhry, a former director-general of the Meteorological Office and vice president of the World Meteorological Organisation, already `a considerable increase in intense floods, rains, extreme weather and other climatic changes has been noted in Pakistan.

This country is amongst the few developing nations with a ministry for climate change, and in 2013 launched its first national policy in this regard. On paper, this was a holistic plan, laying down policy measures for mitigation as well as adaptation for sectors that include energy, transport, agriculture and livestock, industries, forestry and water resources, etc. But, as always, it is in the phases of implementation and engagement that not enough will has been displayed. True, some effort has been made, such as the Punjab government offering farmers incentives to adapt to more sustainable and efficient methodologies, and the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government launching some reforestation drives. Some universities, too, have helped raise awareness about the effects of climate change and mitigation measures. But these have tended to be few and piecemeal, and a cohesive effort to concurrently take on all dimensions of the issue is hardly in evidence. The potential severity of the coming changes can be gauged from Dr Chaudhry`s warning that in the next 30 to 40 years, `there may be no more water in the River Indus because all the glaciers have melted.` Pakistan drags its heels over the matter at its own peril.

KASB depositors

IT has been two months since the State Bank of Pakistan moved to place a moratorium on KASB Bank, telling depositors that withdrawals beyond Rs300,000 would not be allowed for six months at least. The step created a fair amount of unease amongst other banks, but it was depositors who worried the most. Fortunately the episode did not have any spillover effects on the rest of the banking system and panicked withdrawals did not occur. In part this was because of a reassuring message put out by the SBP that the situation is temporary and withdrawals would be permitted soon. Given the Rs300,000 withdrawal limit, most retail depositors felt assured that the situation would normalise before they had exhausted this limit.

It has now been two months and the concern amongst retail depositors is growing. Businesses that maintained their accounts at KASB are now reduced to borrow to bridge the non-availability of those funds. Now that due diligence has begun for eventual sale of KASB, depositors further fear that they will be made to wait for the entire length of time it takes to sell the bank and merge its operations with those of the new buyer before they will be allowed to withdraw their funds. That means the wait could be a lot longer than what they had been prepared for. The State Bank needs to address the growing anxiety amongst the depositors that their funds will be safe and available for withdrawal within, if not sooner, than the stipulated six months. Safeguarding the interests of the large investors in KASB, as well as ensuring that it fetches as decent a price as possible given the circumstances, cannot be larger priorities than safeguarding the trust the depositors placed in the institution. The reputation of the entire banking industry in Pakistan could be adversely impacted if depositors` anxiety is not addressed. This would be a grave consequence, especially in light of the fact that there is no deposit insurance in Pakistan.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Fuelling controversy

A FLUSTERED and beleaguered finance minister suggested in his first public appearance since returning from his visit to Japan that the critical fuel shortages in Punjab might be a conspiracy against his government. On his part, the petroleum minister, who has been doing the rounds on TV since last week, blamed variously the finance ministry for not releasing funds in time to retire outstanding payments on oil imports, a spike in demand for oil, and refinery shutdowns. Four heads have already rolled, although none at the highest level. Meanwhile, consumers continue to throng the petrol pumps filling up small containers with tiny amounts of petrol as the fuel is rationed by pump owners, and a black market thrives. Of all the damaging attitudes to bring to the table at this juncture, none can be worse than casting the whole affair as a conspiracy against the government. Not everything that happens in the country is politically motivated.

The sequence of events that led up to the shortages is quite obvious by now, and it is disingenuous on the finance minister’s part to try and shrug off responsibility. It has been observed that most major decisions of this government are taken by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Finance Minister Ishaq Dar, who are often criticised for concentrating power in their own hands. Since a large part of the crisis grows out of the funding requirements of PSO, which found itself unplugged from its credit lines due to defaults in payments of furnace oil imports, at least some of the explaining must come from the finance ministry.

Managing the oil supply chain is tricky business and requires advance planning — especially since Karachi, where the imports land, has limited storage capacity for petrol. Managing the supplies becomes difficult if the company placing the order does not know whether it will have the funds to honour the payment, especially as suppliers are demanding money before a vessel is loaded. Vessels have transit time, berthing is often not available on demand, and discharging the fuel for upcountry transportation can take days. It becomes impossible to manage such a supply chain if one doesn’t know when the necessary funds to make payments will be available.

As a result, oil supplies are routinely being arranged through short-term emergency measures for every vessel, which brings additional costs as well as delays in berthing and discharging of the fuel. The government will need to take a serious look at how it is running things for a more mature answer to why this situation arose in the first place. Over-centralisation of decision-making in the hands of a small group of individuals, coupled with inept management of the consequences growing out of the circular debt, has created this crisis. Resorting to conspiracy theories must be avoided.

PTI’s new direction

THE party was voted to power in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in May 2013, but at long last the PTI appears to be turning its attention to the very thing it was elected to do: govern.

Imran Khan’s so-called dharna convention in Islamabad on Sunday produced a surprise — and a pleasant one for a change. Instead of threatening the PML-N with further strife and more street protests, the PTI chief chose to focus on governance, reforms and service delivery in KP. And not a moment too soon. Hearing Mr Khan talk about education, health and the environment harkened back to seemingly another era when the PTI focused on real issues and talked in a language that the voter could connect with.

Missing though was the substance: no implementation timelines and concrete plans beyond a seemingly unrealistic and facile target of planting a billion tree saplings in the province was offered by Mr Khan. However, if the PTI is in fact serious, the opportunities are near limitless. No province has really managed to take on the raft of new responsibilities that devolution under the 18th Amendment has created, and no province has attempted to tie local governments to a developmental, people-orientated focus.

In KP that laudable goal would be complicated by needing to stay simultaneously focused on the fight against militancy. Daunting as the challenge that the PTI has laid for itself is, Mr Khan’s announcement has in a way also thrown down the gauntlet to the PML-N. It was after all the PTI chief who has been accused over much of the last year of being unreasonable and unwilling to hew to the logic of democratic politics. But Mr Khan has now proved on several occasions that he is able to back down for the greater good. First, he abandoned his demand that the prime minister resign to allow a high-powered commission to inquire into alleged electoral fraud on May 2013 — after it had become clear that that precondition was an insurmountable hurdle in any deal. Then, after the Peshawar attack occurred, Mr Khan again stood down, bowing to the logic of the need for a national consensus to fight militancy.

Now, even though the PML-N has yet to constitute the commission it once more pledged it would after the Peshawar attack, Mr Khan has turned his focus to governance issues in KP. Can the PML-N learn something from Mr Khan and do the right thing by forming the commission it has long promised?

PIA’s Delhi office

WHENEVER ties sour between Pakistan and India, people-to-people contact is the first casualty. It is a matter of concern for all those who desire friendship and harmony between the two neighbours that the Indian government has asked PIA to vacate its offices in Delhi. As reported on Monday, the Indian authorities have apparently caught the flag carrier out on a technicality. India’s Directorate of Enforcement has asked PIA to “dispose of” its real estate in Delhi as its purchase was “unauthorised”. Also, the carrier’s staffers in the Indian capital are facing problems in extending their visas. If the Indian authorities feel there are genuine legal issues with PIA’s real estate purchases, it is difficult to comprehend why the issue has been raised nearly a decade after the properties were acquired. Assuming that the Indian government is right on a point of technicality, we must nonetheless accept that when it comes to Indo-Pak relations, there are more than just legal or administrative details involved — there is always a deeper context, one that is completely political. Whether it is the case of the reopening of Pakistan’s consulate in Mumbai, the suspension of Indian carriers’ flights to Pakistan or even the closure of the Indian consulate in Karachi, it is politics on both sides that mostly guides such decisions.

Relations between the states have of course been frosty ever since the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Yet India’s establishment has adopted a more aggressive posture after Narendra Modi’s coming to power last year. PIA’s flights to India are now the only direct air links between the two states. Should this vital link be broken, travellers from either country wishing to visit the other by air will have to take a cumbersome, expensive detour through a third country. Pakistan’s high commissioner in Delhi has said the issue has been taken up with the Indian authorities. We hope it is resolved at the earliest. The people of South Asia deserve a better future based on friendship; for that to happen, the communication lines must be kept open.

Published in Dawn, January 20th, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Extremism danger

THE focus on the fight against terrorism by the military and other security forces tends to overshadow another crucial aspect of the war: the need to clamp down on those individuals, institutions and groups that promote extremist religious thought in the first place. So while the stepped-up military operation in the northwest is a reminder of the consensus against terrorism that was formed in the aftermath of the Peshawar school attack last month, more action is still needed against those who promote divisiveness and hate. In this context, it is a welcome sign that some action is now being taken in towns and cities, and the government is finally waking up to the fact that a large number of mosques use the pulpit to preach their narrative of extremism and intolerance. Resultantly, the past month has seen a number of news items about clerics and prayer leaders being booked for contravening the amplifier act, or the rule that mosque public address systems be used for nothing but the call to prayer and the Friday sermon.

Many people have been booked and shops have been shut down over the dissemination of extremist ideas. For instance, it was reported yesterday that over the preceding two days, the Islamabad Capital Territory police had booked 12 prayer leaders for violating the loudspeaker ban. Before that, as many other clerics, including the deputy prayer leader of Islamabad’s Lal Masjid, were booked for the same transgression. But despite these measures, it is pertinent — indeed, imperative — to ask the government about its long-term plan. Being ‘booked’ refers merely to the registration of a complaint; over the weeks past, dozens of people have been booked. Are investigations under way? Is the government hoping to arrest the thousands who promote extremism and put them behind bars? Or is this just a cosmetic procedure aimed at mollifying those who have directly or indirectly suffered over the years at the hands of extremists? If the fight against extremism is to have any chance of success, it must be multipronged and above all, well-thought-out and cohesive.

Efforts such as those outlined above are indeed a first step, but no more than that. They need to be buttressed by a long-term plan and strong measures to counter the poisonous narrative of the extremists, who must be isolated from those who preach peaceful religious values. Unfortunately, that is as yet not in evidence, notwithstanding the consensus against terrorism. Where is the effort to strengthen the judicial process, for example? To empower investigators and prosecutors and to protect judges and witnesses? In fact, to create a system that can deter the extremist mindset evident across the country? As the operation against the militants intensifies, radical mosques and seminaries will push back. The state must diversify its arsenal to take them on.

Iranian official’s visit

OVER the past few decades, the Iran-Pakistan relationship has seen its ups and downs. While there has been much talk of ‘warm, brotherly’ ties, suspicions and certain irritants have prevented the bilateral relationship from maturing beyond niceties. However, with regular engagements between officials from both sides, as well as the implementation of practical steps that can help alleviate concerns in both Tehran and Islamabad, bilateral ties can improve significantly. In this regard, the recent visit of Aaqai Ali Awsat Hashemi, the governor of the Iranian province of Sistan-Baluchestan, which borders Balochistan, to Pakistan, is a welcome development. Heading a delegation, Mr Hashemi visited Quetta and Karachi as both sides discussed a number of security and economic issues. It is significant that the official said that “non-state actors” were responsible for attacks on Iranian border posts. While smuggling, human trafficking and the illicit drug trade are major areas of concern, it is militancy in the border areas that has proven to be one of the major irritants souring bilateral relations.

Militancy is a problem on both sides of the border. Last year, Iranian border guards were kidnapped and allegedly brought to Pakistani territory. Iranian officials were then quoted as saying that they would pursue militants inside Pakistan, which certainly didn’t help matters. The death of a Pakistani FC trooper reportedly from cross-border shelling further vitiated the atmosphere. However, the engagements of officials from both sides indicate there is a will to resolve these contentious issues. Since terrorism is a common problem, Islamabad and Tehran must cooperate in order to neutralise insurgents working to destabilise both countries’ territory. As Pakistan carries out its crackdown against militancy, the ‘non-state actors’ pinpointed by the Iranians also need to be dealt with.

Not only do such elements destabilise Pakistan internally, they also make things difficult for the country by carrying out cross-border forays. Regular meetings between security officials can coordinate action against terrorists, drug smugglers as well as other criminals operating in the border area. It is hoped such official encounters continue and that both capitals work constructively to build on the relationship. Other than security concerns, trade also need to be focused on, as was highlighted in the recent meetings, while progress on the Iran-Pakistan pipeline would give bilateral relations an additional boost. And the proposed visit to Pakistan by President Hassan Rouhani, as indicated by the Sistan governor, would go a long way in improving ties.

Cricket record

THE world record-breaking century scored by South Africa’s ODI skipper AB de Villiers recently against the West Indies has left critics searching for superlatives and statisticians scratching their heads. Besides being a breathtaking spectacle for all those who had the privilege to witness it, De Villiers’ 31-ball century also underlined the remarkable change that the game of cricket has undergone since the advent of Twenty20 cricket. Ranked as the best batsman in world cricket today along with Sri Lanka’s Kumar Sangakkara, De Villiers plundered several records in his epic innings including that of the fastest half-century off just 16 balls and the most number of sixes (16) hit by a player in a single innings.

Back in 1996, when Pakistan’s dashing all-rounder Shahid Afridi had set the record for the fastest hundred off just 37 balls against Sri Lanka, the pundits believed the mark would never be eclipsed. However, with cricket’s shortest format of T20 gaining ground, it is no shock that Afridi’s world record has been bettered twice in the last 12 months — first by New Zealand’s Corey Anderson who scored a 36-ball hundred in January last year, also against the West Indies, and now by De Villiers. Such hitting and batting innovations are a far cry from the traditional format of the game which remains the Tests. In Test matches, which have been played for nearly 150 years now, the hallmark of a good batsman is his sound defence and wristy ground shots which were thrown out of the window by De Villiers last Sunday.

When the concept of limited-overs cricket first took shape in the early 1970s, it was disliked by the purists who dubbed it ‘slam-bang cricket’ or ‘the pyjama games’ due to its reckless brand and coloured clothing. However, those features are the highlights of today’s game of cricket and a sure-fire draw for crowds all over. Who knows, with the ICC World Cup 2015 just round the corner, there may well be another player waiting to upstage De Villiers.

Published in Dawn, January 21st, 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')

Foreign funding of militancy

IN order to effectively put militant groups out of business, it is essential to dry up their finances. Religiously-motivated militants do raise funds through local sources and criminal rackets, but foreign funding — particularly from Muslim states in the Middle East — is also a major source of cash. While the Gulf states are often cited as sources of militant funding, especially from private donors, it is extremely rare for government officials in Pakistan to openly identify any one of them. Hence, when Inter-Provincial Coordination Minister Riaz Pirzada named names at an event in Islamabad on Tuesday, eyebrows were certainly raised. The minister, though he claims he was quoted out of context, told a conclave that “Saudi money” had destabilised this country.

In fact, it has been largely established that Pakistan has been a conduit for funds destined for religiously inspired fighters for over three decades. In 1979, two monumental events took place in this region that forever altered the geopolitical calculus: the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Thereafter, funds flowed in freely from the United States, Saudi Arabia and others for the ‘mujahideen’ battling the Soviets across the border, while many Arab states — fearful of a revolutionary and explicitly Shia Iran — started to fund groups that could resist Tehran’s ideological influence in Muslim countries. Ever since, a jumble of jihadi and sectarian groups (of varying persuasions) has thrived in Pakistan, as the country became a proxy battlefield for Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as a front line of the last major battle of the Cold War. Since then, militancy has morphed out of control to such an extent that it now threatens the internal stability of this country; neutralising the myriad jihadi outfits has then become Pakistan’s number one security challenge.

While documentary evidence is often hard to come by, Gulf money has been linked to the promotion of militancy in many instances. There have been reports of Gulf funding for extremists in the Syrian conflict, while the WikiLeaks disclosures of 2009 also attributed comments to Hillary Clinton linking Saudi funds to militant groups. Another cable claimed donors in Saudi Arabia and the UAE were pumping millions into south Punjab, with much of these funds ending up in the hands of jihadis. Even Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan admitted recently in a written reply to a question in the Senate that madressahs were receiving funding from “Muslim countries”. In principle, there is nothing wrong with seminaries or charities receiving foreign funds. But when this cash is used to fund terrorism and extremism, things become problematic. The best way to proceed is for the intelligence apparatus to monitor the flow of funds. If the authorities have reasonable evidence that funds from the Gulf or elsewhere are being funnelled to militants, the issue needs to be taken up with the countries concerned.

Mirage of authority

‘DEVELOPMENT in Balochistan’ is once again the buzzword. Some big numbers were trotted out during the high-powered, two-day forum on the subject that concluded on Tuesday. Rs10bn to be released annually under the Aghaz-i-Huqooq-i-Balochistan package, Rs80bn out of Rs162bn already transferred under the Seventh National Finance Commission Award, etc. Several ambitious infrastructure projects were also highlighted by the prime minister in his address, including under-construction highways, a 300MW power plant in Gwadar as well as plans for the education sector. On the second day though, Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik spoke some plain truths. He stated that the basic reason for Balochistan’s continued state of deprivation is that the benefits of devolution contained in the 18th Amendment have not accrued to it.

By virtue of the amendment, Article 172 (3) of the Constitution confers joint ownership of “mineral oil and natural gas within the province or the territorial waters adjacent” upon the federal government and the province concerned. However, because the rules of business pertaining to natural resources have not been amended by parliament, the centre’s authority endures as before, thereby making a mockery of the notion of self-empowerment. For a province like Balochistan whose vast natural resources are its principal asset, this lack of agency is particularly devastating. Even more so when the centre, in collusion with the unrepresentative governments that have ruled the province for the most part, has shamelessly exploited Balochistan’s natural wealth without any regard for its future or that of its people.

It has thereby created deep-seated grievances which, in a complex geopolitical arena, have provided fertile ground for insurgency to take root. From time to time, the federal government has rolled out grand schemes with the avowed aim of addressing the province’s problems. Among these is the Aghaz-i-Huqooq-i-Balochistan project, announced in 2009. The fact that six years later the province remains the country’s backwater in terms of human development indicators, with its population caught in a vicious battle between security forces and insurgents, illustrates the bankruptcy of the state’s approach. Injection of funds is no panacea: in any case, much of Balochistan’s share still does not come to it directly. It is after a long time that the province has a government with some claim to being representative, despite the flawed process that brought it about. Only if it is truly empowered can there be any hope of change in that troubled land.

Rising inequality

THE latest figures on global inequality paint a picture of increasingly stark contrasts. In just two years, says the global charity Oxfam, the richest 1pc of the world will own more than the rest of the world combined. The richest 1pc, a segment that has found itself increasingly in the spotlight since a book by the French economist Thomas Picketty clearly laid out how they were a closely knit group for over a century benefiting more from inheritance than hard work, is now being seen as a parasite. It is said to be consuming more than the rest of humanity, and stymieing economic growth in the process. For almost a quarter of a century now, economists have placed the policy emphasis on growth of output alone, saying that inequality will sort itself out once the size of the pie increases. Now evidence is mounting that this will not happen. The pace of growth of inequality is staggering, and it continues through good times as well as bad. Since 2009, while the advanced industrial democracies have been in a persistent economic slump, the top 1pc of the human population increased their share of global wealth from 44pc to 48pc.

The statement from the charity came only days before the meeting of global leaders at Davos, Switzerland, where the future priorities of the global policy elite are decided. Developing a policy framework to tackle inequality is not simple, and the experience of the 1970s when such an exercise was indeed attempted, shows us the pitfalls if the state takes on too much of the burden. And given the massive stimulus programmes that are under way to kick-start the growth process, the fiscal space to forcibly redistribute wealth is also limited. What is needed is a vision of a growth process that generates incomes at the bottom and lets the money percolate up. Are any of the assembled heads at Davos up to the task of devoting their energies to creating such a vision? Time is running out to simply stand and stare.

Published in Dawn January 22nd , 2015.

__________________
"But screw your courage to the sticking place,
And we'll not fail." _Shakespeare, 'Macbeth')