A controversial order

September 21st, 2012

Gone are 11 members of the assemblies, national and provincial, disqualified yesterday by the Supreme Court for holding dual nationalities. In disqualifying the MNAs and MPAs, the court has done the right thing. In the face of a clear-cut constitutional provision barring members of parliament or the provincial assemblies from holding the nationality of another country, there is little argument for such citizens to be representatives of the people. Perhaps when the democratic process is more stable, well regarded and mature, the question of whether parliamentarians can hold the citizenship of another country can be revisited. But in the Pakistan of today, the honour, privilege and responsibility of representing the people ought to fall only to those who do not have conflicting citizenship demands. That it has taken until the very end of the terms of the present assemblies for the law to be enforced is perhaps unfortunate, but that does not detract from the reality that the
decision is correct.

Having said that, there are two troubling aspects to yesterday’s short order. First, the court has once again circumvented the process of disqualification: under Article 63(2) of the constitution, the speakers of the relevant House or the Chairman of the Senate must determine whether a question of disqualification has arisen. If the answer is in the affirmative, the matter has to be referred to the Election Commission of Pakistan for a decision. To be sure, the question of disqualification has clearly arisen here and the ECP would have no real option but to disqualify the senator, MNAs and MPAs. But in constitutional matters, form and procedure can be just as important as substance. Already, in the case of the Speaker of the National Assembly ruling in favour of then-prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, it has been seen that the court can step in when other constitutional office holders deviate from the law. So in bypassing Article 63(2) in yesterday’s order, the court has pushed the boundaries of the constitution in an unwelcome manner.

Second, in directing the ECP to institute legal proceedings against former senator Rehman Malik because he lied to the court and so “cannot be considered sagacious, righteous, honest and ameen within the contemplation of Section 99(1)(f) of the [Representation of the Peoples] Act of 1976” is an unwelcome invocation of a controversial law. Few may lament the political demise of Mr Malik but the chosen route to punish him can prove to be the thin edge of the wedge in a country where religious invocations and the enforcement of amorphous moral standards are already crowding out the space for rational and reasonable discourse.

Extremists within

September 21st, 2012

With the rise of militancy in the country over the last decade, no branch of the armed forces has been spared from militant attacks. The navy’s Mehran base in Karachi was stormed last year, while militants attacked GHQ in Rawalpindi in 2009. Most recently, Pakistan Air Force’s complex at Kamra was targeted last month. In the latest incident on Wednesday, at least 10 people were killed when a car bomb went off on Peshawar’s Kohat Road; police believe the target was a PAF vehicle en route to a nearby base. According to some reports, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan have claimed responsibility. Apart from Kamra, which has come under attack four times since 2007, the PAF has also been targeted on other occasions. Some of the more prominent incidents include a suicide attack on an air force bus in Sargodha in 2007 while another attack was on a bus in Peshawar in 2008. Many of these attacks were claimed by militant groups, and in several cases ex-servicemen were implicated.

These repeated incidents point to the apparent vulnerability of the forces, particularly the air force. They indicate that inside information is being passed on to militants, especially regarding the movement of personnel and base security details. The assertion that the forces in general and PAF specifically have extremists within the ranks must not be disregarded. Several PAF personnel were involved in an assassination attempt on former military ruler Gen Pervez Musharraf in 2003. A number of these individuals were dismissed or arrested due to links with militant groups. It is also true that in several incidents the assailants have been dressed in military uniforms. Thus in the wake of the Kamra affair a thorough internal investigation is in order. Meanwhile, the PAF must ascertain how much influence militants wield within the ranks. Clearly, preventive security in its current form has not deterred the militants. What is needed — in all the armed services — is not only greater scrutiny but a purge of all those sympathising with the militants and who are likely to pass on inside information to militants. Otherwise, such attacks will continue.

Fighting back

September 21st, 2012

The cost being borne by Pakistan and its citizens as a result of the country’s involvement in the ‘war on terror’ is fairly well-documented. Amongst the less visible victims, though, is cultural activity. Given the opposition to the arts by rightwing elements who have, at times, even resorted to attacking venues showcasing cultural activities, the latter are becoming increasingly rare. It is not just the extremists’ threats that have extracted a toll. The challenges that those who work in the field of culture must contend with include a hostile economic environment in which few sponsors have the desire to lend their name to an activity that could invite the attention of an unruly mob, even if not an outright attack. And in several instances, city authorities have discouraged if not altogether forbidden cultural events on the grounds that ensuring security is far too difficult a task.

Nowhere is this most evident than in Lahore, once the hub of cultural activity and host of the country’s largest international performing arts festival. While those who work in this area are doing their best, the terrain they negotiate is increasingly hostile. That the Rafi Peer Theatre Workshop has organised a four-day international film festival, then, is welcome news. The group has been the subject of a raging controversy in recent months because of its role in a USAID-funded project Sim Sim Hamara. While that is yet to be cleared up — and RPTW should do whatever it can to bring out the facts — it should be acknowledged that the group has played an important part in keeping cultural activities alive in Lahore. Such efforts need to be replicated in other parts of the country. Part of fighting back against the extremists is to carry on doing business as usual.

Friday’s violence

September 22nd, 2012

Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf’s speech at the Ishq-i-Rasool conference in Islamabad on Friday combined denunciation of the anti-Islam movie with an appeal to the people to be peaceful, an appeal also made by all major political parties — the PPP, PML-N, ANP, MQM and PTI. Yet even before the prime minister had finished, the strike had turned violent. By the time the faithful headed towards mosques for the Friday prayer, violence had spiralled out of control in several cities. The intensity of the violence was shocking. Reason fell victim to emotions, even though the hate-filled film, made by a man who can only be described as a bigot, was condemned by American leaders, including President Obama.

In principle there’s nothing wrong with a strike which is a democratic way of expressing protest and resorted to only when all other options have been exhausted. In Pakistan, unfortunately, political parties and even professional bodies like those of lawyers and doctors have abused this principle irrespective of its consequences for citizens, and often for themselves. Horrifying as it is, every Pakistani crowd is now violence-prone: whether it is a justifiable protest against power outages or an Eid rush for railway tickets, people attack unrelated targets. Political rhetoric has much to do with it, for we have developed a popular culture in which citizens have come to believe that violence pays. Those who call for strikes cannot escape their responsibility by blaming violence on outsiders, for it is their duty to control their acolytes. The violence the day saw in no way advanced the cause of the world’s Muslims. Instead, it painted Pakistan as a country where bloodthirsty mobs roamed. Friday is a day that is meant for congregational prayers and piety. But for some strange reason, our religious parties invariably choose this day for tormenting the Pakistani people.

The government’s eagerness to share the people’s sentiments and not let the opposition make political capital out of it can be understood. But the way it chose to express its solidarity with the people was astonishing — by declaring a holiday. The result was a total shutdown, with banks and business transactions frozen for three days. We have seen protests in many Muslim countries, but nowhere did political parties call for a nationwide strike and find the government ‘cooperative’. A government’s job is to keep the state going and not to help strikers. Yesterday’s violence should goad our politicians and leaders of civil society into realising the damage the ‘wheel jam’ strikes and the accompanying violence are doing not only to the economy but to the nation’s moral fibre.

Dangerous direction

September 22nd, 2012

Already nervous about what the day would bring, citizens found yesterday that the state, too, had done its bit to disrupt life as far as possible. Cellular networks were suspended; those who do not have access to landlines — and there are many such people — found that they were cut off from family, friends and colleagues. This on a day when the streets in many areas were filled with smoke and television screens with frightening images of enraged mobs attacking indiscriminate targets. Many would have been concerned for the safety of loved ones but they had been rendered incommunicado.

This is not the first time the government has resorted to taking such an enormously disruptive step. On the eve of Eid, cellphone users found services inexplicably suspended. The government had cited a potential terrorist threat as the reason — militants too use the technology to their own advantage. Nevertheless, that does not mean that the rulers can arrogate to themselves the right to arbitrarily and without warning cut off access to indispensable devices. Given the sort of violence that occurred in Peshawar, Islamabad, Karachi and elsewhere yesterday, it seems that the move proved futile as it failed to prevent protesters from communicating. And it would be useful for the government to remember that in earlier decades, when there was no cellular technology, the country had seen much larger and more violent demonstrations. The good such a step may achieve is eclipsed by the very serious inconvenience it causes several million people. Beyond inconvenience, there is the aspect of the huge monetary losses that were incurred by various businesses, not the least of which are cellphone companies themselves. Such a decision should be a last resort, or else it will set a dangerous precedent. Will citizens start losing cellular services whenever a large protest is in the offing? If it goes down this road again, the government will find itself treading an increasingly fraught path; the line between when it is and is not reasonable to take such a stringent step will be blurred to the point of being erased.

Sheep mystery

September 22nd, 2012

The mystery of over 20,000 reportedly diseased sheep from Australia continues to deepen. There are claims and counter-claims from various parties regarding the health of the animals, which were imported by a Karachi-based firm. Citing government veterinarians, media reports say that some of the sheep from the suspected flock may be infected with anthrax. Around 7,000 of the sheep had been culled by Thursday after alarm was raised about their health status a few days ago. The importer has demanded a stay order against the culling till the findings of a veterinary board constituted by the Sindh High Court are in. The Australian firm which exported the animals — and which insists the sheep are healthy — also wants a halt to the culling. What adds to the murkiness surrounding the matter is that Oman and Qatar had accepted sheep from the same consignment, while Bahrain did not import the animals. Also, after their arrival in Pakistan tests from two labs in Sindh found the sheep to be sick, while results from an Islamabad lab showed otherwise.

Considering the prevailing confusion, there is a need for all stakeholders to handle the issue dispassionately. Firstly, if there is so much controversy and if the veterinary board’s findings are still not in, perhaps there should not be such a rush to cull the animals. At this point, the best possible course of action may be to keep the sheep in quarantine, away from healthy animals, till investigations conducted by a recognised institution — acceptable to all — are completed. In the long run, the incident should prompt a thorough review of the official process through which livestock is imported and exported. To prevent future mishaps, local authorities need to ensure animals are free from disease before they are allowed into the country and released into the market.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Day of anarchy

september 23rd, 2012

AS the nation limped back to work on Saturday, newspaper headlines graphically encapsulated the street horror which television had kept beaming to the world the day before: ‘Pakistan burns and bleeds’; ‘On a day of love, riots rule’; etc. A greater catalogue of villainy is not needed to put to shame the entire Pakistani leadership, in government or out of it. The administration comes out discredited, its law-enforcement machinery having proved itself totally inept, while the political parties failed to keep the strike peaceful, and most leaders —– otherwise ubiquitous — had all but vanished. Minor rallies here and there were led by local leaders, but not one political bigwig was seen where the action was — where people fell to the ground, where fires flared, where banks and public and private property were looted, where armed hoodlums stormed what were supposed to be impregnable fortresses.

The much-maligned police were left to fight alone what from the word go was a one-way battle and with such training and equipment as they have. But they failed and some were killed. The world over there are riot police, well-armed and well-trained. Pakistan has no such force. The result was Friday’s unqualified victory for the determined mobs. What was astonishing, however, was the absence of the paramilitary forces precisely when they were needed — in the hours when furious and highly instigated, if not inspired, but leaderless crowds went on the rampage from Karachi to Lahore to Islamabad to Peshawar. Not taking their cue from the intensity of the mob attack in Peshawar, the law-enforcement set-up completely collapsed in Karachi, which saw some of the most grotesque scenes. Within a stone’s throw from the Rangers’ headquarters — itself well-defended with several layers of barricades and bollards — rioters torched banks and restaurants in the red zone that has the official residences of Sindh’s governor and chief minister. The Rangers didn’t stir. Firing could be heard all over the place, but the Rangers’ leadership had made up its mind to remain within the well-protected confines of their headquarters while the country’s largest city was at the mercy of sadistic bands feasting their eyes on burning buildings and smouldering hulks.

Calling for peaceful rallies in the country had been a mere formality, because both the opposition parties and the government knew full well that violence was bound to occur, given the history of previous such ‘peaceful’ protests. More such anarchic fits are likely to engulf the nation unless all hues of leadership rise above partisan considerations to tackle the crisis that is corroding Pakistan.

Afghan handover in peril

september 23rd, 2012

THE scaling back of joint operations between foreign forces and the Afghan army and police has, despite claims to the contrary, thrown the plan for a handover of Afghan security to Afghan forces by 2014 into disarray. In reaction to escalating ‘green-on-blue’ attacks — disaffected members of the green-clad Afghan forces have attacked and killed 51 blue-clad Nato/ Isaf personnel this year — foreign forces operating in Afghanistan will now require prior approval for joint operations below the battalion level. Given the nature of the Taliban threat, focused as it is on IEDs, snipers and small-scale attacks, that effectively means that the enemy will be confronted separately by the foreign and Afghan forces while the ban is in force. More importantly, the central pillar of the US strategy in Afghanistan, endorsed by Nato and Isaf, is security assistance — training and equipping the Afghan forces to take responsibility for the security of Afghanistan by the end of 2014. It is difficult to imagine how erecting a wall between foreign and Afghan forces will help achieve that goal.

From the point of view of stability in Afghanistan, it is also worrying to see the US military increasingly in denial. Senior officials have tried to downplay the suspension of joint operations, suggesting that it will not substantially hurt the mission in Afghanistan. Some have even argued that the move will put pressure on the Afghan forces to step up and clean up their own house, a suggestion that is akin to proposing that a non-swimmer be thrown in the deep end of a pool to learn how to swim. What is telling is that the surge troops — the 30,000 extra troops that President Obama dispatched to Afghanistan in 2010 — will leave Afghanistan by the end of September with no meaningful or durable gains made in the last couple of years. Even if some areas have been pacified by the troops, the war of perceptions has been all but been lost: no one can really argue that the Taliban are a diminishing threat in Afghanistan. A strategy rethink is needed but it won’t happen until the US presidential election is concluded.

Every bit counts

THE Italian oil major Eni SpA has announced a “significant” gas discovery in Sindh. The size of the find is estimated to be 300-400 billion cubic feet of gas. The company is in discussions with the country’s oil and gas regulator to speed up production from the discovery. Given Pakistan’s existing reserves of 27.5 trillion cubic feet, the daily production of 20mmcfd from the new discovery will represent less than 0.5 per cent of the total national output of over 4,000mmcfd. Little wonder then that the petroleum secretary has dismissed the company’s claim about the significance of the find as ‘exaggerated’.

Exaggerated it may be, but insignificant it isn’t in view of the country’s fast-depleting gas reserves. Total reserves had depleted by 5.5 per cent at the end of 2011 from a year earlier since no new discoveries had been made since 2005 because investors were reluctant to put their money in exploration due to gas-pricing issues and security concerns in areas with potential gas finds. The demand, on the other hand, by domestic, transport, power-sector and industrial consumers has risen heftily. The supply gap has already widened to over 500mmcfd in summer and is projected to expand to 1,500-1,800mmcfd during the fast-approaching winter. This means industry will not have enough gas to operate its plants, and domestic users will be coping with low pressure as temperatures fall in the months to come. Power producers will be dependent on imported oil for generation and we will still be facing long blackouts. The solution to the endemic energy crisis crippling our economy lies in encouraging new explorations, no matter how small these may be. The government in the meanwhile should speed up work on LNG import as a short-term measure to reduce the gas deficit in the winter and to keep the wheels of the economy rolling.

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"Fear not for future, Weep not for past!" (P.B shelley)

Condemnable remarks

September 24th, 2012

In a more stable and mature polity, the explicit incitement to murder by the ANP Minister for Railways Ghulam Ahmad Bilour would have been met with his immediate suspension from politics and the opening of a police investigation to determine what crime he should be charged with. But in the warped and fearful Pakistan of today, the official reaction was characteristically and depressingly spineless. The prime minister has only distanced himself from his minister’s remarks and offered to discuss it with the ANP boss, Asfandyar Wali — while leaving Mr Bilour in his job. And the ANP has only said that Mr Bilour was speaking in his personal capacity and the party does not endorse his demand. Gone is the idea of collective responsibility, of the cabinet and of a political party.

Strip away the theatrics, and the reality is even more frightening. Mr Bilour said what he did precisely because he knew he could get away with it. No one will dare prosecute a man calling for the murder of an individual who has committed blasphemy against Islam — though it is unlikely that the railways minister even really knows whose murder he has specifically called for. And Mr Bilour said what he did because he understands better than most that the ANP is headed into an election campaign after a disastrous term in charge of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government and with fierce competition expected from the political right in the province in the shape of the religious parties and PTI. So what better way to establish the ANP’s religious credentials in an unfavourable electoral climate?

Therein lies the great tragedy of Pakistan. Moderate politicians have long argued that they are helpless in the face of a rising tide of conservatism and extremism in society at large. But the ugly truth is that all politicians — even the so-called moderates — are more than willing to pander to extremism if it means a few extra votes or political survival. To refer to the Taliban and Al Qaeda as ‘brothers’, as Mr Bilour did in calling on anyone to kill the producer of the hate film, Innocence of Muslims, is to desecrate the memory of the thousands who have died, many of them belonging to Mr Bilour’s ANP, at the hands of the Taliban and Al Qaeda. If there is speech that should be criminalised in Pakistan, it is speech enabling and strengthening the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Of course, it won’t happen because political survival is more important to a politician than national survival.

Economic fallout

September 24th, 2012

Though it may be too early to get solid figures for the losses accrued nationally due to Friday’s mob violence in the country, the ballpark estimates are cause for concern. In Karachi alone, according to the president of the city’s chamber of commerce, trade and production losses hovered around the Rs14bn mark for the day. Losses due to widespread arson and looting are separate from this figure. The country’s commercial capital had already endured a rough week, as the city was shut down on Wednesday due to the killing of a political activist. If this is the estimate for Karachi, the cumulative nationwide losses due to the violence can only be imagined. Apart from the business shutdown, banks, cinemas and fast-food outlets were all ransacked as mobs rampaged across many of Pakistan’s cities unhindered. A more clear picture of the cost of the damage will emerge today as commercial activities fully resume.

It is obvious that such violent breakdowns of law and order do not project a very positive image of Pakistan to the foreign investor, while the recent scenes witnessed also shake the confidence of local businessmen. In the current global economic climate, the country cannot afford such negative publicity. As it is there is an international liquidity crunch as national economies deal with recession. Data from the current financial year shows that foreign direct investment is down in Pakistan, while FDI also fell considerably last year. With the global economy so volatile, violence and insecurity here will only scare away those who may want to invest in Pakistan — foreign investors move in after seeing domestic investors put money in the market. Ultimately, there is a strong link between the maintenance of law and order and economic stability. If the authorities do not focus on keeping the peace in times of unrest and otherwise, investors — both domestic and local — will take their money elsewhere, to countries where the safety of workers and assets can be reliably guaranteed. Considering the slow economic growth and high unemployment rate in Pakistan, this is something the country can ill afford. Hence the need for the state to act.

Mountain or a molehill?

September 24th, 2012

Writing in the New York Times in August 2010, journalist Selig Harrison had said Pakistan was “handing over” Gilgit-Baltistan — where he discovered “an influx” of Chinese soldiers — to China. In the story headlined ‘China’s discreet hold on Pakistan’s northern borderlands’, Mr Harrison had reported “a quiet geopolitical crisis” in Gilgit-Baltistan where “Islamabad is handing over de facto control of the strategic” territory to Beijing. Harrison also discovered “22 tunnels” which were barred to Pakistanis and which could be used for storing missiles.

Two years on, the Indian army chief has shown such ‘revelations’ to be unverified and has supported earlier denials by both China and Pakistan. The latter two countries have long collaborated on infrastructure projects in the border areas, including the feat of engineering that is the Karakoram Highway. It is known that Chinese experts are involved in several rail, road and power projects. For that reason, the presence of Chinese nationals is not something that should cause nightmares for anyone and be referred to as an “influx”. As Gen Bikram Singh said on Wednesday, the Chinese soldiers were there to “provide protection” to railway, road and hydroelectric projects. Beijing, however, insists there are no soldiers in the border area. In an interview on Sept 3 with The Hindu, Chinese Defence Minister Gen Liang Guanglie clarified “once again” that the People’s Liberation Army had “never deployed a single soldier” there. Mr Harrison had said that China wanted “unfettered access to the Gulf”, but was alarmed over China’s “grip” over Gilgit-Baltistan. Gen Singh’s words, then, should serve to allay any fears in India of militaristic designs on the part of China. In fact, there is also a lesson for India and Pakistan: suspicions need not arise over every activity that takes place on the other’s soil near the border areas.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

A stitch in time

September 25th, 2012

Politicians have a penchant for large-scale projects as they associate these with an impressiveness they believe will earn them political capital. But very often, what voters actually need are smaller, more humdrum interventions that are, in fact, of crucial importance. Nowhere is this more visible these days than in the plight of those affected by the floods in parts of Balochistan and Sindh. For the third year in a row, the state waited until the floods were in full swing before taking action. Each time, the rains are preceded by reminders that canals need to be de-silted, natural storm-water channels cleared, embankments shored up and vulnerable populations prepared in case evacuations are needed. And each time, the administration refuses to recognise the danger. It is only when newspaper headlines start raising concerns about the millions of people affected and television screens show shots of forlorn rooftops in a sea of floodwater that the state lumbers to its feet and starts casting about for avenues of relief and rehabilitation.

After the deluge, national leaders give statements about their concern for those whose homes and livelihoods have been lost — as though it were never up to them to ensure that pre-emptive damage-control measures are in place. In the current floods, Balochistan’s Naseerabad and Jaffarabad districts have been the worst-affected; on a visit to survey the damage, Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf said on Sunday that orders had been issued to release funds to complete all development projects in the province. He also announced that Rs2.6bn had been earmarked for the rehabilitation of people and repair of infrastructure. Given the prime minister’s instructions, we can presume that the funds must be available with the government. In that case, could at least part of the money not have been spent earlier on work aimed at reducing the scale of flooding? Could projects meant to mitigate rain-related havoc not have been completed on a war-footing?

The measures that need to be taken to save this area, which has for three years running been the worst-affected by the floods, are well-known. The Jaffarabad and Naseerabad districts are particularly at risk. They suffer equally as a result of flash floods in Balochistan and when canals are accidentally or by intention breached in Sindh. The measures elaborated here, as well as the creation of small reservoirs to accommodate excess water, could go a long way in making a difference. The question is, will such necessary though not headline-grabbing measures ever make their way to the list of the government’s priorities?

Poor lab facilities

September 25th, 2012

The ongoing controversy over the import of supposedly infected Australian sheep by Pakistan highlights the need for proper research and testing facilities in this country. The sheep were found to be infected with foot-and-mouth disease by two labs in Sindh. However, tests from a lab in Islamabad indicated the animals were fine. This dichotomy in the labs’ findings is one of the major factors fuelling the controversy. In the past, there have also been reports of ‘infected’ wheat being brought into the country. In another incident, over 100 people died in Lahore earlier this year apparently because they had consumed substandard medicine. What all these incidents underscore is that the lack of proper research and testing facilities, both at the centre and in the provinces, have often resulted in confusion or delay in diagnosis.

While lack of resources is often cited as a stumbling block in the way of essential projects, this explanation hardly justifies the current situation. After all, drug-manufacturing companies pay one per cent of their profits to the state as ‘research tax’ — yet there are hardly any drug-testing facilities meeting international standards in the country. Considering that drug manufacturers have been paying this tax since the mid-1970s, the amount collected should have been substantial. It is the public’s right to know how much money has been collected and, more importantly, where and how it has been spent. The pharmaceutical industry that pays this tax should itself be asking the government for an explanation. Since the money was collected in the name of research, it would be best put to use by establishing labs at the federal and provincial levels where research and testing of drugs can be carried out, and where livestock and agricultural products can also be examined as a matter of routine. Such internationally accredited labs can be of use in times of public health scares as well, such as during the dengue season. Not only will the creation of such facilities be of great service where public health is concerned, they will also help certify that products meant for export are safe and conform to global standards.

Picking up the pieces

September 25th, 2012

It was a political statement of much-needed strength and symbolism. Where there are those bent upon destruction, there are also others willing to do what they can to save the targets. Most Pakistanis were still recovering from the shock of the fury displayed on Friday by rioters, but some steadfast souls pulled themselves out of despair and decided to do something proactive. On Sunday, in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad a number of young men and women went to the spots that had seen the worst of the violence, and cleaned up. Armed with brooms and dustpans, paint and brushes, they did what they could to return their city to normalcy: sweep away the glass, repaint pickets, pick up spent tear-gas shells and collect the stones that had been hurled. In doing so, they sent out a strong message: not only were they not on the side of those who resort to violence, they were active supporters of the rule of law. Few in numbers though they were, they demonstrated to all who saw them — including the demoralised police personnel who had faced the wrath of the mobs — that even in this pall of night, there is light.

Pakistan desperately needs more such pro-activeness if it is to find a way to stand fast and resist the rising tide of obscurantism and extremism. These people’s act should shame the nation’s leaders, otherwise so adept at manipulating large bands of their supporters; the call to clean up localities laid to waste by the mobs could equally have come from them, and been led by them and their workers. It would have been a powerful method of silent rebuke, and of interest in Pakistan’s welfare. Instead, what we have witnessed on the political front is barely audible censure of even the violence itself, let alone anything constructive.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Poverty in Pakistan

September 26th, 2012

A study on poverty has brought Pakistan face to face with a reality that it will find hard to accept: every third Pakistani is caught in the ‘poor’ bracket i.e. some 58.7 million out of a total population of 180 million subsist below the poverty line. This includes more than half the population in the forever remote Balochistan, 33 per cent in Sindh, 32 per cent in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and 19 per cent in Punjab. These are daunting figures. But they are much needed for planning, especially when the government appears too embarrassed to release statistics related to poverty. The Sustainable Development Policy Institute, which has carried out this economic-mapping exercise, is justified in calling for the release of government figures and for a policy to combat acute poverty. These are facts which are being kept under wraps at great peril to the country.

Quite clearly, the dilemma as we know is yet to be overcome. Areas such as defence get the better of development; the more affluent are able to deny the less affluent in the name of sustaining themselves; and the small change that reaches the marginalised segments is never enough to pull them into the promised mainstream. The formula that channels resources and attaches due importance to the underdeveloped is yet to be found. Worse, an earnest search for such a formula is yet to begin. Consequently, development has proceeded in the only manner it could: the gap between the more privileged and the more backward has increased with time, even as successive governments have dangled ‘special packages’ in front of those with the greatest need. This reflects in social, political and, quite often, ethnic tensions, in revolts and in militancy.

The SDPI study identifies the 20 poorest districts, 16 of which exist in Balochistan that has been long agitating for attention. There are no marks for guessing that the other four poorest districts are also located away from the train of progress, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The exercise doesn’t identify the causes behind this continued and unfortunate disparity, but the basic factor responsible for the situation is not very difficult to list. The primary reason is the lack of proper, meaningful and non-discriminatory representation for all regions in decision-making. Those who are able to some extent participate in the running of affairs do manage to secure a better deal. Others are denied participation, and democracy for them remains an illusion. The first resource they are looking for is the space from where they can speak and be heard. This is the most essential prerequisite to progress.

Ephedrine smuggling

September 26th, 2012

While legal proceedings in the ephedrine quota case continue, the possible smuggling of the controlled chemical from Pakistan has begun to attract the attention of the international community. The head of the Anti-Narcotics Force told the media on Monday that the probe into the ephedrine scandal was being expanded to ascertain whether the substance was smuggled to Iran. ANF officials may proceed to the neighbouring country to investigate further. This development follows the recent visit to Pakistan of representatives of the International Narcotics Control Board. As per reports, INCB officials discussed with local authorities the likelihood that ephedrine was smuggled out, along with the possible complicity of government officials in the illegal act. The INCB team emphasised the need to stem the ‘leakage’ of the controlled substance and also called for improvements in the system to prevent future abuse. The controversy emerged when the health ministry raised the allocation for Pakistan’s annual ephedrine requirement, with at least some of the excess finding its way into the local market. The substance can either be used to manufacture cough syrup or medicines for respiratory ailments, or it can be used as a base for illicit drugs. Up till now, politicians, business figures and government officials have all been embroiled in the unfolding scandal.

A thorough investigation — free from political influence — is required to determine who was res-ponsible for raising the quota beyond the coun-try’s requirement and also to determine who may have benefited from the possible smuggling of ephedrine. The politics of the matter cannot be allowed to overshadow the law-enforcement aspect. As things stand Pakistan is considered a major transit point in the global drug trade. Abuse and illicit trade in controlled chemicals should not be added to the list of the coun-try’s ‘achievements’. Hence the need to bring those involved in smuggling to justice. The authorities also need to consider releasing ephedrine quotas to pharmaceutical companies with the required safeguards through an empowered, effective Drug Regulatory Agency. There is a shortage of various medicines in the market linked to ephedrine; the public should not be made to suffer due to the misdeeds of the high and mighty.

Poor regulatory mechanism

September 26th, 2012

An amateurish video is produced by a mischief-maker with the aim of giving offence. Countries that have learned the lessons dictated by the realities of the World Wide Web and want the material rendered inaccessible to their populations set in motion regulatory mechanisms. They don’t put a blanket ban on YouTube, they pull out agreements with YouTube owner Google and effectively compel it to abide by their laws. Google has blocked the trailer in countries such as India and Indonesia; it can’t be accessed in five countries whose citizens can still access other videos on YouTube. In Pakistan, by contrast, the government orders that all links to the offending material be blocked. Outraged appeals are made to Google, but it stands unmoved. The result? The Pakistan Telecommunications Authority blocks the entire YouTube site, removing access to not just the trailer but also taking down thousands of other sources of information that Pakistanis are accustomed to accessing.

Why are the citizens being made to suffer when the body at fault is the regulatory authority? Had it put in place mechanisms and agreements that would compel compliance with domestic laws, the matter would have been easily resolved. In fact, the state and PTA are out of touch with new realities: although the age of the new media is over a decade old, they have not yet developed anything close to a policy on the Internet or the social media. The government needs to put its own house in order. It can’t curtail citizens’ rights to cover up its own inadequacies. The new media will continue to be used for an expanding set of purposes, good or bad. Given its inability to sway giants such as Google which have their own set of rules, Pakistan needs to develop better regulatory mechanisms.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

The growing divide

September 27, 2012

Perhaps the most important theme of the speeches delivered at the UN General Assembly on Tuesday was the growing divisions between the West and the Muslim world. Whatever their national perspective, Presidents Ahmadinejad, Zardari and Obama all focused on the increasingly complicated relations between the two sides. The trouble stirred up in Muslim countries by a profane video on the Internet has highlighted the sensitive nature of these ties. The Pakistani president, as expected, raised the issue at the UN forum, calling for criminalising such provocative acts by mischievous individuals. The proof that the outrage of the Muslims had been registered by the US, where the anti-Islam video originated, was provided in a statement by President Barack Obama a few hours before Mr Zardari’s UN address. Mr Obama urged the people to reject hate material, but quite rightly added that the death and destruction that such rejection led to could not be justified.

The gap has widened over time when it comes to America’s love-hate affair with a number of Muslim countries. The Muslim world’s connection with the West is jeopardised by a host of serious problems, including doubts rooted in a past that has spawned suspicions about American motives now. The countries in question have failed to evolve the necessary common language, based on the cultural and religious sensitivities of people on both sides, to address each other. Ever since 9/11 and more particularly the invasion of Iraq in 2003, these sensitivities have become more acute and have reached a point where the nightmare of a clash of civilisations may well turn out to be true if restraint and understanding are not shown at this stage. In looking after its own interests, the US has often adopted an actively aggressive path, with no consideration for the sentiments of the larger public in countries where it has either intervened militarily or interfered in domestic politics.

At the same time, the leadership in many of the Muslim countries, has failed to educate the population about the dangers of accepting the extremist narrative. In the current crisis they have been unable to convince their people that by reacting to provocative acts of individuals they are only deepening the divide. Though perceived as a powerless body, the United Nations still remains the right forum for raising issues of cultural and religious differences and for giving room to voices from all over. Without such a debate and interaction between countries, the chasm between the West and the Muslim world will only grow.

A familiar strain

September 27, 2012

“Please, stop this refrain to do more,” President Asif Ali Zardari said in his speech to the UN General Assembly in a thinly veiled reference to the US and the pressure it has put on Pakistan to squeeze the sanctuaries that the Afghan Taliban, particularly the Haqqani network, have on Pakistani soil. Whether the call to end the ‘do more’ mantra will fall on deaf ears will have much to do with the extent to which the US and Pakistan can narrow their mutual trust deficit that is very real and very acute. To be sure, Pakistan has some very legitimate complaints when it comes to US demands concerning Afghanistan. The US military in particular has been very stubborn and quick to blame Pakistan for its failures — or lack of success — in Afghanistan. To clamp down on the Haqqanis to satisfy the American timeline of 2014 without regard to the existing conditions or the potential for an unmanageable blowback in Pakistan is to pit a political imperative — a dignified exit from Afghanistan — against what should be a crucial strategic objective — helping Pakistan remain stable and the containment of militancy.

There is, though, an unfortunate consequence of the push and push-back vis-à-vis the ‘do more’ platitude: the debate over what should be done against militancy in Pakistan and when it should be done has in part become linked to the Pakistan-US relationship and the post-war future of Afghanistan. As opposed to focusing on whether or not what Pakistan has done to fight militancy is acceptable and a winning strategy, whether the country is less or more secure as a result of the state’s security policy, the question of our very real and critical fight against extremism has been entangled in the messy relationship with the US. So ordinary Pakistanis are still confused about whether the fight against militancy is for Pakistan’s own survival or for the protection of ties with an unpopular US. The unhappy truth is, Pakistan is not winning the fight against militancy. And the state needs to do more, much, much more. But for Pakistan’s sake, not anybody else’s.

Equality for all

September 27, 2012

Women and minority groups here often suffer seeing their rights being trampled upon, but there has been little question, theoretically at least, about whether or not they are entitled to equal rights and status. The only group that until now appeared to have been left out of the net of legal and constitutional protection was the transgender community. Relatively small in number, poor and generally uneducated, members of this grouping have historically lingered on society’s fringes. They have been discriminated against in terms of education, employment, inheritance and so on. It is encouraging, then, that on Tuesday the Supreme Court ruled that transgender people were entitled to all the rights guaranteed under the constitution. The petition had been filed by a private citizen who had conducted research on the lives of members of this community and found much pain: hermaphrodite children are usually given away by their parents and, because of discrimination on the part of educationists and employers, as adults are forced to earn through dancing, begging and prostitution. They are often not even allowed to use public transport.

The court has directed the police and provincial governments to ensure that transgender people have nothing to complain about in terms of rights. However, the state must go further. Ensuring that this community is respected and considered equal will require a change in the societal mindset — and who is better placed to lead the way than the federal and provincial administrations? Along with awareness-raising efforts, the government should consider a positive-discrimination employment policy for transgender people. This would not just send out a strong message about equality to the public at large, it would also have a great and relatively immediate impact on individuals who are given jobs. This has been tried before, notably by the tax services; it should be expanded to other departments.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Tax amnesty

September 28th, 2012

The Federal Board of Revenue’s proposed tax amnesty scheme to lure 3.8 million tax thieves into declaring their ‘hidden’ wealth at home and abroad is unlikely to produce the intended results. Slated to be launched next month, it doesn’t appear to be the right route to increasing revenues and expanding the tax base. If the past is anything to go by, the scheme can at best allow tax dodgers to launder their ill-gotten assets by paying a nominal tax on their value at an official gain of a few million rupees. The government is living off heavy bank loans and foreign dole, but the cost that will go into raising such a meagre amount for the economy will be formidable. As is usual, the opportunity will tempt more people, including many honest taxpayers, to cheat the government in the hope of availing another amnesty a few years down the road. This is not how governments can or should increase their revenues. The proposal only indicates a lack of political will to take tough decisions. A government that dithered on its commitment to implement value added tax for fear of a political backlash hardly inspires confidence about its ability to document the economy to boost the tax-to-GDP ratio of less than 10 per cent, the lowest in the region.

The FBR proposal is reflective of the unwillingness of the tax collectors to bring to justice those who avoid paying taxes. Against tall claims by successive heads of the board, the number of people filing tax returns has dropped sharply and more than two-thirds of the government revenue is generated from inflationary, indirect taxes. In the budget for the last fiscal, the government had promised to bring 700,000 wealthy people into the net. More than a year later, the scheme has fizzled out. To improve its revenue collection, the government will have to tax all incomes irres-pective of source and revamp tax administration. Amnesty and whitening schemes will only further entrench the culture of tax evasion in the country.

A ludicrous suggestion

September 28th, 2012

With the Organisation of the Islamic Conference already there, the call for a ‘Muslim United Nations’ makes no sense. On Wednesday, a resolution passed by a gathering of religious parties in Islamabad asked the rulers of the Islamic world to set up a Muslim UN and establish a unified economic and defence system. The meeting was called by Jamaatud Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed, whose activities remain on the government’s watch list. Invitations were extended to virtually all political parties, most of which apparently thought it better to distance themselves from the controversial outfit and thus did not participate. On the other hand, the meeting brought together some of the country’s leading religious figures — including those who, unlike the JuD leader, do believe in electoral politics — to draw up a strategy for a unified Muslim response to an anti-Islam film that has caused fury in many Muslim countries.

Given the objectionable contents of the film, few would dispute the aim of the meeting. Yet, a unified Muslim response demands more than emotion-charged public rallies that degenerate into violence. It requires realism, wisdom and a strategy that does not turn out to be counterproductive. We know, for instance, that the OIC is a lame-duck organisation and little better than a debating forum. Its record even in economic and cultural cooperation among member states is disappointing. To speak of a unified defence and economic command is, thus, to invite ridicule. If the Islamic world is to meet the challenges it faces, Muslim leaders must first think of organising their societies on democratic and scientific lines. Empty rhetoric and emotionalism have done more harm than good to causes espoused by Muslims. Meanwhile, it is a matter of regret that Wednesday’s meeting failed to condemn last Friday’s hooliganism on what was meant to be a solemn day.

A major step forward

September 28th, 2012

Ensuring that women are not restrained from casting their ballot and giving overseas Pakistanis the right to vote are both crucial matters. But while the Election Commission of Pakistan has approved a draft law meant to counter women’s disenfranchisement in the name of ‘tradition,’ coming up with a workable system that would enable Pakistanis abroad to vote may take some time. The draft bill calls for a re-poll in areas where less than 10 per cent of registered women’s votes have been polled. Women have been denied their constitutional right to vote in many areas across Pakistan. And this regressive practice has been endorsed by both religious and mainstream liberal parties — jointly in some cases. In fact, the ECP’s decision has already attracted criticism from some political quarters. Hence while even the 10 per cent threshold is low, it would be a major achievement for progressive forces in parliament to get the bill passed and, more importantly, to have the law enforced to dilute the influence of obscurant forces over Pakistan’s political system. Besides, the ECP’s step would also put pressure on all political parties to attract the women’s vote, changing the dynamics in many constituencies.

While enacting the women’s enfranchisement law is something that can be done relatively quickly, the question of how to enable Pakistani expatriates to vote is a trickier one, as has been reflected by the ECP’s own indecisiveness. The two options on the table are either setting up polling stations in Pakistani missions abroad or allowing postal ballots. There are issues with both methods, as in the Gulf states, where millions of Pakistanis work, political activities are frowned upon. The main issue with postal ballots is that after the publication of the final list of candidates there will not be enough time to cast the vote. However, a postal ballot system does exist for government officials and armed forces personnel.

It is important to bring overseas Pakistanis, who contribute significantly to the economy through remittances, into the voting process. The major issue is how the mechanics of the exercise can be managed, and at this stage, it is unlikely that expatriates would be able to vote in the next election. This has been indicated by political parties meeting with the chief election commissioner yesterday. While that would be disappointing, practicalities must be kept in mind to avoid problems. In the meantime, the matter should be debated by political parties, civil society and representatives of overseas Pakistanis so that a solution can be found. The process of how developed democracies allow their citizens living abroad to vote should also be studied.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

The Putin snub

September 29th, 2012

The cancellation of what was expected to be the Russian president’s landmark visit must come as a shock to Pakistan and raise a question or two about an issue whose impact transcends Islamabad’s bilateral relations with Moscow. To add to Pakistan’s distress, President Vladimir Putin cancelled his visit without giving any indication when, if at all, he would visit Pakistan. Instead, the Russian president invited his Pakistani counterpart to be his guest. That President Putin’s decision also cancels the quadrilateral summit involving Afghanistan and Tajikistan is perhaps less of a worry; the greater cause for concern is the direction Pakistan’s relations with Russia will take. On the back burner for a long time, the relationship with Russia seemed to break new ground when President Asif Ali Zardari visited Moscow last year. The visit made geopolitical sense for a country keen to broaden its economic and security ties at a time when it was under pressure from the superpower. ‘Rescheduling’ the Putin visit is now Islamabad’s only option.

While the Foreign Office should determine precisely why the Russian president chose not to come to Pakistan, the reasons for Russia’s unhappiness are not too difficult to discern. Moscow feels disappointed over Islamabad’s tardy response to many vital works, especially energy projects, in which Russia is interested. These include the plan to transmit electricity from Tajikistan to Pakistan, and a motorway and rail links through the mountains from the former Soviet republic to this country. Also cause for annoyance is Pakistan’s dwindling interest in the Iran gas pipeline, on which Tehran has completed construction inside its territory with Russian help. While Islamabad officially remains committed to it, Moscow has not failed to note Islamabad’s dwindling interest in the project under American pressure. There are other projects for which Pakistan itself has shown an interest in Russian help — the expansion of Pakistan Steel and several other infrastructure projects. But, while the Putin government is willing to help, it feels Pakistan has not done the spadework necessary to get the projects going.

The Soviet Union’s break-up should not cause anyone to underestimate Russia’s economic power and geopolitical clout. Its resource-rich landmass and high scientific and technological assets remain intact. As the focus of global economic power gradually shifts to the East, Russia as a Eurasian power is bound to play a major role. Pakistan would be making a grave mistake if it omits Russia from its calculations. In his letter, President Putin still held out hopes for a closer relationship with Pakistan. Let Islamabad find out what went wrong and try to mend things.

Positive signals

September 29th, 2012

Akhtar Mengal’s appearance before the Supreme Court on Thursday to plead for a change in state policy towards Balochistan was a much-needed move. At the very least it has sent a positive signal that mainstream Balochistan has still not given up on the state of Pakistan — or at least parts of it — to come to the rescue of the violence-hit province. The SC’s efforts to rein in the unaccountable security establishment in Balochistan have not had much success to date but in the run-up to a general election, it is significant that the leader of a pro-Pakistan and moderate Baloch party, the Balochistan National Party-Mengal, has taken the opportunity to present his case on the national stage. Whether Mr Mengal’s prescribed solution — the six points he mooted before the court — will be implemented, or even listened to, in the quarters that matter when it comes to Balochistan is an open question. So far, the security establishment has not given any indication of its willingness to listen to voices of reason. Equally, the moderate voices from Balochistan and outside have largely not been heard in recent times. And perhaps the first step towards stabilising the province is having moderates speak up and put pressure in a concerted manner on the state security apparatus.

Mr Mengal’s return to Pakistan from self-exile is also significant in the context of the upcoming elections. The best-case scenario for Balochistan would be for the moderate Baloch and Pakhtun parties — the BNP-M, the National Party and Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party — to contest the upcoming general election and win enough seats to form a provincial government. That would reverse the disastrous decision of boycotting elections in 2008 that opened the door to self-serving interests in the province to grab power and to do virtually nothing to try and bring the warring sides in the province closer together over the past four and a half years — as has happened under the government of Chief Minister Aslam Raisani. The moderates need to put their best foot forward now, for enough time has already been lost in Balochistan.

Winning the lottery

September 29th, 2012

It must feel like winning the lottery. A politician is elected to parliament and, suddenly, he has the means to please the people in his constituency by pressing forward with development projects. This seems to be particularly true for NA-51 (Rawalpindi), the constituency of Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf. The impact was felt almost immediately after the PPP politician took oath as prime minister. A special Central Development Working Party meeting called by the Planning Commission on the directives of the Prime Minister’s Secretariat took practically no time to clear three development projects worth several billion rupees between them. Work star-ted even before the approval process was completed. But why should NA-51 not enjoy a day in the sun when others have had their turn before? By all accounts the constituency of Yousuf Raza Gilani was similarly treated during his tenure. This is a pattern we have witnessed regardless of which party has been
in power.

Of course, the welfare of voters in their constituencies is important to politicians, and that is how it should be. Happy voters mean better chances of electoral success. But also discernible in this pattern, where the constituencies of those in power are treated better often at the cost of others, is the reason why development work remains so patchy. Politicians should in fact be focused on improvements for the country as a whole. Their thinking is easy to understand: secure voter goodwill and gain an edge over the competition. But it achieves little for the country as a whole and creates resentment at the fact that funds are not spent in an even-handed manner. Until this mindset on the part of the politicians changes, governance will continue to resemble a court where favours are handed down on royal whim.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

A laudable step

September 30th, 2012

On the rare occasion, parliament can produce a pleasant surprise by taking on issues of genuine national importance. So it was on Friday that the Senate defence committee held parliament’s first-ever public hearing in which experts from outside the official state apparatus were invited to address three critical areas of national defence and security: the country’s nuclear doctrine, the strategy to counter extremism and the state’s policy on Afghanistan. Friday’s hearing was part of an exercise that will culminate in December or January with the Senate defence committee publishing a report containing recommendations for a new defence and national security strategy. In a country where ‘civil-military imbalance’ is a euphemism for the utter dominance of the army-led security establishment over the civilian political class, the committee’s actions must be lauded for making a genuine attempt to recover the ground the civilians have over the decades surrendered to the army on national security and defence policy.

The basic problem of Pakistan’s national security policies is their over-militarisation, an inevitable outcome when the army decides what the national security priorities are and how to advance those interests and defend against threats. But a viable national security strategy also has economic, social, political and diplomatic planks that have for the most part been ignored by the security establishment. To correct that historical imbalance — an imbalance with deeply damaging consequences for Pakistan’s overall security — the civilians will need to assert themselves and force other aspects of national security to be considered alongside the military aspects. And for that to happen, the first step must be a more open and frank debate about matters that hitherto have remained strictly in the military purview. So in inviting speakers to address issues concerning Pakistan’s nuclear doctrine, its counter-extremism strategy and the policy on Afghanistan, the Senate committee has initiated a historic change that other elements of parliament must reinforce and support.

Equally important is that the Senate defence committee does not limit its scope to policy scrutiny alone. Advancing civilian control over national security and defence policies also entails exercising greater oversight over how the armed forces are run and operated. What is an adequate budget for the armed forces, where the balance should be struck between addressing internal security threats from militancy and external threats from states, how are top-level appointments decided, what equipment needs to be acquired and in what priority — these and many more questions are matters in which civilian input, and eventual control, is necessary. The Senate defence committee has taken the first step; are other civilian agencies ready to do their bit?

A new wave

September 30th, 2012

Sectarian killings are becoming common in different parts of Pakistan, especially Quetta, Gilgit-Baltistan and Karachi. Yet a particularly chilling aspect of such killings is emerging in Karachi: families — Shia and Sunni — are being targeted on the basis of their beliefs. So grim is the situation that on Friday, the country’s chief justice termed Karachi “the hub of terrorist activities”, blaming intolerance for the violence. Earlier this month, the chairman of a Shia trust and senior advertiser was attacked along with his son and grandson. Only the grandson survived. In the past week, there were a number of similarly gruesome incidents: three brothers were attacked last Monday in the Jaffar-i-Tayyar neighbourhood, one of whom died. Later that day, four brothers belonging to the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat were gunned down in North Karachi. A day later, a Shia trader was shot dead along with his two sons. While a few incidents of this nature occurred during the sectarian bloodletting of the 1990s, currently there seems to be no check on this horrific trend. It indicates that militants belonging to their respective sects are engaged in tit-for-tat killings, intent on killing several generations of a family. The police, administration and religious leaders are mostly silent, and there is only muted concern coming from political quarters.

Such a response to the steady stream of killings has been highly disappointing. The police are hardly bothered; no unit has been assigned the task of investigating the rash of killings of family members and bringing the killers to justice. The police need to actively investigate these cases, which are part of a pattern, and not treat the killings as ‘business as usual’. The silence of the religious establishment is also disturbing. Religious leaders agitate over a variety of issues; so why has there been no outrage over these brutal killings? The recently reactivated Milli Yakjehti Council, which features representatives from all the major Islamic factions in Pakistan, has said it wants to counter sectarianism. If that is the case, it should organise a meeting where the religious establishment — clearly and unequivocally — condemns such sectarian murders as a first step.

Bomb disposal hero

September 30th, 2012

Habib Jalib once composed a limerick that mocked the tendency in Pakistan to add the honorific ‘shaheed’ (martyr) to anyone killed in political violence. However, if there are those who truly deserve the title, they include the unsung heroes of Pakistan’s bomb disposal squads. On Friday, Inspector Hukam Khan entered the ranks of such heroes when he was killed as he attempted to defuse a bomb. The bomb was one of the two killing and maiming devices that had been planted on a roadside near Khyber Agency. Hukam Khan had already disabled one bomb and was in the process of dismantling the other when the terrorists who had planted the devices detonated it by remote control. Hukam Khan, who had joined the squad as a low-paid constable in 1978, had defused countless such devices. Despite its risky nature, he was committed to his job and had risen to his rank as bomb disposal squad inspector.

The psychological pressure on the men of the disposal squad is immense as they begin to defuse a bomb to save others from death and injury. Given the fact that such killing tools planted by terrorists are discovered every day, the disposal squad in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — which has been the worst-hit province in the war against militancy — has managed to deactivate them with remarkable professionalism. However, its task is getting deadlier by the day — eight of the men have died while defusing lethal devices. Under-resourced and understaffed, the squad in the province has approximately 40 members. They are not in possession of jammers to disrupt signals, protective suits or other necessary gear. They do not even have sufficient fuel for vehicles. Meanwhile, the insurgents are improving their skills and assembling more sophisticated devices. It will be a losing battle unless the squad’s training and resources keep pace with the terrorists’ technology.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga