A handy excuse

October 1st, 2012

“I don't know why foreign hands are visible only to Rehman Malik and the agencies,” asked Akhtar Mengal, the head of the BNP-M, during comments to the media on Saturday. Indeed. It’s the most reliable tool in the oldest playbook here: every time the state struggles to impose control over an area and the local population is alienated, anonymous officials in the orbit of the army-led security establishment start hinting darkly about outside powers stirring up trouble in Pakistan to destabilise the country and/or perhaps dismember it. The first and most direct benefit of this cynical theory is that it takes attention away from the actual problem: in Balochistan, the state’s policy over the decades that has resulted in swathes of the Baloch population never really believing they are wanted inside Pakistan on equal terms with other populations; in Fata, state policy over the last three decades that created an infrastructure for jihad which led to the creation of a fearsome opponent with its guns trained on Pakistan proper; in Gilgit-Baltistan, exploiting sectarian tensions for national goals since the 1980s in a previously largely peaceful area. The list goes on and on.

The legend of the ‘foreign hand’ is greatest when it comes to Balochistan. From Brahmdagh Bugti’s ‘Indian passport’ to detonators and explosives used by Baloch separatists being sourced from Indian or Afghan enemies of Pakistan, the claims have been persistent and extraordinary — and they have never once been officially and publicly proved. The unwillingness to go public with the proof of the allegations is attributed variously to not wanting to endanger intelligence assets or to darker theories about how states play games at unseen levels and exposing them publicly would be counterproductive. Of course, all the while, the actual problem keeps festering. Whether Dr Allah Nazar is an agent of India or Afghanistan is almost beside the point; he was radicalised by what he witnessed happening to his province and what was done to him while under detention by the security apparatus. And the youth of Balochistan who fear and loathe the Pakistani state do so not because of some great love for or support from outside powers but because they have seen the iron fist of the security apparatus brought down on their peers, friends and families.

Throughout history, states have surely tried to take advantage of their opponents’ weaknesses. But the ‘foreign hand’ isn’t the problem in Pakistan; the state’s misguided policies are. Until those policies change, problems will fester and Pakistan’s internal security will remain tenuous.

The fishermen’s tale

October 1st, 2012

The plight of Pakistani and Indian fishermen who stray into each other’s waters is usually as predictable as the ocean currents that buoy up their boats. They are arrested by maritime security agencies and thrown into prison from where, often after several years, groups of them are released from time to time in ‘goodwill gestures’. The story of Nawaz Ali, the fisherman who died recently in an Indian hospital, was different for a number of reasons, and not only because he never saw the light of freedom after his arrest. For one, Nawaz Ali and three of his relatives had been missing since 1999 after their boat was caught in a cyclone while they were out fishing. But it was more than a decade later that his family learnt they were alive and incarcerated in India. Secondly, news of Nawaz Ali’s death on Sept 8 was conveyed to the Pakistan High Commission by the Indian authorities well over two weeks later, after which his family was informed.

According to an agreement signed by the two countries a few years ago and pertaining to cross-border prisoners, news of the death of a foreign prisoner must be conveyed immediately to the relevant high commission and his body sent to his home country within one month. It must be asked not only why immediate notification was not made in this instance, but also why Nawaz Ali’s family was kept in the dark about their relatives’ imprisonment for so long. Consular access for prisoners needs to be ensured so that none can slip through the cracks and languish behind bars, unseen and undocumented. While the release on Friday of 46 Pakistani fishermen by India is welcome, they do not include members of Nawaz Ali’s family. It is also high time that India and Pakistan tackled the issue of maritime boundary demarcation, the lack of which plays a big part in inadvertent trespass by fishermen on both sides. While relaxed visa regimes for businessmen and tourists are all very well, the plight of some of the most impoverished members of society must not be given short shrift.

Undocumented Afghans

October 1st, 2012

The displacement of Afghans from their homeland has been described as the world’s longest-running refugee crisis, now entering its fourth decade. And due to a variety of reasons, Pakistan has borne the brunt of the crisis. Last week, the National Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee was told that there are around one million Afghans living in Pakistan illegally. This is in addition to 1.7 million registered refugees. The PAC was informed that the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions (Safron) — which deals with refugees — was facing a paucity of funds, as millions of dollars promised by international donors had been held back. Yet there was also stinging criticism that funds meant for refugees were spent on officials’ junkets and air conditioners. Some parliamentarians were quite critical of the refugees, describing them as a ‘burden’. Considering the pressure put on the system by such a large number of people, the Afghans are an easy target for criticism. While the situation in Afghanistan may not be conducive for the refugees’ return due to militant violence and a weak economy, Pakistan’s problems, including a creaking infrastructure unable to cater to a large population, are also considerable.

Some officials have voiced support for evicting the Afghan refugees. However, we feel repatriation should be voluntary. The state needs to focus on registering all undocumented Afghans so that the refugee issue can be properly managed, as well as for security reasons. As for the shortage of funds, while the international community needs to deliver on its promises as the ‘problem’ is not Pakistan’s alone, Safron must also plug the leaks. The ultimate solution to the Afghan refugee question is a peaceful, prosperous Afghanistan. Until that seemingly distant goal is realised, the international community needs to continue to help Pakistan repatriate Afghan refugees wanting to go back and care for the ones still residing in this country.

No transparency

October 2nd, 2012

The Sindh local government law that was virtually bulldozed through the provincial assembly on Monday has attracted controversy ever since it first appeared as the Sindh People’s Local Government Ordinance 2012. The PPP and MQM had the numbers and saw the law through the legislature — without debate — even as other parties in the Sindh Assembly protested. The new law has attracted the criticism of Sindhi nationalists, some government allies and opposition figures. While it may be difficult to question the merit of a local government system that encourages grass-roots democracy, what cannot be condoned is the mishandling of an issue which has the potential to create deep divisions in society. The SPLGO 2012 was promulgated in early September and the notification to implement it was issued on Friday. Why such haste? It would have been more sensible to have called an assembly session and put the draft before Sindh’s elected representatives. That this procedure was not followed has raised suspicions about the political motives behind the move.

The law calls for five metropolitan corporations in Sindh, with the province’s remaining 18 districts to be governed by councils. It also restores the Police Order of 2002 — but only in Karachi. The rationale behind leaving other areas out of the purview of the police order is unclear: did the MQM want the system only for the Sindh capital, or did the PPP not want to implement it in the districts where it wields power? What is clear is that there should be one system — police, administrative and other — of governance in Sindh. Having two separate systems will be controversial and impractical. True, cities and rural areas have different needs. Nevertheless, a uniform system is needed to address development issues in an even-handed manner.

Considering that there is a need for public representatives at the grass-roots level, nationalists and others who are opposed to the law itself should be asked to clearly enunciate their views on the LG system and describe its flaws. Voicing their opinion is their right, but by not participating in the debate in a coherent manner, and not giving alternative suggestions, they only come across as trying to gain political mileage. Meanwhile, the PPP-led government has done itself no favours by turning an idea with merit into a highly controversial law. It must now dispel the impression that a separate system for Karachi has been proposed as a ‘favour’ to the MQM. There is still a chance to salvage the situation if the government reaches out to disgruntled parties inside and outside parliament and consi-ders amending legitimate weaknesses in the law.

For fair polls

October 2nd, 2012

Election rhetoric apart, Mian Nawaz Sharif’s apprehensions about electoral malpractices deserve to be taken seriously in a country where polling and vote count are far from transparent. Talking to journalists in Sukkur on Sunday, the PML-N chief said there would be a strong reaction if the general election was rigged and asked the PPP to help form a truly impartial caretaker set-up for the purpose. The sources of electoral malpractices are varied and stem from the kind of feudal- and militant-dominated society we live in. The administrative machinery is often open to pressure, and violence or threats of violence militate against fair voting. This is in addition to what Mehrangate revealed — the ISI funding parties of its choice.

Mercifully, we can see that all parties have agreed on the two major deterrents against electoral malpractices — an impartial caretaker regime and a truly independent election commission. The PPP-led government and the opposition have chosen the right man in Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim as chief election commissioner, and the 20th constitutional amendment laying down the mechanism for choosing a caretaker prime minister has parliamentary consensus. The acting prime minister has not yet been chosen, but the opposition has come out with several names to which the government side has not reacted negatively. Let us hope that the spirit shown in the CEC’s appointment will also be there in the choice of the interim prime minister. However, when the interim set-up is in place, the political parties and media, amongst others, must show a sense of responsibility, behave with restraint and lend full support to the caretaker regime and the CEC. This means a pledge to adopt a less emotional approach towards the issues of the day and to work collectively for fair polls. Placing the administrative machinery under the CEC, as has been demanded by some opposition leaders, is perhaps not immediately possible, but it can be considered later. However, transparency and smooth voting can be ensured if the caretaker government lends its full support to the CEC. This is a crucial step towards stabilising the democratic process.

The Afghan advance

October 2nd, 2012

The Asian Cricket Council’s recent decision to back Afghanistan for associate membership of the International Cricket Council is recognition of the fast-improving Afghan team and makes plenty of sense. The would-be associate members have shown glimpses of their talent and the combative qualities the Afghans are famous for have won their side admirers. The Afghan cricketers are looked upon with a certain amount of pride in Pakistan not just because they are currently considered the most likely underdogs to upset the giants; Pakistanis look at these Afghan fighters as their protégés. This country is happy to have played a big part in nurturing the cricketing talent among Afghan refugees over many decades. Many of the cricketers who first brandished their skills in the streets of Karachi and Peshawar are now distinguished members of the Afghan national side. They are coached by an ex-Pakistan player and have taken part in domestic competitions here.

So huge is Pakistanis’ support for this Afghan conquest that the happenings in a match of the ongoing T-20 world championship sort of revived the old strategic-depth theory here. Afghanistan were playing India and playing them well and at one time genuinely threatened M.S. Dhoni’s team — softening them up before Pakistan were scheduled to play India in the next round. But just as the best of coaching may have its faults, there is one area where the Afghans need to ‘de-learn’ their Pakistani experience.
The Afghans do not have to drop all these balls to prove their affinity with their neighbours. They are as notorious as their teachers when it comes to catching the ball. As a team worthy of the associate stature they must improve their fielding, and maybe they can inspire their teachers to catch a few, amid these chants of ‘do more’ and ‘Whatmore’.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Tax amnesty

October 3rd, 2012

The confusion of those absorbing Finance Minister Hafeez Sheikh’s comments on the planned tax amnesty for the 3.8 million potential tax dodgers with undeclared assets here and abroad is perfectly understandable. He is being ambiguous, perhaps intentionally. He says such proposals are meant for netting those with large amounts of black money to hide. But he reminds everyone that it is not yet ‘government policy’ (because it requires presidential approval). He doesn’t say that it will not become government policy and so it may be safe to assume that the proposal remains on the table. Apparently, the minister favours the amnesty and wants the Federal Board of Revenue to shift its focus to those with large amounts of black money. He has chosen to be ambiguous in his comments possibly because of objections raised by visiting IMF officials.

When the PPP government came up with its first tax amnesty scheme in 2008, it promised not to reward dodgers. It has failed to keep its word. Only a few months ago, it announced a reprieve for stock investors to provide a fresh trigger to investment in shares for boosting capital markets. The amnesty is being touted by the FBR as the last opportunity for tax dodgers to come clean. Still, chances of tax evaders availing of the scheme are as slim as that of government action against them. After all, they already have legislation in place guaranteeing tax exemption for money brought into Pakistan through normal banking channels as remittances. This legislation gives tax evaders enough space to whiten their untaxed money. They pay a small commission to a money-exchange dealer and get remittances in their names. It is hugely frustrating to see the state rewarding those who cheat the government with the help of a corrupt tax machinery.

Media reports suggest the FBR is pushing the proposal as a one-time effort to generate additional revenues to meet the tax target for the current fiscal. However, the scheme is unlikely to help the FBR rake in significant amounts of tax. The 2008 amnesty had yielded just about Rs2.5bn. India has had more than 14 disclosure schemes but the response has been far from encouraging and the ‘parallel’ economy continues to thrive there. Shouldn’t we learn from the Indian experience if not from our own? A better way would be to deal sternly with tax dodgers whom the government intends to help in laundering their illegal wealth. The FBR claims to have all the required information about them. If it must reward someone, it should reward honest taxpayers and not tax evaders.

Not a good idea

October 3rd, 2012

The PTI is set to go ahead with its rally to South Waziristan despite reservations from official quarters about safety and security, but the question must still be asked: is the PTI’s rally a good idea? To the extent that political parties have an undeniable right to campaign in various parts of Pakistan and to energise the base ahead of an election, the PTI’s rally is well within its democratic rights. Particularly in an area which has long remained on the margins of Pakistani society and virtually cut off from mainstream politics, the attempt by a political party to fortify its support can seem like a good idea. But the PTI’s goals must also be set against other national imperatives — and seen from the perspective of the fight against militancy, Imran Khan’s high-on-drama, low-on-results pilgrimage to Fata is unadvisable. To the extent that the PTI leadership is calculating that a very public denunciation of drone strikes and military operations from an area gripped by violence for the better part of a decade will yield electoral dividends in Pakistan proper, perhaps even in the tribal areas, the party may well pick up a few votes here and there. But the PTI’s policy on drone strikes and military operations is so well known — indeed, is a fundamental part of its campaign platform — as to render a made-for-TV opportunity at best peripheral to its electoral success.

The downsides, however, are very real and potentially serious, for the country, if not for the PTI. South Waziristan is an area no one, not even the most optimistic military official, would claim is anywhere near an acceptable normal. Militants are still active and the security forces face a battle that has morphed from frontal confrontation to fighting a shadowy but dangerous enemy. In that environment, a political rally that will echo inside Pakistan and internationally and seek to undermine the tenuous state narrative that the fight against militancy is Pakistan’s own will only bolster the enemy’s morale, and even endanger lives. The PTI won’t listen to good sense but its planned action is certainly deserving of criticism.

Children of a lesser god

October 3rd, 2012

Even in a country as inured to deprivation and tragedy as ours, the recently confirmed news of the death of nine newborns within a space of 12 hours at Larkana’s Chandka Medical College Hospital was shocking. The details, as they emerged, painted a picture of a hospital with far too few resources for the number of patients in its care and no neo-natal ICU with functional incubators; instead, a paediatric emergency ward where babies, including preemies, are accommodated together several to a bed, increasing the risk of cross-infection. These are among the factors that seem to have been largely responsible for the deaths.

Last June, a fire at the Services Hospital in Lahore — entirely preventable had timely action been taken — killed 10 babies. Despite the conclusion drawn by several investigations that the hospital’s nursery section be moved elsewhere as it had no fire escape, this has not been done. At the Chandka Hospital, many infants are underweight because they are born to anaemic, malnourished women who make the journey from far-flung communities where there is little or no medical care, let alone hospital facilities, available. The distance also puts at risk the lives of both mother and child in case of complications in home deliveries. While on the surface, the incidents appear very different, they are both evidence of the official apathy and institutional disregard for human life — especially that which commands the least political clout — in this part of the world. Also, given the ruling PPP’s symbiotic relationship with Larkana, the fact that a leading government hospital in this city has such a paucity of resources for the ‘ghareeb awam’ that the party claims as its constituency is particularly shameful. When will our political elite treat health as a fundamental human right rather than a privilege to be enjoyed by the select few?

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

A positive move

October 4th, 2012

Reversing the damaging decision to boycott the 2008 general elections, the National Party has thrown its hat into the electoral ring this time round, a widely expected decision that should bode well for the moderates in strife-torn Balochistan. The BNP-M leader, Akhtar Mengal, did not announce his party’s participation in the upcoming elections during his brief visit to Pakistan last week but the BNP-M is also expected to contest the elections. Similarly, the mainstream Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party is expected to try and recover the space it ceded to rivals after the disastrous decision to boycott the 2008 polls. All told, this is good news for the province. While the army-led security establishment has rightly been blamed for much of the mess in the province, the present provincial government and assembly has been a disaster at every level imaginable. In fact, so cynical has opinion in Balochistan become that many suspect the present civilian leadership of Balochistan is content to let the security forces and militant separatists fight it out because that ensures the flow of unprecedented funds to the province that can be easily skimmed off. A change, then, in the political stewardship of Balochistan is desperately needed.

Nevertheless, these are early days. The fate of the elections in Balochistan will depend on delicate negotiations conducted behind the scenes between the various players, none of whom trust each other. As of now, the army’s position on the elections is not known: will they let the electoral chips fall where they may or will they try and manipulate results in favour of allies? Gen Kayani’s statement yesterday pledging the army’s support for constitutional solutions in Balochistan was a welcome note but promises have been made before and not implemented. Moreover, the moderates will have to walk the narrowest of tightropes. Without convincing the militant separatists that relatively free and fair elections are in Balochistan’s interest, the moderates could easily find themselves in the crosshairs of the separatists during the campaign. There is yet another unknown. Will the army and the separatists halt the violence ahead of the elections to ensure a period of calm in the province? If neither side backs down, the elections could become a bloodbath and Balochistan could spiral further out of control.

Perhaps the greatest unknown, on which much of Balochistan’s future could rest, is which way the province will vote if moderates do participate and if the elections are relatively free and fair. The moderate parties believe they still command substantial support. But if Balochistan’s population spurns the moderates at the election, who will rescue that unfortunate province and how?

Averting a clash

October 4th, 2012

Adding a new twist to the dual nationality debate, the National Assembly Secretariat has apparently refused to comply with the Election Commission of Pakistan’s order to obtain declarations from legislators confirming that they do not possess citizenship of a foreign country. The ECP’s move was the result of last month’s Supreme Court order requiring parliamentarians to submit affidavits clarifying their nationality status. It appears that the NA Secretariat is going ‘by the book’; the ECP was told that the rules of business do not allow the obtaining of such declarations, meaning that the commission should obtain the declarations from the lawmakers itself. Since the court has passed the order and since holding dual nationality for lawmakers is forbidden under Article 63 (1c) of the constitution, it is obvious that our legislators should abide by the SC’s directives and cooperate with the ECP by either filing their affidavits directly or through the NA Secretariat. There is little room for debate on this point.

But, having said that, the situation must also be seen from a broader perspective. The life of the current national and provincial assemblies is limited, with probably three or four months remaining before the legislatures complete their tenure. So, to avert an institutional clash over the matter it is advisable for the ECP to put greater focus on ensuring that candidates for the upcoming polls do not have dual nationality. Such verification has been carried out before recent by-elections and must be repeated as part of a regular process in the run-up to general elections. The Senate, however, is a different case as it will remain after the current assemblies complete their term. Hence the senators should file their affidavits without delay. Whether it is filing wealth statements or details of their nationality, the public’s representatives are accountable to the courts as well as to the people, who have a right to information about their financial status and other details. If the lawmakers have nothing to hide, there should be no delay in filing the statements required by the ECP.

A new benchmark

October 4th, 2012

Pure in name and known for its abstinence, Pakistan must nevertheless attract attention for the variety of cocktails it offers. But this one has the potency to send the whole bar into a spin. The instance where an honourable judge seeks to spike the legal with the moral makes for a mixture too heady even for these times of most ingenious experiments. The honourable chief justice of the Peshawar High Court on Monday granted bail to a woman accused of running a brothel. A new benchmark in the treatment of the accused was set when the respected judge referred her to a certain imam sahib of a certain mosque in Hayatabad — in recognition of the respected cleric’s ability to correct the wayward. The accused was asked to attend daily reformative classes at the mosque for a month, and no less a moral keeper than the local SHO was directed to make sure the accused successfully completed the course.

This is reformative justice and this is progress —true Pakistan style, may we add. An example has been set against the old retributive model and for using the clerics effectively beyond their traditional role. But, leave alone what sentence a judge can pronounce, is this woman a convict already? The news reports say it was a bail plea the honourable judge was hearing. The prosecution was yet to begin. The accused did get bail but the accompanying order that put her in the care of a cleric could lead to the impression of her being guilty before the trial itself was held. Only if she had been found guilty could she have been asked to go through a reformative process. It would appear that amid so many ‘whats’ and ‘whys’ surrounding the case the imam sahib’s entry was a tad premature if not simply unwarranted.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Tax evasion

October 5th, 2012

There are times when the audacity and mismatch between what is being said and what is being done leaves us all dumbfounded. Recently, the National Database and Registration Authority completed an exercise aimed at identifying those individuals who have lifestyles of opulence and luxury yet pay no taxes. The results strain credulity, in a country where credulity is already in short supply. Tens of thousands of people live in posh areas of big cities, own luxury cars, engage in lucrative professions such as medicine and law and possess licenses for weapons — yet they pay no taxes. Over a million and a half people travel abroad multiple times in a year, and more than half a million people own multiple bank accounts without being registered as tax payers.

The numbers may not be very large in proportion to the overall population, but the audacity of living in this manner without paying taxes, and in many cases without even being registered with the tax authorities, is confounding even for Pakistan. We all knew these numbers would be large when they came in, but we weren’t prepared for how large and how audacious the picture of tax evasion in Pakistan really turned out to be. This would be just another data release were it not for the timing. Nadra’s disclosures come only days after the announcement of another ‘tax amnesty scheme’, the purported intent of which is to bring evaded wealth into the tax net. Past schemes of this sort have had as much success as de-weaponisation drives in conflict areas.

Pakistan has one of the highest cash-to-bank deposit ratios in the world, which basically means that Pakistanis prefer holding their wealth in cash, and prefer to execute their transactions in cash rather than use banking channels. The reason is obvious: cash transactions are difficult to trace. The volume of money that circulates in the cash economy in Pakistan is larger than it is in most other countries of the world. Bringing this money into the tax net, a fact whose importance and urgency has been highlighted by the numbers compiled by Nadra, will not happen with more ‘amnesty’ schemes. It will happen when there is a will to connect the dots and identify the evaders on the part of the Federal Board of Revenue, when there is a will to document commercial transactions through a value-added tax, and above all, when there is a will on the part of citizens to change their mindset and carry their part of the burden to pay for their state’s expenses.

A rock and a hard place

October 5th, 2012

The killing of Abdul Haq Baloch, who reported for a private television network, in Khuzdar on Saturday has highlighted yet again the increasingly dangerous terrain that the country’s journalists must negotiate in the line of duty, particularly in conflict-hit areas such as Balochistan and the north-western parts of the country. Mr Baloch was only about 100 yards from the local press club when he was gunned down by masked men. As in so many similar cases, the killers fled and the police case has been registered against “unidentified gunmen”. The list of those who could be behind the attack can potentially include elements ranging from militants or separatists to sections of the law-enforcement apparatus, for journalists who report from the country’s trouble spots complain of facing pressure from both sides in relation to their work. Over the years, a mounting body of information suggests that amongst the persecutors of reporters could be elements within state-sponsored agencies that seek to suppress the flow of information and place impediments in the path of citizens’ right to information — the death of Saleem Shahzad being a case in point. In such a situation, where the state makes little effort to even signal its support for journalists, honest reportage can be considered under threat.

Will Mr Baloch’s killers ever be brought to book? Given the state’s history in this regard, this would appear unlikely. Earlier during the year, the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists warned that “deadly, unpunished violence against the press rose sharply” in Pakistan, and the country’s rating on the CPJ Impunity Index worsened for the fourth year in a row. In this bald statement can be found the truth of the matter. The index rates countries where journalists are killed regularly but the government usually fails to solve the crime. In other words, Pakistan is a deadly country for journalists not just because they are threatened, but also because the state consistently refuses to pursue the persecutors in any meaningful fashion. Unless this pattern changes, there is danger that those in the media, particularly in conflict-hit areas, will have to work with so much circumspection as to render themselves impotent.

Aviation safety

October 5th, 2012

The state’s machinery is not exactly known for its clockwork efficiency. But when it comes to investigating Pakistan’s worst air disasters, the government needs to show some urgency. As reported in this paper the Safety Investigation Board, which works under the Ministry of Defence and is investigating April’s Bhoja Air crash on the outskirts of Islamabad, has not met for two months. The reason for this is that the investigation chief is on sick leave while another investigator has retired. The SIB is also waiting for the International Civil Aviation Organisation’s feedback, as the global agency is looking into the crash as well. Meanwhile, the probe into July 2010’s Airblue crash, in Islamabad’s Margalla hills, is also proceeding at a snail’s pace. Earlier this year the Peshawar High Court ordered a re-investigation into the tragedy as it was dissatisfied with the official probe. Reportedly, in the Airblue investigation as well a response from the ICAO is awaited.

If it is indeed a lack of feedback from foreign experts that is holding up both investigations, perhaps the local authorities need to approach the ICAO and request it to update them on the findings thus far. However, delaying a probe because an investigator is indisposed or has retired is simply unacceptable. Surely the state can appoint competent experts in their place. The government needs to show urgency and interest in both probes for two key reasons: first, there is a need to ascertain what exactly brought down the two airliners so that rectifications can be made where safety protocols are concerned in order to prevent future accidents. Second, the investigations need to progress at a satisfactory pace so that the heirs of the victims can be duly compensated. Overall, the state needs to urgently review its lethargic attitude towards aviation safety standards in Pakistan.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Military mindset

October 6th, 2012

Laconic it may have been, but the army chief’s recent statement on Balochistan came across as full of meaning and revealed a disturbing mindset. Before flying off to Moscow, Gen Pervez Kayani said the army would support any solution to the Balochistan crisis provided it was “within the constitution”. His statement was elaborated upon by an army official when he denied that the army was blocking any political initiative on Balochistan. The army chief’s remark came in the wake of Baloch nationalist Akhtar Mengal’s appearance in the Supreme Court and the talks he had in Islamabad with some leading politicians culminating in his ‘six points’. Whether or not Mr Mengal’s nostrum for solving Balochistan’s problems is in the interest of the province or the country is for the representatives of the people to decide; unelected institutions need not be officious. On the other hand, Gen Kayani’s could have been an off-the-cuff remark. But given the number of times the military has suspended or tampered with the constitution in the past, it is not surprising that not everyone took his words at face value. We hope that the generals have learnt their lesson and stay well within the limits of the constitution.

While space doesn’t permit a fuller review of the army’s forays into politics and how it made and unmade constitutions, an example or two can be noted. Ziaul Haq at least was not being a hypocrite when he proclaimed that the constitution was nothing but a piece of paper he could tear up. What he considered to be his right as a general had already been demonstrated by two army chiefs. A fourth was to follow in 1999. Coinciding with Gen Kayani’s remark, a defence ministry official denied before the SC the existence of a political cell in the ISI, a denial that flies in the face of Pakistan’s history. As irony would have it, the refutation came during the hearing of the Asghar Khan case in which a former ISI chief has himself placed before the court documents corroborating his assertion that the intelligence agency distributed money among its favourite politicians to create a multiparty alliance and manipulate the 1990 elections. Way back, another ex-ISI chief had also admitted to such tactics.

Army interventions have done enormous harm to Pakistan, militated against the evolution of democratic institutions, eroded the concept of civilian supremacy and corrupted the judiciary. Each time the army quit, the country was left in a greater mess and twice without a constitution (1969 and 1971). Today, the task before all Pakistanis is to consolidate the democratic process.

Syria-Turkey tensions

October 6th, 2012

The Syrian conflict has always had the potential to escalate into a regional conflagration, and recent events have taken a worrying turn in that direction. The Turkish parliament on Thursday authorised military action against Syria for upto a year after five Turks were killed, reportedly by cross-border Syrian shelling. Ankara has responded with shelling of its own. Relations between the neighbours have been frosty ever since the Syrian uprising began last year; in June the Syrians shot down a Turkish surveillance aircraft over the Mediterranean while Syria blames the Turks for hosting rebels. Analysts nevertheless take comfort from the fact that neither Ankara nor Damascus has gone beyond what was expected; the Syrians struck a conciliatory tone while Turkey has said the parliament’s move is not a declaration of war. There have also been anti-war demonstrations in Turkey. Meanwhile, the UN and international players have urged restraint; showing rare unanimity over Syria, the Security Council condemned the Syrian shelling in ‘the strongest terms’.

Syria is in a state of civil war, with around 30,000 casualties reported to date. Rebels control considerable swathes of land along the Turkish, Lebanese and Jordanian borders. Opposition fighters took control of a border town near Turkey a few weeks ago, which may explain Syrian shelling of the region. While Damascus has crushed the revolt with great brutality, the armed opposition is also quite unpredictable, rife as it is with internal divisions and infiltrated by religious extremists. Already a proxy war is being fought within Syria, with the rebels receiving support from Gulf Arabs, among others, while Bashar al-Assad’s regime has Iranian backing. In such a scenario if Turkey were to formally enter the fray, the results would be disastrous. Turkey is part of Nato and other members of the pact can be drawn into a conflict if the territory of a member state is attacked. Fortunately, at this point such a development seems unlikely. The ideal — yet unlikely — solution would be a ceasefire by all belligerents to pave the way for a democratic transition. Meanwhile, regional states must exercise restraint to prevent the conflict from spilling over into other countries.

Out of the finals

October 6th, 2012

The Pakistan cricket team’s roller-coaster campaign in the ICC World Twenty20 finally came to an end in Colombo on Thursday with their semi-final defeat against hosts Sri Lanka. Living up to their reputation of being the most unpredictable outfit in the game, the Pakistanis made heavy weather of a rather small target of 140 to lose the contest by 16 runs on a track that held no perils for the batsmen. Sri Lanka, despite being a competitive side and enjoying home advantage, were by no means better equipped than Mohammad Hafeez and his charges for the T20 format. However, credit must be given to them for keeping their cool in the end and outplaying the opposition for a spot in the final.

Although the Pakistanis delighted fans by taming the formidable Australians and South Africans in the thrilling event, their inexplicable loss in the semifinal as well as in the crucial game against arch-rivals India in the Super Eight stage raises some serious questions about their ability to sustain their act on the cricket field, especially when playing under pressure. It also put a question mark on the future of some of its most experienced players including Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and Abdul Razzaq. The three veterans of Pakistan cricket are clearly a shadow of what they were during their heyday and would be well-advised to hang up their boots. The overall leadership of skipper Hafeez is also bound to be put under the microscope. On more than one occasion he failed to read the pitch correctly and his persistence with opener Imran Nazir and all-rounder Yasir Arafat and the constant omission of talented Asad Shafiq has put off cricket enthusiasts. The way forward would involve inducting new blood into the team and more purposeful input from coach Dav Whatmore.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Electoral rolls

October 7th, 2012

Much has been said about all the names that are missing from the electoral rolls. This is about missing political parties — parties that are absent when it comes to doing their duty to have enrolled as many people as voters as possible. In Lahore on Friday, Chief Election Commissioner Justice Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim (retd) said not a single political party had so far obtained a copy of the revised electoral rolls. This comes as a shock amid all the criticism of the Election Commission of Pakistan’s voters’ list. The CEC’s remarks indicate that objections on the list have been raised without anyone bothering to first go through the evidence. The aim should be to add to the list of eligible voters, which has swelled over time but which is still far from complete. It is a process that requires the political parties to be constructive. The big political parties have cells to look after various areas of interest. There is no reason why they should not have in-house groups solely attending to this matter of paramount importance which Mr Ebrahim has pointed out. An efficient commission is dependent on greater participation by all stakeholders — political parties, media and other civil society organisations and, not least, on the individual who must press for rights guaranteed under a democratic order.

It is not too difficult to understand the unease with which the ECP is viewed here. It has had a negative image, built up over the years, which will take time to fade away. It is only in recent times that an earnest attempt has been made to ensure a fair and free commission. Mr Ebrahim was hailed as the man who could initiate the process of turning the ECP into an independent institution. He was expected to be active and at the same time extra-cautious in his assignment — so that there is no confusing an election commissioner with a political leader who has his own agenda of reforms.

He has been busy and high hopes are attached to him, but his first few months as CEC are illustrative of the enormity and sensitivity of the task before him. There is the issue relating to dual nationality of lawmakers, while the problem of electoral rolls lingers on not just in the discourse of politicians but also in the accounts of individuals who are yet to make it to the voters’ list. It appears the CEC will have to call the politicians over for work that benefits the political parties and the people they are answerable to. It should not expect them to turn up on their own.

A conservative stance

October 7th, 2012

The State Bank of Pakistan is in a tight corner. It is also confused as it tries to adjust its monetary policy stance to strike a balance between growth and inflation. The textbook view of monetary policy preached by the IMF requires the SBP to maintain high interest rates to control prices and inflation expectations. The bank has religiously followed this policy since 2007. The need to revive investment and growth, on the other hand, demand substantial rate cuts. It is a fine balancing act as both contractionary and loose monetary stances have benefits and drawbacks. The tight monetary stance pursued for five years failed to tame prices and restrain government from bank borrowings to finance its budget. Rather, it threw the private sector out of the banking sector, dried up fresh investment and stalled economic growth.

In view of this ‘marginalisation’ of its tight policy stance the SBP decided to cut interest rates by 200bps — 50bps in August and 150bps in October last year. But it soon developed cold feet and changed course in the face of escalating prices on the back of inflationary government borrowing and a deteriorating balance-of-payment situation. In August this year, the bank again saw an opportunity in slowing inflation to reduce its policy rate by 150bps to revive private investment for pushing growth. The latest policy review on Friday, however, indicates the bank has again lost its momentum as it decided to adopt a more conservative stance by slowing the pace of monetary easing. The rate cut of 50bps to 10 per cent was far below the market expectation of 100-150bps. Indeed, availability of cheaper credit may motivate government borrowing and push prices up. Still, the lowering of rates will revive private credit that shrunk to just below Rs18bn last year and allow businessmen to replace their ageing technology, expand their capacity, invest in coal-fired generation, create jobs and increase exports. Also, the government may get fiscal space in its substantially reduced debt-servicing to spend more on development. Unusual times require unusual solutions. The SBP could either go by the textbook or attempt bold steps.

March to Kotkai

October 7th, 2012

As these words are being written, Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaaf supporters are en route to the tribal areas as part of a ‘peace march’ to protest American drone strikes in the Waziristan agencies. Earlier, there was some ambiguity about the state’s willingness to provide security to the marchers. The South Waziristan Agency administration had denied permission for the march, citing its inability to provide security to participants. Yet Interior Minister Rehman Malik on Saturday reportedly stated that no impediments were being created for the PTI rally, while the Dera Ismail Khan authorities said they would make ‘fool-proof’ security arrangements. These are welcome developments indicating that better sense has prevailed in government circles. Now, the state should not create panic by issuing warnings, and work on ensuring maximum possible security for the participants. While the wisdom of the march itself is debatable, the fact remains that it is the democratic right of every political party to hold rallies and public meetings. Having said that, the PTI needs to cooperate with the authorities as safety of the marchers is of paramount importance.

Looking beyond the PTI march, the state cannot make the excuse that rallies or meetings should be cancelled because of militant threats. Issuing advance threat warnings and later saying ‘we told you so’ is the easy way out for the government in order to shirk its responsibilities. The authorities can also use the existence of threats to disallow religious processions in Muharram and Rabiul Awwal. Yet the militants cannot be allowed to set the agenda. People have the right to peacefully assemble for political, religious or other purposes and the state must guarantee their safety. Providing security to the PTI march was the right move; hopefully the state will not be reluctant to provide protection to its citizens in similar cases.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Parliament’s challenge

October 8th, 2012

Two bills are set to be tabled in parliament this week by the government according to a report in this newspaper yesterday and both will have far-reaching consequences if not vetted and passed in a responsible and effective manner. At the moment, the government’s intentions in that regard are anything but clear. Both the much-delayed accountability bill and the fair trial bill have language that can be used to thwart their ostensible aims and end up either toothless, in the accountability bill’s case, or infringing on the people’s rights, in the fair trial bill’s case. Start with the language in the accountability bill. The impasse over whether the proposed national accountability commission should be headed by a sitting judge of the Supreme Court or by a retired one is not really where the main difficulty lies, though the PPP and PML-N have used the disagreement to conveniently delay the bill’s passage for a couple of years now. More worrying is the ‘good faith’ exemption to holders of public office if they are found guilty of wrongdoing — the slippery slope of exemptions could end up gutting the entire bill and rendering it a meaningless piece of legislation. Also important, and unknown, is the implementation mechanism. After all, even the best legislation in the world can be meaningless without a robust implementation mechanism.

Of more direct worry to the public is the fair trial bill. The use of advanced communications technology by militants and terrorists is well known and the state’s ability to intercept these communications and then use the evidence so gathered in a court of law is woefully inadequate, at least when it comes to admissibility of evidence. But in trying to solve a problem, the state’s idea of a solution can often involve gross overreach. Take the example of the Actions (In Aid of Civil Power) Regulations, 2011 for Fata and Pata (the Malakand area) which were promulgated by the president in an attempt to ease the problem of illegal detentions of militants and suspects captured during the various military operations. But then the regulations were used to re-incarcerate the Adiala 11 after they had been set free by the courts. So unless there is a robust system of checks and balances and unless citizens have solid guarantees that their privacy will not be wantonly breached, the fair trial bill may create more problems than it attempts to solve.

The test, then, for parliament is a stern one. But it should be welcomed by parliament for without learning to grapple with such complex matters, the democratic project will never truly take root.

Bank robbers’ week

October 8th, 2012

Four bank robberies in one week serve to highlight the nightmarish crime picture in the nation’s biggest city. On Friday, armed men, who had obviously rehearsed their commando-style operations, got away with half a million rupees from a bank branch in the harbour area, raising to more than Rs6m the amount looted by outlaws in just a few days. That the robbery bid at a North Nazimabad bank failed gives no credit to the law-enforcement agencies, for the bandits had mistimed their crime. But in both cases, the sophistication in their modus operandi was obvious. They were wearing the uniform of security guards, and that made their job easy, for no one challenged their entry into the banks. They had also done their intelligence homework, knew the police were not around, and the cellphone — that cheap but valuable tool for the good and bad — must have been in their possession. In contrast, the banks have no defence mechanism except security guards, who are sitting ducks.

Friday’s crimes raise to 18 the number of bank heists in Karachi this year, with the loot amounting to almost Rs70m. Are these ‘ordinary’ criminals in action or militant groups gathering money for terrorist purposes? The security agencies have no clue. The banks had pleaded with the authorities for an effective mechanism for a coordinated plan of action against robberies, but there is no evidence that the law-enforcement set-up has accepted their pleas or come up with an effective scheme of its own. CCTV cameras are there in most bank branches, and in many cases criminals have been identified. But nothing has been done by way of unearthing the gangs and taking them to court which would have boosted the image of the police force in the eyes of the people of Karachi. Bank robberies are just one aspect of the harrowing law and order situation in a city that is Pakistan’s industrial and commercial hub. From street crimes, carjacking and extortion rackets to home burglaries and bank robberies, crime is thriving in Karachi and the administration seems helpless.

A happy lot?

October 8th, 2012

Post-colonial nation that we are, we’ve become used to receiving wisdom, often about our own society and situation, from the West. On numerous occasions, it has taken studies endorsed or carried out by Western agencies to convince us of the veracity of the picture staring us in the face, be it of child malnutrition in rural Sindh or the worsening economic crisis. Indeed, such is the reach and credibility of several well-funded First World organisations that in many cases, producing the same data through local channels would be quite a challenge. Nevertheless, there are occasions when the results produced by the mighty number-crushers on the other side of the planet seem literally that: from another planet altogether. That is the case with the Happy Planet Index 2012, the results of which were announced on Wednesday. Pakistan never appears anywhere near the top of a list gauging prosperity, but in the case of “sustainable wellbeing”, which the Index purportedly measures, it seems we occupy the 16th slot out of 151 countries, ahead of both India and America and one spot below Israel.

Upon receipt of this news, the average Pakistani could be forgiven for looking around in disbelief. But as always, the devil lies in the detail. The HPI, which was introduced in 2006 by a British NGO that also has a branch in the US, is calculated using human life expectancy and wellbeing, and the ecological footprint, of countries through data collected by a range of sources such as the UNDP and Gallup. Pakistan rated ‘mediocre’ on the first two counts but was saved by its ecological footprint — or lack thereof. What that means is that the average Pakistani’s perception that this is a tough country to negotiate is probably true, but fortunately we are not in the business of actively harming the planet — which, we must suppose, is encouraging.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Shrouded in secrecy

October 9th, 2012

As a peaceful protest, the Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf’s anti-drone march fell well within democratic norms. What was also clear, though, is that its motive was election-era politics rather than confronting the roots of the problem itself. While roundly criticising the Pakistani and US administrations, the party focused far less on the fact that Pakistan’s drone policy, whatever it may be, is being carried out with the approval of the Pakistani army and the cooperation of Pakistani intelligence. So while it may have been effective political propaganda, whether or not the protest will put pressure on those really responsible for the drones mess is questionable.

The frustrating truth is that the real nature of America and Pakistan’s agreement, or lack thereof, on the drones programme is growing more, not less, murky. The conventional wisdom seemed to be that a programme that was once jointly conducted by the two countries, at least in terms of intelligence-sharing and Pakistan providing a physical base, had now become one conducted by the US without Pakistan’s involvement. But a series of reports in Western media outlets are now claiming that Pakistan is still given some knowledge of upcoming drone strikes. Even then, there is no consensus on the extent of the information provided — whether it is just an indication of the broad area within which strikes will take place or an actual list of targets — or on whether or not Pakistan acknowledges receiving the information. The bottom line is that the extent of collaboration remains behind a veil of secrecy that neither the US nor Pakistan governments and intelligence agencies seem eager to lift.

Nor is it clear whether or not the drones are legal — partly because it is unclear how much consent Pakistan provides — how targets are selected, or how militants are distinguished from civilians present in areas where militant activities are being plotted or carried out. All of which has turned drones into a genuine human-rights issue of great sensitivity for many Pakistanis. That in turn means the programme has become a lightning rod for anti-US sentiment and is also being used to support the argument that military action is not the solution in even Fata’s most militant-infested parts. Until the Pakistani military makes a genuine effort to root out militants from the tribal areas, or the government develops a joint mechanism with the US for conducting the programme and shares it with the public, the controversy over drones could derail the objective of cleansing the tribal areas of militants who threaten not only other countries, but Pakistan itself.

Worrying portent

October 9th, 2012

Violence has become an unfortunate component of Pakistani politics. And when political meetings and rallies become easy targets for trigger-happy assailants, the need to reform the country’s political culture assumes even more importance. A number of people were killed as gunmen opened fire on a village public meeting on Sunday in Sindh’s Khairpur district. The majority of victims were PPP supporters. There are mixed views about what prompted the attack with some officials citing the cause as enmity between two groups of the local Janwari community. However, PPP MNA Nafisa Shah, who was to speak at the meeting, indicated ‘political motives’. Given intra-communal tensions and a charged political atmosphere, neither aspect can be ruled out. Political tensions have been prevailing since the passage of the Sindh People’s Local Government Bill 2012 by the provincial assembly last week, with Sindhi nationalists and some erstwhile PPP allies in the assembly agitating against the new law. If the meeting was attacked due to political motives, it would set a dangerous precedent. One can only hope that the police are right when they say they know the perpetrators; in that case we expect the assailants to be apprehended soon. To clear the air, all political forces in Sindh need to condemn the attack unequivocally, whatever their view of the government. Criticism of government policies must remain within the bounds of democratic practice — either in the assembly chamber or through peaceful protests.

With general elections on the horizon electioneering activities will begin to gather steam in the days ahead. In this context it is not very reassuring that a meeting of the ruling party has been attacked in its home base. Considering the possibility of similar incidents, political parties need to sit down and discuss a code of conduct whereby it is agreed that electioneering will be a peaceful exercise. If the trend of attacking political rallies and meetings catches on, an excuse can be made to curtail political activities altogether. This would be unacceptable. Hence both political parties and the state need to play their respective roles to ensure a peaceful run-up to the elections.

T-20 championship

October 9th, 2012

On Sunday, cricket’s unpredictability once again got the better of the many experts on the game. The West Indies victory against the much-fancied Sri Lanka gave the T-20 championship its fourth winner. The Windies join past winners India, Pakistan and England to reconfirm the openness of this short version of cricket which offers all participants a good shot at the title, consequently adding to the appeal of an already popular format. The purists may be appalled by the damage the T-20 bombardment is causing the gentleman’s game. They better brace themselves for more of the same. The longer variety, not just the Tests but also the one-day internationals, is in danger of being stroked out of the stadium.

In the Colombo final Sri Lanka badly erred by complicating the issue. They calculated too much and hit out at too few. They may have approached it in too defensive a frame of mind. As hosts, they were placed in the easier group and defeated Pakistan in the semi-finals. But in the biggest game of the championship, the Lankan intent seemed to be on getting one underneath the tall and merry West Indians rather than to surpass them. The pitch the game was played on cost Mahela Jayawardene’s team dear. Tailor-made for slower, lower-trajectory bowlers, it led to the Lankan skipper’s downfall and that of ace batsman Kumar Sangakara. It neutralised the Lankan trump card, Lasith Malinga who bowled full as per his style and went for plenty at the hands of a very talented Marlon Samuels. Caribbean skipper Darren Sammy summed up the story of how a theory can go wrong out in the field rather well. Otherwise an innocuous, reluctant bowler, he cut down on pace to great effect and stole the cup the West Indies had long been waiting for. They were worthy winners in the end.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Accountability bill

October 10th, 2012

As planned, the government introduced a new accountability bill in parliament on Monday. And as expected, it is a flawed bill. The National Accountability Commission bill that has been sent to a standing committee for vetting and approval before being returned to the full house for a vote — expected sooner than later — will be examined and critiqued outside parliament in the days ahead as its language is digested and its implications understood. Already, however, two glaring issues have arisen: the ‘good faith’ exemption in the previous bill, now withdrawn by the government, has been retained while the clock on accountability has been set back only as far as October 2002. Limiting accountability to the last decade for public office holders is a particularly egregious flaw in the new bill. Previously, the government wanted to go as far back as 1985 while the PML-N had insisted on 1947 as the starting point from which accountability of public officials could be undertaken under the law that is to replace the Musharraf-era National Accountability Ordinance. Ten years is a particularly short period and one that conveniently excludes the so-called decade of democracy in the 1990s when the PPP and PML-N traded office every couple of years or so and claims of corruption and other wrongdoing were rife. As a signal that the government is serious about accountability the 10-year limit is a particularly poor idea: few will believe the government is interested in across-the-board accountability if it’s limited to only a slice of our history.

The retention of the ‘good faith’ exemption to accountability is also problematic. If the language is drafted loosely and the use of the exemption not tightly patrolled — and who can expect politicians to implement the language of legislation to their own disfavour? — accountability could become a farce. For example, if a lucrative contract for an important public-works project is handed out without proper vetting and transparent bidding, could the public office holder later claim the project’s importance justified cutting corners (and presumably lining the pockets of allies and family in the process)? To be sure, a draconian accountability law could in some circumstances have adverse effects if it makes public officials too skittish about performing their duties as they fear prosecution by an overzealous accountability machinery later. But as it stands, the ‘good faith’ exemption appears too broad to be justified.

Yet, will the bill receive the scrutiny it deserves inside parliament? From Monday’s events, it appears that the PML-N’s objections may be more for the cameras than substantive. Behind-the-scenes understandings could scuttle necessary scrutiny of an important law.

Women as chattel

October 10th, 2012

Last year, a bill was passed that outlaws, among other practices that exploit women, offering the latter in marriage to settle disputes. But the emergence of a new wani case in Balochistan proves that in Pakistan putting down laws on paper is only the starting point of a long, hard struggle for women’s rights. Such a struggle will have to involve making the judicial system accessible to citizens across the country if entrenched customs of tribal justice are to be rooted out. As long as the official justice system remains slow, inconvenient and expensive, and as long as it is not woven into the fabric of Pakistani society, turning to councils of tribal elders will remain a tempting solution even if its results are inhumane and discriminatory by modern standards. The second piece of the problem is that mindsets remain regressive and misogynistic at the very top. The claim that a sitting member of the Balochistan Assembly may have been part of the jirga that allegedly advised that 13 girls of one tribe be offered to another tribe as compensation for a murder brings to mind another shocking instance of wrongly exercised influence, when in 2008 a senator from the province defended the alleged burying alive of five women for reasons of ‘honour’. As long as those in positions of power within their tribes and constituencies continue to hold views like these, changing conditions for women will remain almost impossible.

If there is anything positive about the news, it is that a story such as this one may have gone unnoticed just a few years ago. And many stories still do. But there is some hope that the media attention the incident has received and the suo moto notice taken by the Supreme Court — if it leads to some accounta-bility — could work as deterrents in the future, especially in preventing influential people in the public eye from supporting actions against women. Until the slow, hard work of providing modern justice and holding those in power to account is done, making a noise about such instances is the only real weapon there is.

Killer amoeba

October 10th, 2012

A rare, mysterious amoeba known as Naegleria fowleri has been linked to at least 10 deaths in Karachi since May. It is a waterborne organism found in swimming pools and freshwater bodies and can infect the nervous system with deadly results. With often deceptive initial symptoms, such as headache and fever, a proper diagnosis is difficult to make. The concern generated by the lethal amoeba and presumably the fact that of the 10 victims only one had visited a swimming pool, led to a meeting of health officials and other stakeholders on Monday. Here, the Karachi Water and Sewerage Board was urged to increase the chlorine content of the city’s water to neutralise the deadly organism. At the meeting it was revealed that 22 per cent of water samples were found to be either non-chlorinated or containing insufficient amounts of chlorine — hence the need to closely monitor the quality of Karachi’s water and ensure adequate levels of chlorination.

Nevertheless, alarming as the situation is, it is important that there is no fear-mongering that could lead to unnecessary panic. What would be more helpful is public information regarding preventive measures — such as the recommendation that people use purified water for ablution as the amoeba is at its deadliest when it enters the body through the nasal passages. Considering that the amoeba is rare, medical professionals should not be left out of the loop, and hospitals and clinics would do well to ensure that they are fully aware of the diagnostic procedures. Meanwhile, timely reporting to the health authorities of deaths or infections linked to the amoeba by public and private hospitals is essential for proper management. Nearly all the fatalities have been reported from private hospitals. This is a clear indication that public health facilities are underreporting the number of cases they handle.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga