Pakistan’s own war

August 19th, 2012

Will we or won’t we? Or is it a question of not if, but when? The mixed messages that have been emerging from the Pakistani and American security and foreign policy establishments about an operation in North Waziristan leave these questions unanswered. But the ISPR statement on the recent visit of the American military’s regional chief makes one thing clear: at the moment, at least, the Pakistani security establishment is more concerned about declaring its independence in the face of American pressure and denying the possibility of American boots on the ground than it is about building its own case for going into North Waziristan.

But that tribal agency is now a bigger problem for Pakistan than it is for the Americans. Not just a possible launching pad for Haqqani network attacks in Afghanistan, it is a refuge and training and planning ground for a number of groups whose attacks and criminal activities are carried out on Pakistani territory. The military leadership has been pointing out in recent days that any operation there will require political backing, which is another way of saying that public sentiment in favour of it would have to be drummed up. Such support has been created before, most notably for the Swat operation in 2009. And for North Waziristan, the case could not be easier to make. Reports are emerging that those who attacked the airbase in Kamra may have been trained in North Waziristan. Hafiz Gul Bahadur has banned polio vaccinations there. The Bannu jailbreak has been linked to the agency. Security forces posted there continue to be targeted. And these are just a handful of examples; as home to militant groups squeezed out of other tribal agencies, the agency has become a major source of instability at home.

Why, then, the focus on America instead? Maybe establishing that the operation will not be dictated by the US was a strategic move, an initial, and perhaps required, public-relations step before laying out Pakistan’s own reasons. And Gen Kayani took an important step on Aug 14 when he declared in general terms that the war is Pakistan’s own, and that it has to be fought. But if the decision to go into North Waziristan has essentially been made, it is time to start focusing publicly on our own reasons for doing so. The agency has been left to its own devices for far too long, and there is no shortage of arguments on the basis of which Pakistanis can be convinced that the area poses a security threat to their own country that should no longer be ignored.

For improved security

August 19th, 2012

Over the years, militant groups in the country have diversified their modus operandi. The country’s law-enforcement machinery, however, has not kept pace and has been unable to adequately contain the myriad threats from various quarters. It has not been able to come up with innovations in security procedures despite clear evidence that they are urgently needed. Consider, for example, the growing number of incidents in which militants have dressed in uniforms used by security personnel to either ease their way to the outer cordons of secure installations or to wield an air of authority that initially masks their intent. Just a few days ago, Shia passengers in four buses were shot dead in Mansehra by terrorists in commando uniforms. In Kohistan in February, on a similar attack on Shia bus passengers, the gunmen were also in military uniform, as were the militants who in October 2009 attacked GHQ in Rawalpindi.

Pakistan has laws regarding the impersonation of police- and servicemen, but more active measures need to be put in place. At the moment, a police or army uniform can be obtained from the market with relative ease. This access can be denied by ensuring that the material used for the uniforms is not easily available. True, there has been some effort by the state to ensure that its security personnel are not confused with others, and it has directed private security firms to use noticeably different uniforms. Even that requirement, however, is violated but the state takes no action. Another easily addressed deficiency in routine security, for example, is the absence in many places of checking entry passes and credentials against a computerised or other database so that forged documents can be detected. This would be especially useful in outer cordons of security, which is what terrorists try to penetrate and where low-ranking servicemen are an easy target. Changing times require changing methods, and the efficacy of relatively simple methods should not be underestimated. Restricting the space in which terrorists and militants currently operate with impunity is key to the endeavour of regaining control of the country’s security.

Moon-gazers

August 19th, 2012

Come the eve of Eid and the conversations focus, as always, around the ability of religious scholars to somehow sight the moon — even when the possibility of doing so is dim. The explanations for wanting Eid on a particular day may vary, but the most common of these pertain to a desire to see the entire Pakistani nation celebrate the festival together. One country-many Eids feeds not just jokes but also a never-ending lament which casts Pakistan as an irreconcilable land of cynics, sects and hastier-than-thou types. Yet, amid all these currents, a much simpler, purer, reason remains: the old, child-like excitement at finding something suddenly, which has people urging on the celebrated maulana in his suspense-filled discovery mission. More exciting are those Eids that beckon suddenly and the best are those that bring the child to the fore. The problem is, it is the respected elders who are forever holding the reins.

We have often been told about the political side of the Ruet-i-Hilal Committee, just as we know the scholars collected at various rooftops for the moon-sighting ceremony are fulfilling a religious requirement when they ask for trustworthy witnesses to decide the issue. The question quite often is who is trustworthy and who is not and the debate that stems from this can be unsavoury. Even Saudi Arabia, which uses science to facilitate a loose prefixing of the Islamic calendar mainly for official purposes, is ultimately beholden to the ‘shahadat’ or the evidence of a few individuals for the final decision. The difference is that elsewhere the effort to evolve a more dependable, less confusing system is much more pronounced than it is in Pakistan. Once the focus is right and a way out is earnestly sought, the vision clears. The sky is the limit.

Electoral rolls

August 20th, 2012

The Election Commission of Pakistan has issued ads in the print media urging people to check if their names are on the 2012 final electoral rolls and to make corrections if there are errors in the data. The rolls have been placed in the offices of the district election commissioners for verification. Essentially, the responsibility of verification has been placed on the citizen. This is where political parties need to step in and mobilise voters to register and verify. In a related development, Nadra says 96 per cent of adults in Pakistan — 92 million people — have been issued CNICs. This figure is significant considering voter registration is linked to possessing an identity card. As per the ECP’s figures there are just over 84 million registered voters in the country. Hence both the ECP and Nadra must clarify the difference between the number of registered voters and the official figures for those possessing CNICs.

The numbers game has created a controversy, with independent claims that up to 20 million voters have not been registered. What lies at the root of this problem is the absence of up-to-date population data in the country. Giving population projections is not Nadra or the Election Commission’s job. Hence the confusion over the number of voters is a reminder of why a credible, controversy-free census is important. It is essential that a reliable data pool — and not mere estimates — is available so that national exercises, such as finalisation of the voters’ list, are carried out in a non-controversial fashion.

But perhaps the key points that need to be addressed are the registration of citizens and their access in order to facilitate registration and verification. If these two areas are worked on the gap between the official number of voters and the millions who have reportedly been left out could be narrowed. But at the same time, it should be remembered that a large number of CNICs are issued every month, and the ECP must keep pace with the increasing number of newly enfranchised citizens until the announcement of the election schedule. The suggestion that verification take place at the local level should be considered as it is difficult and expensive for people to travel to district headquarters, especially for those living in remote areas. Along with the print campaign, public-awareness messages regarding the voters’ list need to be broadcast in the electronic media in Urdu and regional languages. A sustained effort is required by all stakeholders to make the voters’ list as error-free as possible to pave the way for free and fair polls.

A blighted generation

The children of Pakistan face many odds. From malnutrition to exposure to various forms of violence to diseases as debilitating as polio, the younger generation has to contend with a host of extraordinary challenges. For children living on the streets the risks are even greater, and including substance abuse and routine sexual violence. And as a recent report in this paper indicated, the threat of an HIV epidemic amongst street children is an emerging concern. According to health officials in Sindh, six out of 10 drug-using street children registered with a Karachi-based NGO were found to be HIV-positive. This may reflect a bigger trend. The children had been using contaminated needles or were sexually abused. HIV is prevalent amongst injecting drug users and sex workers in the country. Because street children are exposed to drugs and sexual predators, this creates an extremely vulnerable sub-group likely to be infected with HIV. Meanwhile, according to recent figures released by the NGO Madadgaar Helpline, over 2,300 children across Pakistan were subjected to different types of violence in the first half of this year. These included cases — only those reported — of rape, torture and murder.

As in other areas, after devolution it is the provinces’ duty to pass laws concerning children’s welfare. But barring a few exceptions, there has been a lack of intent and capacity at the provincial level to pass and implement laws to protect children. For example, Karachi, which observers estimate has a population of thousands of street children, does not have even a single state-operated rehabilitation home for the young ones. Only a few private concerns are making efforts in this regard. The fact is legislation is only a first step. What is needed most is compassion at the societal level for vulnerable children and the realisation that children have inviolable rights; rights that society denies them in a brutal fashion. Even the best laws are useless if not implemented. Until society reforms itself and the state moves beyond rhetoric and takes practical steps for the rehabilitation and welfare of children, we will only be bequeathing misery to the next generation.

Railway projects

August 20th, 2012

The government, it seems, is slowly realising the importance of reviving the collapsing Pakistan Railways to provide better, decent travel facilities. The Executive Committee of the National Economic Council has approved different railway projects costing Rs287bn. A major chunk of the funds — Rs246bn — will be spent on reviving the Karachi Circular Railway. KCR’s revival was actually planned in 2006, but the lack of funds delayed its implementation. Now that Japan has agreed to lend money, its completion will help unclog the city’s roads. The remaining funds will be used for procuring locomotives, high-capacity bogies and high-speed power vans as well as for repairing the existing 150 diesel engines and the mechanisation of the track maintenance pilot project.

All these projects are being executed after a lag of four years, not least because of financial constraints. The railway has been in dire straits for several years now. Only 76 locomotives out of 520 are in operational condition for want of repair and maintenance. The number of passenger trains being run today has been cut to just 65-70 from 204. Freight services have virtually been shut down. Several factors ranging from corruption to overstaffing to inefficient management are to blame for the collapse of the service. However, the lack of funds in recent years is mainly responsible for the decrease in PR operations. It was after much delay that the government arranged a loan of Rs6bn a few months back for the department to purchase new coaches, make a few locomotives operational and pay off part of the department’s overdraft of Rs42bn to prevent a complete shutdown. While the provision of the new funds should help the railways pull back from the brink, the government needs to implement a long-term strategy for its revival by involving private investors capable of running it on modern business lines.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Immobile communication

August 23rd, 2012

This year’s chaand raat will be remembered not for record sales or carefree crowds. Instead, it will be looked upon as a social experiment in a country that is both more technological and less secure than it used to be. What happens when a public dependent on mobile communication is confronted with a mobile network shutdown in the country’s biggest cities on one of the busiest and most festive nights of the year? On the upside, smart-phone addicts looked up from their devices and were forced into human interaction and Pakistanis avoided having to deal with mass Eid Mubarak text messages clogging their cellphones. But they probably couldn’t greet their relatives abroad, coordinate with family members in crowded shopping centres or make plans for Eid day. It was a traditional festival upended instead of enhanced by our dependence on technology.

On a graver note, a cellphone shutdown today cannot be taken lightly. It may well have been a necessary step to take in the face of terrorist threats that rely on these phones for coordination and as bomb triggers. But a move like this on such a busy night needs to come with effective public messa-ging. With little forewar-ning, imperfect communication about the shutdown once it had begun and the public’s inability to use phones to confirm what was happening, panic was the immediate result. Even after television offered some information, the vague indication of security threats created rather than eased concern. And there was no public awareness about how to get help in case of a medical or other emergency.

This may not be the last time Pakistani authorities need to take such an extreme step for security reasons (though that shouldn’t become an excuse for misusing this preventive measure, by jamming mobile communication during public protests, for example). And there is only so much information about threats and steps taken that can be released without defeating the purpose.

But the public also needs to be informed, in advance, about how to communicate with the authorities during a shutdown in case of emergencies and about the importance of maintaining landlines. There also needs to be as much forewarning and explanation as possible without giving away too much. There are now few occasions of such public celebration in Pakistan, and even fewer that unite the whole country. Even as we struggle with terrorism and militancy, somehow we have to find a way to preserve the moments of celebration we have left.

Blasphemy law

August 23rd, 2012

Once again Pakistan finds itself highlighted in the international press for the most unsavoury of reasons. The issue, the infamous ‘blasphemy law’ or Section 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code, and the misuse to which it lends itself quite regularly now, is far from new. Public discourse was stirred even before the case of Aasia Bibi who was convicted of blasphemy in 2010, and there was some hope that a reconsideration of the law would become possible. Unfortunately, the matter has been allowed to die down, not least because of the fear of a hostile reaction from extremists and other quarters, and especially after the killing of Punjab governor Salmaan Taseer in 2011. Now, yet another person has been accused of committing ‘blasphemy’. The 11-year-old girl, a member of the impoverished Christian community that lives in the rural areas around Islamabad, is said to be mentally challenged. Following allegations that the child desecrated religious texts, human rights activists have said that a number of Christian families from her area have fled, no doubt in fear of bloody reprisals.

Section 295-C in its current form can mistakenly or wilfully be used to do serious harm. The PPP government, which has been virtually silent on the issue since Mr Taseer’s assassination last year, has been unable to deal with the issue forcefully. True, President Asif Ali Zardari has taken ‘serious note’ of the incident and has sought a report from the interior ministry but this is hardly enough. Far more effort is needed to overcome the resistance to a review of this law. It is unfortunate that much of this resistance comes from ordinary Pakistanis whose emotions are easily stirred to the point of boiling rage at the mere suspicion of blasphemy. The existence of this law only implies tacit support for the actions of enraged rabbles. In the case of the 11-year-old, the police station where she was kept after being taken into custody was surrounded by a mob comprising hundreds of angry men demanding she be tried for blasphemy. Such hurdles must be overcome. The call for a review of Section 295-C needs to be renewed and the right-wing lobby which has in the past threatened or resorted to violence in this regard needs reminding that the law is man-made.

Yet more drone strikes

August 23rd, 2012

Coinciding with the visit of US Centcom chief Gen James Mattis to Pakistan last week, there has been a marked increase in drone strikes in North Waziristan Agency. A strike was conducted on Tuesday while two drone attacks were reported on Sunday.

Saturday — the day Eid was celebrated in the agency — also saw a drone strike. There are indications that in one of the strikes missiles were fired at the same compound twice, as people undertook rescue work after an earlier attack. According to reports, such ‘double-tap’ attacks, in which those arriving at the scene of a drone strike are also targeted, seem to be becoming a routine part of America’s drone policy.

Unfortunately, targeting gatherings in tribal areas under the assumption that all present are militants or their sympathisers is problematic, especially if there is no clear evidence to prove their identity. In the aftermath of the recent barrage of drone strikes, such evidence has yet to be produced. This, and the sheer insensitivity of timing the attacks to coincide with the Eid season will only alienate an anti-American public further. What also fuels anger is that such unilateral strikes by the US violate the principles of sovereignty. Even if the US can come up with irrefutable evidence that the strikes have taken out dangerous militants, drone operations must involve Pakistani coordination and consensus. Trigger-happy strikes will do no more than aggravate the crisis and sour an already un-easy relationship. Without doubt, North Waziristan is a hub of militants and terrorists of every stripe who threaten the security of both Afghanistan and Pakistan, and a crackdown in the area by Pakistani forces is imperative. But no military operation will be helped by the US blindly — and unilaterally — raining down drones on the agency.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Banning prepaid service

August 24th, 2012

Blocking cellphone service on chaand raat was a temporary and hopefully rare step. And making greater efforts to ensure that fake identities are not used to obtain SIMs is important. But the interior minister’s suggestion that it might make sense to shut down prepaid subscriptions altogether for security reasons — a plan he said is under review — is both carelessly communicated and fundamentally flawed. Of the country’s roughly 120 million subscribers, the vast majority — over 95 per cent — use prepaid SIMs. Aside from the convenience of obtaining them, these are more affordable for those who can’t afford the fees and deposits of postpaid plans. The lack of credit histories in Pakistan also means that moving to a largely postpaid set-up is still a distant prospect and that such plans will only include higher-income consumers for the foreseeable future. Any move to shut down prepaid service, then, would have serious consequences not just for the telecom industry but also for the ability of Pakistanis to communicate, which would impact both their personal lives and the national economy.

Some useful steps have already been taken and can be improved instead of taking extreme measures. PTA and telecom companies have run a campaign to encourage users to determine if their CNIC numbers have been used to issue multiple SIMs.

But the current process for getting those SIMs deactivated is an onerous one for consumers, and the campaign should not have been set aside after one round of publicity. Shopkeepers issuing SIMs are now meant to register customers’ CNICs with the phone numbers issued, following which customers call their operators and confirm their CNIC numbers to activate their connections. But to what extent shopkeepers undertake this exercise honestly is an open question, and perhaps SIM sales need to be limited to telecom company outlets. Whatever the case, any steps should be constructive rather than damaging and need to be considered carefully. Already Pakistanis in many parts of the country live with check points, traffic diversions, the proliferation of guns and the curtailment of public entertainment. Mobile communication has been one of the few developments that have increased freedom of movement and stimulated the economy, and the authorities need to find creative ways to prevent it from being hijacked for criminal activities rather than shutting it down entirely. The wrong approach to security concerns is to constrain everyday lives to the point where fear overrides basic freedoms.

Before disaster strikes

August 24th, 2012

It is customary in Pakistan to wait for disaster to strike and then look at ways to manage the situation. That is what we seem to be gearing up for in terms of this year’s monsoon too. After rapidly changing weather patterns led to forecasts that varied all the way from warnings of disastrous floods to those of drought, a clearer picture has now started emerging: if the current weather conditions prevail, there is a risk of moderate floods, especially in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Rain-related tragedies have already occurred, with flash floods claiming several lives in Nowshera, Mansehra and Bajaur Agency, and hundreds of acres of agricultural land have been submerged in the Sialkot region. In Azad Kashmir, meanwhile, relentless rain over the week has displaced thousands of people. With memories of the catastrophic floods of 2010 and 2011 still fresh in our memory — and many of those affected still not fully rehabilitated — we can be forgiven for regarding this year’s monsoon with foreboding.

What, then, is officialdom doing to mitigate disaster should it strike? The National Disaster Management Authority has said that district management authorities have been placed on alert and are working round-the-clock. Such vague assurances, however, will not go very far in terms of easing people’s worry and bolstering their faith in the state’s ability to protect them should the need arise. It would be useful if information could be released about which water courses have been cleared to carry extra load, for example, or whether those living along river and canal banks have been warned or plans made for their evacuation. Has the administration formulated a plan as to where, should the worst occur, displaced people will be accommodated? Too many fear that as in years past, they might be left to fend for themselves as the state machinery struggles to cope. Interventions are needed not just in the northern parts of the country, which are likely to see heavier rain, but also in the south through which the waters would pass. The government still has time to make adequate preparations for a calamity that cannot be ruled out.

Lahore-Paris-Lahore

August 24th, 2012

Around the world in 80 days? That is old stuff. How about Lahore-Paris-Lahore in the blink of an eye or even less? Doing the first sector alone would be a dream flight for some. Doze off during take-off, sleep through the flight, wake up after landing. In the case of a certain traveller on a PIA plane to Paris, the dream turned out to be twice as good. She failed to disembark at the destination, apparently sleeping through the two-hour stay at Charles de Gaulle, and returned to Lahore as the plane completed its round trip.

PIA is not averse to offering those who fly it similar round-trip services without them having to get off, even if mostly on domestic routes. But this journey was long, and involved something as tedious and inescapable as immigration. Given the distance and the undeniable charm of a Parisian reception, this could well serve as yet the strongest vindication of the Lahoris’ claim about the magnetic powers of their city: once you are here, there is no running away from Lahore.

The only matter this leaves us to deal with includes the mundane details about an instance that the cliché-happy must describe as a ‘wake-up call’ of some sort. PIA has been prompt in announcing that, apart from voluntary alighting whenever possible, a subcontractor is responsible for disembarkation at Paris. It managed to resend the returned passenger by another airline and says those found guilty of the oversight will have to foot the bill for the extra Paris-Lahore leg. That’s all okay but with a bit of imagination, the national carrier could use the incident as an advertisement for greater business. Which airline in this highly competitive and often bumpy world is so caring and comfortable that it makes the travellers go into a deep slumber that they don’t want to come out of too soon? No prizes for guessing.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Intertwined paths

August 25th, 2012

Every trite analogy has been attempted. Pakistan and the US are a couple trapped in a bad marriage. Pakistan and the US are emotional friends who cannot quite believe the other has let them down over and over again. Pakistan and the US are frustrated and sullen partners who blame each other for the major failings in their own lives. But perhaps the explanation closest to reality comes from within the world of international relations: Pakistan and the US have diverging interests as defined by their respective national-security establishments, but circumstances dictate that the two countries cannot go their separate ways. Which is why they clash so frequently — another démarche against drone strikes was handed over by the foreign ministry to the US embassy in Islamabad on Thursday, for example — but never quite manage to break off all ties — the Glocs-cum-apology deal took many months to resolve but few ever doubted that a deal would eventually be reached.

For the US, Pakistan, in the ultimate analysis, matters for four reasons: the war in Afghanistan has to be wound down and a modicum of post-war stability established, in which Pakistan will have a major role to play either as facilitator or spoiler; Pakistan has a large Muslim population that is important to America’s relations with the Muslim world; Pakistan has nuclear weapons; and Pakistan has groups of terrorists and militants with anti-West agendas. None of those reasons are positive. There is no promising trade or common security opportunity that the US is hoping to take advantage of through better relations with Pakistan. It is a fear-based relationship — if not handled properly, to what extent can Pakistan undermine US national interests? — and that fear has only grown in recent years. The pragmatism that underpins the approach, however (engagement may not have worked terribly well but isolation of Pakistan will provide no answers either, according to influential policy circles in the US), ensures that fear has not spilled over into irrational behaviour. But as the need for an orderly exit from Afghanistan becomes more pressing, there’s every possibility that fresh tensions between Pakistan and the US will erupt and may not be managed well in the compressed exit timeline.

On the Pakistani side, there is an unspoken consensus across the military and civilian divide that when push comes to shove, Pakistan cannot afford, economically or diplomatically, to cut off ties with the US and by extension with the outside world. While that ought to be the starting point, it is rarely carried through to its logical conclusion: do what is right and necessary to keep Pakistan stable and secure.

Tax evaders

August 25th, 2012

For all the fuss they are capable of making, our business elite can turn stingy with their words when it comes to the question of taxes. As an example consider a report in this paper that although 493,000 electricity connections were granted to industrial establishments in Karachi, only 115,000 commercial, business and industrial taxpayers were registered with the tax authorities. Unfortunately, that is not all. Out of these 115,000 only 80,000 were ‘active cases’, meaning those who actually contributed to tax revenue. Of course if similar data were to be retrieved from power companies up-country, they would show similar trends, perhaps even more pronounced.

Consider, for instance, what happened when a World Bank report plotted tax-to-GDP ratios for 24 different sectors across the economy. They found oil and gas sitting at the top and textiles at the bottom. In fact, for textiles the ratio was below the sector’s share in total GDP and below even those of retail and wholesale trade, agriculture, public administration, and defence. All of these are notorious for their evasion of taxes, and below them all merrily sits the largest manufacturing sector of our economy. Terms like ‘fat cat’ readily come to mind as we look at these numbers. In the fiscal year ended June 2011, the spinning sector raked in record profits on the back of high cotton prices, but none of the money showed up in corporate income taxes from the sector. Examples are too numerous to cite, but our business elite need to show some remorse, if only for the fact that they drive imported luxury cars to the very events where they loudly bemoan the difficulties of doing business in Pakistan and demand more support from the government. It would do them good to notice the ordinary masses riding in rickety vehicles and to tell themselves that it is revenue collected from these people that pays for the benefits and protections they seek. For all the feasts they’ve enjoyed at public expense, can we at least ask for a little shame in return?

Crying wolf

August 25th, 2012

It is a sad reflection on society when people make a habit of abusing emergency response services. According to a recent report in this paper, around 90 per cent of calls made to the police’s 15 helpline in Karachi in 2011 were bogus. However, the problem of prank calls is not exclusive to Karachi, as there have been reports in the past citing abuse by pranksters of the 1122 rescue services number in Rawalpindi, Lahore and Peshawar. In fact even developed nations are plagued with this problem; callers to the 911 service in the US, for example, often lodge trivial, bizarre complaints.

Considering the sheer volume of prank calls received — hundreds of thousands yearly in Karachi’s case alone — it is practically impossible for the police to track down every prankster.

Instead, the state should focus on launching nationwide public-awareness campaigns to make people aware of the utility of emergency response numbers and to warn them that calling these numbers unnecessarily or for entertainment can endanger the lives of those who need immediate help. While there have been some legitimate complaints of lethargic responses by police, when pranksters clog up the lines and engage emergency responders, genuine callers may be unable to get through or receive a delayed response. Meanwhile, the staff shortage at 15 centres needs to be addressed and the number of response centres and vehicles increased, especially in Karachi, so that emergencies can be effectively handled. While the state needs to stay alert and respond to crime and emergency situations in a timely and effective manner, the public must also realise that emergency services are for the common good and that people’s lives should not be jeopardised by treating emergency helplines as a joke.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Commission snags

August 26th, 2012

The parliamentary commission for the creation of new provinces in Punjab has run into hurdles that were not entirely unexpected. The PML-N has reservations, which the government must address urgently to avoid further complications. The PML-N wants the strength of the commission to be increased and members of its choice included. Before and above that, it speaks of discrimination. On Friday, Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif reiterated the exercise should not be limited to Punjab. He demanded that a Punjab Assembly resolution, presented by his party some time ago, should be the basis of all steps taken towards the Seraiki and Bahawalpur provinces.

The demand for a Seraiki province will have far-reaching effects all over Pakistan. Mr Sharif understands this all too well. The principle having been set, the problem here is he does not have the presence in other provinces to justify any desire to act as their spokesman. It is for the people and their elected representatives in an area to voice their aspirations and they are aware enough not to be dependent on distant urges for charting their future. The people in the southern parts of Punjab spoke through their representatives and Chief Minister Sharif’s mention of the provincial assembly resolution is proof enough that his party had committed itself to the creation of new provinces. This is not discrimination.

Just as the PPP sees merit and mileage in intensifying the campaign for a new province at this moment, Mr Sharif’s current emphasis on the theme of Punjab as a victim stems from his political needs. His party may have in the past agreed to the idea of new provinces in Punjab, but with everyone anticipating a general election it would appear to be unbecoming of a leader of Mr Sharif’s stature to be talking about a division of territory officially under his command. That could dent the PML-N vote bank everywhere. The N-League’s tagging of itself with the judiciary on virtually every issue is another habit that has become a plank in the party’s pre-poll strategy. The latest in this series is the Punjab Assembly speaker’s announcement that he would move court against the formation of the parliamentary commission on new provinces. Under-taken to pressurise and embarrass those sitting in government, the dangerous course where judicial intervention is sought to decide political issues ends up painting politicians on the whole as hapless souls incapable of solving their problems by themselves. The approach ‘justified’ past outside interventions in the political affairs of Pakistan. It creates precedents for inviting similar interventions in future. It must be avoided through political dialogue.

At a snail’s pace

August 26th, 2012

Laudable though the recommendations by Pakistani and Indian parliamentarians are, translating them into state policies is governmental responsibility. Going by their track record, however, neither Islamabad nor New Delhi would inspire confidence in their ability to act decisively and quicken the normalisation process. The suggestions made by the two countries’ legislators after their two-day meeting in the Indian capital are hardly new. They demanded what the governments have themselves hinted at from time to time, including new confidence-building measures and a liberal visa regime. The delegates this time added two more demands that should be considered seriously — visa-free visits by educationists and senior citizens and the choice of using one’s own vehicle to cross the border. The outcome of the lawmakers’ conference coincided with New Delhi’s decision to allow Pakistani businessmen to invest in shares and convertible debentures of Indian companies. Earlier this month, India had also allowed direct foreign investment from Pakistan.

While these measures deserve to be welcomed, the overall picture that emerges is one of niggardly progress towards the détente to which the two prime ministers pledged themselves at Thimphu in 2010. The high-level contact didn’t end there, for the two cabinet heads, their foreign ministers and the foreign and home secretaries have met several times, but without pushing the peace process forward significantly. The New Delhi ‘lunch’ in April aroused great hope, but a visit, even an unofficial one, by Manmohan Singh remains uncertain. Also on the list of proposals not yet approved officially is the Pakistani cricket team’s visit to India this November. This being the attitude towards sport, can we expect them to tackle relatively less contentious issues, leave alone Kashmir and Siachen where the Indian army has hardened its stance? Meanwhile, the Indian home minister didn’t advance the cause of peace when it dragged Pakistan into text-messaging on the Assam violence, while his Pakistani counterpart made alarmist claims about Hindu immigration to India, blaming the Indian high commission in Islamabad. The least the two sides can do is not vitiate the atmosphere by irresponsible utterances. They should pursue serious diplomacy instead.

Kalash under threat

August 26th, 2012

The Kalash community of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Chitral district is something of an anthropological enigma. For centuries, the Kalash have held on to their ancient religion and customs and are a tiny reminder of the region’s pre-Islamic past. Yet this may change if the community has to abandon its traditions under the threat of militant violence. As reported in this paper, the Kalash have stopped placing their dead in the open and have started burying their corpses for fear of militant attacks. The decision was taken after a Kalash shepherd was reportedly kidnapped and killed by marauders coming from the neighbouring Afghan province of Nuristan, who also made off with hundreds of sheep. In the past there were reports of forced conversions, yet this seems to have stopped. However, with militants raiding their areas, a new threat to Kalash culture is emerging.

The Kalash are few in numbers — reportedly a few thousand people — and considering the rough deal the minorities of Pakistan have received, it is a miracle they have survived and managed to preserve their culture. Yet while minorities and all those Pakistanis who disagree with the militants’ warped worldview are under threat, the Kalash may be wiped out if not given protection, simply because they are so isolated and so few in number. Providing adequate security in the border areas with Afghanistan is an obvious first step. The problem is that security forces are concentrated in the valley, whereas they need to be posted at the border areas to stop the intruders. It has been witnessed that whenever the state wants to showcase Pakistan’s ‘diversity’ to the world Kalash cultural troupes are presented at various events. Yet when it comes to protecting the Kalash and their culture, the state has yet to make a more visible effort.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Signs of a deal

August 27th, 2012

As events in and around Fata continue to play out, there are tantalising hints that some kind of US-Pakistan understanding — denied by security officials here — has been reached on squeezing militants troubling both countries on either side of the Pak-Afghan border. So on Friday, the commander of the TTP in Bajaur Agency was killed by a Nato airstrike in Kunar province in Afghanistan — removing one of the irritants for the Pakistani side trying to deal with a spate of cross-border raids into Pakistan. Meanwhile, US drones have again rained down missiles on North Waziristan and, according to some security sources (though contradicted by the Afghan Taliban), may have killed Badruddin Haqqani, believed to be the operational commander of the Haqqani network. The relatively muted response of the security establishment here to the recent spate of drone strikes suggests there may be some kind of understanding in place.

Secret deals and covert understandings aside, the threat on either side of the Pak-Afghan border is all too real. The decision announced Saturday by the Taliban shura in North Waziristan that the local population would shift to Afghanistan in the event of a military operation in the Agency appears to be a new blackmail tactic: threaten to embarrass the Pakistan state by turning potential IDPs into international refugees in the hope that authorities will further delay military action against the militant strongholds in North Waziristan. Transparent as the threat may be, it was likely made precisely because there is still an unacceptable ambivalence within the Pakistani security establishment about when and to what extent militancy needs to be fought. Be it fear or desperate miscalculation that allows some forms of militancy to survive and thrive inside Pakistan, the plain truth is that there is no such thing as good Taliban/bad Taliban. In fact, North Waziristan is a sobering example of the extent to which militants have cross-pollinated and drunk from each other’s ideology and hate. Al Qaeda, the TTP, the Haqqani network, the Punjabi Taliban, foreign militants — all have found common cause at some point or the other, tactical survival and strategic cooperation melding into one another until it becomes near impossible to take on one while leaving the other unscathed.

Almost as perplexing, if not self-defeating, as the security establishment’s national-security paradigm is the army’s approach to building a political and societal consensus on the need for a military operation. Recent events on both sides of the Fata-Afghanistan border appear to have hewed more to a US-Pakistan timeline negotiated in secret than a Pakistan-centric timeline. How, then, will an already sceptical public here be convinced that a North Waziristan operation is necessary?

How realistic is it?

August 27th, 2012

The economic plan unveiled by the Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaaf touches on the right issues, but carries the same weaknesses that the manifestoes of its rival political parties do: it is rich in sentiment but poor in substance, tall on promises but short on credibility. The framers of the vision are quite right to say that “business as usual is not sustainable”. They are right to point out that the governance failures of the present government have resulted in a doubling of per capita public debt, record high fiscal deficits, persistent double-digit inflation, sharply growing power shortfalls, and depleting foreign exchange reserves (although it’s hard to see how much of this depletion could have been avoided given persistently high oil prices). The programme is strong on the reform of public-sector enterprises. All this is fine and testament to the first-rate talent that has helped the PTI draw up its programme. But what exactly does the party intend to do about the dismal state of affairs that it describes so well?

That is where the problems begin. For starters, consider this. They claim they will raise “welfare spending” to Rs4.6tr, compared to present-day disbursements of Rs0.9tr. They claim they will cut the deficit and free up bank resources for investment by industry. They claim they will resolve the power crisis by diverting fuel to power generation. They claim they will bring down inflation to seven per cent. Yet they have opposed tax reforms in the past, vilifying the RGST, or reformed general sales tax, as evil. Where will the money come from to pay for the expenditure hikes and deficit cutting? Will industry grow if it is deprived of gas? They promise a muscular effort to recover looted wealth. Remember when the Musharraf government went on a rampage to recover loans and looted wealth in their early years, causing business confidence to plummet? What lessons have been learned from that experience? At the end of the day, the economic plan almost reads like a wish list drawn up by somebody who thinks complex problems have simple solutions.

No implementation

August 27th, 2012

When Sufi Ghulam Mustafa Tabassum, the teacher, allowed Faiz Ahmed Faiz, the student, to smoke in his class, it may have been viewed as a progressive gesture aimed at breaking the hold of oppressive etiquette. The fashionable images have changed over time, and they have changed far more quickly than ever in recent decades. People do smoke by choice, but behind their now dismissive, now defensive exteriors, they try to hide the guilt that must today accompany the act. A student may still smoke in college, but far from a taboo-breaker he is a health hazard. Quitting smoking is a stern test that distinguishes an individual, and passive smoking leaves the sensitive and the aware unable to breathe and demanding stricter adherence to common sense if not the law.

A Karachi-based study has reconfirmed how anti-smoking laws are flouted here with absolute impunity. The survey done by a group of doctors from Aga Khan University and Dow University lists violations of the laws at campuses, restaurants, banks etc, and notes that in comparison to the old government offices, modern private-sector institutions are more likely to follow the law. Even in privately run places such as restaurants, smokers freely spread toxic clouds. Cigarettes are freely sold to minors and sold routinely without the packs bearing the mandatory warning. Fines — as high as Rs100,000 — are there on the books but unheard of in real life. A Dawn report cites the survey supervisor as saying that though a Supreme Court order for implementation does exist, little official inclination to curb violations is in evidence. Actually, inaction in the wake of the 18th Amendment is pointed to. The amendment made the federal anti-tobacco cell redundant without shaking the provinces out of their passive state, leaving the smokescreen of ever-billowing rhetoric intact.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

No new twist

August 28th, 2012

From high drama to low farce, on and on rumbles the saga of the Swiss letter. Sept 18 is the new deadline, a day that will mark the fifth time a prime minister will appear before the Supreme Court this year. And yet, there is no sign of the letter being written, nor of the court surrendering to the logic of elections and the democratic project. The extraordinary has become the new normal and it has reached the point where even the media and the public cannot really muster much interest. For what is left to be said at this stage? Rewind to former prime minister Gilani’s first appearance before the Supreme Court earlier this year and contrast it with the reaction to Prime Minister Ashraf’s date with the court yesterday — the three-ring circus of spectacular proportions has degenerated into an almost pitiful sideshow. Perhaps in this clash of institutions and rhetoric, the present impasse is the least bad of outcomes: the two sides have not budged from their original positions but then neither side has launched a truly destabilising attack on the other.

As luck would have it, another fundamental part of the equation has moved, however: as days and weeks and months have been slowly swallowed up by the cut and thrust between the court and the PPP, the deadline for a general election has come closer and closer. Whereas in January, when the court took up the issue of the NRO with gusto again, it was a question of how the government could survive 15 months of this tussle, now it is down to a question of a few short months. If, as rumour has it, the government is contemplating a spring election, the country is on the cusp of a pre-election interim set-up. In that may lie the way out for everyone.

Prime Minister Ashraf will almost certainly have to go now that the court has set in motion a repeat of the Gilani affair. But Sept 18 is now the earliest date at which the prime minister can be charged for contempt and, if the court’s recent mood is anything to go by, he will have at least several more weeks before a final order for his disqualification is signed. That would take the country into an interim set-up timeline, so if the court were to oust Mr Ashraf at that point, the government could call an election and be done with this numbing ebb and flow of its tussle with the court. However, already the next question looms: what will the interim prime minister do about the small matter of a letter to Switzerland?

Urban jungle

August 28th, 2012

The chaotic urban sprawl that is Karachi, which population-wise counts as amongst the largest cities in the world, is well-known. Ensuring proper development of a metropolis of such size and density is no mean challenge, and successive Pakistani administrations have unexpectedly faced an uphill battle. Yet cities are shaped as much by socio-political circumstances as by geography; over time, the factors that impede good city planning become systemic. Such underlying confusions must be addressed if there is to be a better, sustainable future. This is the lesson driven home by the study Karachi: the Land Issue, a comprehensive report co-authored by a number of experts, including architect Arif Hasan and NED University’s Dr Noman Ahmed. With a broad scope and meticulous methodology, the document seeks to place the development of Karachi in a historical perspective and identify the factors that have hindered the city not being able to achieve the potential implicit in its status as the country’s financial backbone.

Some of the problems, according to the study, are unique and hark back to Karachi’s past, such as the British occupation of it and the manner in which land was parcelled out, and the fact that immigrants to the city outnumbered its native population. But the main impediments now — which are nevertheless related to the past — are a multiplicity of land-owning agencies with confused allocation of spheres of influence, weak governance and land-grabbing connected with political clout. The problem, it would appear, is not the lack of laws and regulations that codify city development, but of effective implementation and managerial coherence. This deduction is evident everywhere in the city, with pockets operating as self-contained fiefdoms with little central command. While such an in-depth study has not been conducted in other urban areas in Pakistan, anecdotal evidence suggests that the situation would not be too different elsewhere, with Islamabad as the possible exception. The fact is that city-management departments need to complement each other’s work, whereas in reality they often work at cross purposes. Working together is key to effective land development along with the removal of political influence.

Cricket expectations

August 28th, 2012

Going by his statement just before the Pakistan-Australia series that gets under way in the Emirates today, coach Dav Whatmore would appear to be a more honest and methodical practitioner of the psychological war. He said his Pakistan side — that has not won a series against Australia in some seven years — has an edge over the Aussie squad for this limited-over series. He qualified his remarks primarily by playing on the weaknesses of the opponents more than showing off Pakistan’s strengths. He spoke of the home advantage, which would take into account pitch conditions, the crowds, and of course the heat in the UAE. Finally, the coach threw in for good measure the old bit that never ceases to please the audience here: the bit about the abundant Pakistani talent and Pakistan being just one victory away from realising their potential. Hopes were being raised in the approach to a major event — the T-20 world cup.

Coach Whatmore is no independent commentator, and thus is not expected to be too elaborate about what is cause for concern to Pakistani fans. Misbah ul Haq’s one-day team will be without Umar Gul and Younis Khan, two exceptional and dependable performers over the years. As Pakistan flaunt their spinners, the risk here is of the bowling attack being one-dimensional. The Australians have underperformed in recent times and they are in the middle of a rebuilding process. But theirs is still a team of skilful cricketers known for their intensity. Pakistan has also been known for the latter trait, but, of late, it appears to have been replaced with a kind of placidity in the name of disciplined showing, personified by skipper Misbah ul Haq’s workmanlike method. Coach Whatmore’s men will perhaps be better served by a rekindling of the old passions.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

A fresh mandate

August 29th, 2012

With a series of hints issued by a number of PPP leaders, talk of early elections has been bubbling up again. The PML-N’s announcement on Tuesday that it has developed its own shortlist of caretaker prime ministers only added to the sense that there is movement on the issue behind the scenes. None of which is necessarily a problem, if the government and opposition parties can bring themselves to handle the transition process with some maturity and avoid taking an approach that focuses purely on the immediate politics of the moment. The government does have the right to complete a full term, which would also be a milestone for Pakistani democracy. But there is merit to calls for early elections. The ruling coalition might be sitting pretty in strictly constitutional terms with its parliamentary majority, but governance failures, corruption accusations and a general dissatisfaction with the country’s trajectory mean a legitimate case can be made for seeking a fresh mandate. With the change of chief executive there was some hope that the administration would use the time until polls to improve its governance record, but so far there are no indications that that will take place. And with the ‘Swiss letter’ and president’s dual office cases pending in the Supreme Court, early polls could become a way out for the PPP of some of the legal and political controversies that are dogging it in its last months in office.

But a smooth path to early elections will require the ruling coalition and the opposition to reach agreement on the interim set-up without descending into unnecessary obstinacy. The matter of the chief election commissioner was eventually resolved with the selection of a candidate who enjoys broad acceptance, but it only followed plenty of resistance to each other’s suggestions, accompanied by the seemingly requisite political rhetoric and allegations of bias. A similar debate around the appointment of a caretaker prime minister, no matter how tempting for both sides given the upcoming elections, will achieve nothing beyond unnecessary delays.

Equally important is for the Election Commission to be ready for polls. The electoral rolls published early this month still leave out up to 20 million Pakistanis. These lists will be frozen the day elections are announced, and it is unclear what Nadra, the ECP or political parties are doing to make sure more Pakistanis, particularly in Sindh and Balochistan, are acquiring CNICs and getting themselves registered to vote.

There is a case for early elections, but the more people they disenfranchise, the less credible they will be.

Schools of thought

August 29th, 2012

The schools we send our children to not only manifest the various desires for reform at the grass roots, they also bring to the fore divisions in society. Class divides are gaining prominence with time as schools in the private sector, which link quality with price, continue to thrive. But an ideological factor is also making its way from madressahs into ordinary schools which are either combining ‘religious’ and ‘modern’ education or are imparting the worldly brand with their own ideological emphases and according to their own interpretations. Individuals cast in this mould can hardly be expected to widen their exposure — they can only do so at the risk of being branded ‘bad’ students. This kind of rigidity in the learning process defies a basic principle of education: to develop critical thinking skills. This is why experts quoted in a news story in Dawn about the presence of religious groups in the education sector in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Fata sound concerned. The story reports a rapid increase in the number of not only madressahs in these areas, but also schools run by religious parties or groups seeking to capture young minds.

The acting vice chancellor of Peshawar University reiterates how important it is for the state to monitor education. His strongest words are reserved for the intervention in the sector by religious groups, some of which can be considered extremist. The cohesion in society he longs for appears to be a distant dream as the state fails to play the role of an effective regulator in crucial areas and even a ruling political party with secular credentials finds solace in creating model private-sector institutions named after its founder. There is no bar on the ANP setting up a few schools dedicated to Bacha Khan in the province, but the government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and those elsewhere in Pakistan must also earnestly recognise the importance of regulating education. This shying away from basic responsibility entails huge costs and painful lessons. The reform exercise must begin now and it must begin with some kind of standardisation of the syllabus.

Dengue season

August 29th, 2012

The onset of monsoon rains in many parts of the country has brought back memories of the havoc wreaked last year by the dengue mosquito.

While the potentially deadly dengue virus infected a number of people across Pakistan, Lahore was affected particularly badly. In preparation for what this year may bring, federal government organisations, including cantonment boards and Pakistan Railways, were asked on Monday to launch anti-dengue campaigns in their jurisdictions across Rawalpindi Division, buttressing the efforts of the Punjab government in this regard. At a meeting attended by health officials as well as the district coordination officers of the four districts of Rawalpindi Division, it was announced that Sept 2 would be observed as anti-dengue day in the province and that seminars and walks would be held to create awareness. Meanwhile, the Community Safety, Information and Training Wing of Rescue 1122, Rawalpindi, has also started similar awareness raising seminars.

These are laudable steps that need to be replicated in other parts of the country. Efforts in different cities and areas are currently more piecemeal than coordinated, with the odd seminar or fumigation drive being carried out. A concerted push to minimise the risk of another dengue outbreak would involve close collaboration on the provincial and district levels, as well as with city administrations and municipal departments. This must be done if we are to prevent hospitals from being flooded, as they have been in earlier seasons, with dengue patients.

A mass awareness raising campaign through radio and television would be invaluable, putting out information such as that the dengue mosquito breeds in fresh, not stagnant, water. Clean-up of cities and towns should be undertaken in any case, but people also need hard information that could help them avoid providing the disease-carrying mosquito breeding space in their homes, such as in uncovered pails of water.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

A welcome step

August 30th, 2012

The new petroleum policy announced by the government is a bold step and long overdue. It ought to be clear enough to all by now that new supplies of vital fuels like petroleum and gas cannot be arranged without substantial reform in pricing. So petroleum adviser Asim Hussain’s announcement of the government’s second Petroleum Exploration and Production Policy is a welcome and unexpected step. It is particularly good to see a detailed pricing policy for offshore exploration and incentives for the first offshore discoveries as well as provision for a ‘production-sharing agreement’. The adviser took the opportunity afforded by the press conference to also talk about his efforts to advance the TAPI pipeline project for which a road show is being prepared, and about the prospects of importing liquefied natural gas from India via the Wagah border. Even though he didn’t specifically mention it, the Iran-Pakistan pipeline also deserves its place at the table. It is unfortunate that this project has been sucked into extreme geopolitical tensions that have nothing to do with Pakistan’s interests, a reminder to us all of the costs of delay.

Pakistan needs to knock on every door there is to arrange future supplies of gas. Some calculations performed by industry experts have forecasted Pakistan’s oil import bill rising beyond $100bn by 2025 if oil prices remain around $100 and no new supplies are arranged as production from existing gas fields declines. This could be a catastrophic situation and it is worth noting that the year 2025 is not very far away. The country’s possible plunge into a hydrocarbon famine of sorts is one of the biggest challenges facing us all and the urgency of arranging new supplies cannot be overstated.

Everybody should understand very clearly that arranging new supplies without substantial price reforms is not possible. Pakistan’s era of cheap gas is fast drawing to a close and the government’s steps to provide incentives to private exploration and production companies, as well as to arrange imports, deserve the full support of all political players. Oil and gas companies have a very high tolerance level for political uncertainty and law and order problems. They operate in far more dangerous countries than Pakistan. Following the announcement of the incentives, the only thing they will look for will be political ownership across the spectrum, and judicial non-interference. It is vital that they see a reassuring picture on both fronts.

Blasphemy case

August 30th, 2012

It is a measure of the sensitivity of the matter that the voice of a lone Islamic cleric on the latest in the series of blasphemy cases is considered to be a big step forward. The case of a Christian girl accused of blasphemy has received wide publicity and the matter is before court. A hearing is fixed for today and the first points for the court to arbitrate on are: whether she can be allowed bail and whether the girl is a minor and entitled to trial under the law for juveniles. Around the legal proceedings, a much bigger argument continues to be carefully presented. This view is informed by the principles of tolerance and fairness — and to a great extent defined by the fear that is today associated with discussions involving religion. Rights activists have called for the girl’s protection and newspapers have written on it. Most have qualified their take before they press for something as basic as a fair probe, and before expressing their concern over the frequency of blasphemy cases. Her young age has been mentioned and a common reaction is based on reports that the girl may be suffering from Down’s Syndrome. Still others are asking if the girl accused of desecrating religious texts can actually read.

The voice of the chairman, All Pakistan Ulema Council, is different from others since clerics and religious scholars here have seldom demanded fairness in matters involving blasphemy charges. Religious parties are cautious not to move beyond routine statements issued on special days when it comes to the minority’s complaints against the majority in Pakistan. By choosing to air his views on the current case, the APUC chairman appears to be trying to lift the debate to a level where it needs to be conducted. He seems to be trying to initiate a discussion among the knowledgeable, in the interest of fairness that is so central to religion and in the interest of law and legal interpretation that leaves little room for misuse and error. The APUC chief said that with some rational, unbiased handling, the case could well turn out to be a watershed in Pakistan’s history, and that accusers in such cases must also be open to accountability. These are valid points that need to be followed up on.

Tutu’s boycott

August 30th, 2012

Archbishop Desmond Tutu has not only snubbed Tony Blair, he has revived and refreshed sordid memories in danger of being erased from the world conscience. On Tuesday, the Nobel Prize-winning South African priest decided to abstain from attending a leadership summit, being held today in Johannesburg, because the former British prime minister was one of the speakers. As a spokesman for the peace icon said, Archbishop Tutu, after “wrestling with his conscience”, came to the conclusion that Mr Blair’s decision to support the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 on the basis of “unproven allegations” was “indefensible”. Mr Blair more than supported the Bush administration’s invasion decision; he sent troops to Iraq to overthrow a regime which didn’t possesses weapons of mass destruction, as confirmed by Hans Blix, the man who headed the UN’s inspection team. As Mr Blix told the Security Council, he had found no “smoking gun” in Iraq after Saddam Hussein allowed the commission full freedom to undertake its job.

“The unproven allegations” the archbishop spoke of do not fully reflect the full spectrum of the conspiracies and lies that went into the case that was made for attacking oil-rich Iraq, and no one protested against this hoax more than the British people. Some of the frauds were absurd, including the doctored intelligence dossier which said that Iraqi missiles could be made operational within 45 minutes. Militarily Iraq had been defanged after the Kuwait war, and the UN sanctions had impoverished the country. But, as revealed later, the neocons in the Bush administration had made up their minds to fix Iraq because Israel considered the Saddam regime the greatest threat to its security. The invasion, no doubt, ended Saddam’s tyranny but resistance to occupation, terrorism and the sectarian strife led to a minimum of 200,000 civilians dead.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga