In the doldrums

October 21st, 2012

Girls' education in Pakistan, particularly in the conflict areas, is today symbolised by a teenaged girl hospitalised after a brazen attack on her by the Taliban. Like Malala Yousufzai, millions of Pakistani girls face formidable obstacles in their path to acquiring an education. If the overall statistics are dismal enough, with 25 million children out of school in this country — the second highest number in the world — then the picture for girls is even bleaker. According to the just-released Education for All Global Monitoring Report, two-thirds of out-of-school children in Pakistan are girls. Only 16 countries fare worse. The report also finds that efforts to address this issue are not keeping pace with those of other countries in the region. While Pakistan has managed to reduce the number of out-of-school girls by 16 per cent, India, Nepal and Bangladesh have done so by over 50 per cent during the same period.

Other recent studies indicate that only 39 per cent of girls complete primary school against 59 per cent of boys. Many of the girls that do so find it difficult to continue with their education for a number of reasons. For one thing, there simply aren’t enough secondary schools for girls, so access is a very real problem. The lack of basic facilities such as drinking water and toilets at many schools, not to mention buildings and boundary walls — particularly important in a conservative society — also contributes to a high dropout rate. Then, girls must contend with a patriarchal mindset that sees their primary roles as that of wife and mother for which education, at least beyond the basics, is considered an unnecessary indulgence.

As though this were not enough, floods for three consecutive years have severely impacted school enrolment in general. While nature’s fury has been more even-handed, the militancy in the country’s north-west has singled out girls’ education with a vengeance. A majority of the schools levelled by extremists in the region were those catering to girls’ education. For example, out of 164 completely destroyed schools in Malakand, the worst affected area in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 104 were girls’ schools. Continuing security threats and bureaucratic delays have meant that little or no reconstruction has taken place. But education cannot be put on the back burner. The government must take its responsibilities towards ensuring education, and specifically gender parity in education, more seriously. In that lies the only long-term salvation for Pakistan. Unfortunately, as of now, it seems the fate of education in this country, especially for girls, will continue to hang in the balance.

Crisis in the Levant

October 21st, 2012

The bombing which targeted a senior Lebanese intelligence official in Beirut on Friday does not bode well for regional peace. Seen to be linked to the Syrian civil war, it indicates the conflict within the borders of Lebanon’s eastern neighbour is spilling over. The man targeted — Wissam al-Hassan — was reportedly in the anti-Damascus camp and had overseen an investigation which linked Lebanese and Syrian officials to a bombing plot inside Lebanon. Syria has condemned the attack. Considering the region’s history, it is easy to see how tiny Lebanon can be sucked into the Syrian war. Syria has long been the power broker in Lebanon; its military intervened in the brutal 15-year Lebanese civil war under an Arab League mandate and only withdrew following the 2005 assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri. Internally, Lebanon is divided; politically there are pro- and anti-Syria factions while the country, which is administered under a confessional system, has sharp sectarian divisions. There have already been communal clashes and kidnappings in Lebanon linked to the trouble in Syria; communities in both countries have religious linkages. The bombings and kidnappings are an unhappy reminder of the war that ravaged Lebanon between 1975 and 1990. Long the battlefield of regional proxy wars, it appears as if the unforgiving cycle is beginning anew in Lebanon.

Beyond Lebanon, the situation on the Turkish-Syrian border remains grim. Syrian shells aimed at rebels operating in the border area often end up in Turkey and in the past have killed Turkish civilians. The Turks have responded by shelling Syrian positions. It is easy to imagine this disturbingly frequent exchange escalating into something larger. Meanwhile, UN-Arab League mediator Lakhdar Brahimi was in Damascus on Saturday pushing for the Syrian belligerents to accept a ceasefire over the Eidul Azha holidays. The Bashar al-Assad government as well as the Syrian rebels need to seize such opportunities as steps towards a peaceful settlement. Also, regional and extra-regional players must refrain from supporting factions within Syria. If opportunities for peace are lost, the Syrian conflict will inflame the entire region.

On home turf — finally

October 21st, 2012

The arrival of the International World XI in Karachi to play two exhibition matches — one of which was played yesterday — is a breath of fresh air for Pakistan cricket. While the tour is primarily a private venture which has the blessing of the Pakistan Cricket Board, it is being hailed as a step towards the revival of international cricket in the country after a gap of almost three and a half years. No foreign cricket team has toured Pakistan since the terrorist attack in Lahore on the Sri Lankan cricket team in March 2009. All endeavours at the government, individual and organisational level to persuade teams to play in Pakistan proved fruitless.

The smooth staging of the World XI matches in Karachi, the general excitement and hopefully a positive feedback from the visiting players, who belong to Sri Lanka, the West Indies, South Africa and Afghanistan, should contribute greatly towards convincing the International Cricket Council that Pakistan is a safe venue for cricketing events. Besides, the matches may also alter the outlook of the foreign teams themselves, concerned as they are about the security situation in the country, and help persuade them to show off their skills in Pakistan more regularly. It was indeed a welcome sight to see thousands of cricket-starved fans at the National Stadium yesterday while many others remained glued to their TV sets. Since Independence, the game has been hugely popular with Pakistanis and, in the midst of so many societal divisions, has often proved to be a uniting force and given us some memorable moments. Dedicated efforts are now needed to ensure the revival of international cricket in Pakistan. Not only will these ease tensions all around, they will also help channel youthful energies towards healthy pastimes. This is desperately needed at a time of growing, dangerous divisions.

Immature politics

October 22nd, 2012

The Supreme Court dropped the bombshell, now the political parties are fighting over the fallout. The open secret that the presidency and the security establishment colluded to rig the 1990 elections received an official imprimatur last week — predictably leading to all manner of political attacks and counter-attacks in present-day Pakistan, where a general election is around the corner. Rather than say mea culpa and focus on its more recent record of robustly supporting the democratic process, the PML-N has tried to dredge up allegations of electoral manipulation and partisanship in 1993. For its part, the PPP is enjoying the discomfiture of the PML-N and taking liberal pot shots at its rival for national power. None of it is edifying or becoming of a mature political process. Of course, with elections on the horizon in a fractured polity, few will be thinking about the long-term interests of the democratic project. Survival is the name of the game at the moment.

However, this is precisely the kind of political moment in which leadership can make a difference. President Asif Ali Zardari and former prime minister Nawaz Sharif carry a heavy burden today, much like the one Benazir Bhutto and Mr Sharif tried to shoulder in the 1990s but failed. The burden is to carry the democratic project forward and away from the interference and interventions of the army. Slanging matches and throwing fistfuls of mud at one another is not the way forward. Yes, Nawaz Sharif benefited from the patronage and tutelage of the security establishment. But since his return from exile, he has steadfastly and very believably maintained that the army’s influence in politics must be pushed back against. And for all the PPP’s schadenfreude at the moment, those with longer memories will remember that the PPP’s founder cut his political teeth in the country’s first military government. The central challenge, then, is the same for all political parties: to strengthen the democratic project against military intervention. The PPP, the PML-N, indeed all political parties, will benefit from rolling back the army’s internal predominance.

But how to do it? A truth and reconciliation commission, occasionally mentioned by the PML-N, would be a good idea. So was the Charter of Democracy, and a reincarnation of that platform today would be helpful too. Ultimately, though, the political class will only truly be able to exert control if it learns to govern better and challenge the army’s formulation of the national interest and national security in a more intelligent manner. But will self-interest prevail over the common interest?

Who’ll go first?

October 22nd, 2012

The interior minister kicked off the speculation with his assertion that the attack on Malala Yousufzai originated in Afghanistan, and a handful of media reports have been suggesting the same. Maulana Fazlullah’s Swat Taliban are behind the attack, the argument goes, and they are located in eastern Afghanistan, where they fled after the Swat operation in 2009. Whether or not it’s true, this analysis has been enough to revive the questions that first came up after Pakistan began seeing cross-border attacks from Afghanistan in the summer of 2011: between Pakistan on the one hand and Afghanistan and Isaf on the other, who will tackle safe havens on which side of the border first? The Afghans are unlikely to go after Pakistani militants in Kunar and Nuristan until Pakistan tackles the Afghan Taliban on this side; if this wasn’t already clear, President Karzai’s remarks in response to the Malala incident — that “using extremists as a tool against others is not in the interest of Pakistan” — made it clear enough.

Which only intensifies the need for the state to seriously consider what it’s going to do about North Waziristan, a project it appears to have abandoned at the moment. There are least two goals in that tribal agency. For one, for its own survival Pakistan will have to tackle the militants holed up there, including the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, who have been carrying out attacks within Pakistani borders. Even if the Malala attack didn’t originate there, North Waziristan remains a threat to Pakistan itself. Second, it is also becoming increasingly obvious that pursuing the Haqqani network there is not just a matter of resisting American pressure. It is now also a matter of Pakistan’s own security, as nothing much is likely to be done in Afghanistan about Fazlullah’s increasingly dangerous organisation until some action is taken here against militants focused on attacking the Americans and the existing Afghan government. The origins of the attack on Malala might not yet be clear, but it has highlighted once again that a stubborn refusal by both sides to cooperate will only make both less secure.

Unanswered questions

October 22nd, 2012

While thousands of animals have already been slaughtered, many questions remain unanswered. The public has yet to be clearly informed about the central — and simplest — point: were the 22,000 Australian sheep, which were originally bound for Bahrain but ended up in Karachi in early September, diseased? If so, what disease was it? All we’ve had so far is several weeks of confusion, obfuscation and conflicting explanations from all the central characters in the drama. The health hazards being talked about have ranged from foot-and-mouth disease to anthrax to Orf disease. The charade ended over the weekend when the importer — for reasons unknown — withdrew his court petition against the culling and the Sindh livestock department finished off the reportedly 11,000 animals that had so far survived.

This episode has thrown into stark relief two different issues that should be of concern. First, the inhumane treatment of the animals. As culling progressed in bouts, reports surfaced that some animals were clubbed to death or stabbed, left bleeding to die or buried alive — perhaps a sign of the manner in which Pakistani society is becoming increasing brutal. Second, the system in place needs to be revamped to ensure that everything that enters the market is indeed fit for human consumption. The flaws in the system can be gauged from the fact that conflicting findings resulted from the tests conducted at provincial- and federal-level laboratories. It was eventually a UK lab that said that the animals were healthy — though local authorities now claim that the foreign lab never tested for the diseases that the provincial health authorities had suspected. If so, why were the sheep not quarantined on arrival, as required? Without following the systems that are in place, Pakistan will continue to court all manner of public health disasters.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

A question of will

October 23rd, 2012

Like a political hot potato, the issue of consensus keeps getting passed around. First the army suggests it cannot launch a military operation in North Waziristan unless there is a political and public consensus. Now President Zardari has said that a consensus — on key issues of national security, not just a North Waziristan operation — is not possible because the civilian political opposition is unwilling to engage the government. And the political opposition is sure to reject the president’s claim and suggest that it is not being consulted meaningfully on any matter, so there is no real role for it. Meanwhile, the main issue — developing a national consensus against militancy, radicalism and extremism — goes unaddressed: a country faced with a growing threat is unable to decide how to counter it. With no one seemingly willing to lead the way and with the logical institutions for such decisions moribund — the Defence Committee of the Cabinet isn’t strong enough, the parliamentary committees on defence and national security are still struggling to find their feet, and the national security adviser slot remains unfilled — perhaps the government and the army need to develop a special mechanism to draft and formalise a national policy against militancy, extremism and radicalism.

A starting point could be to rationally demarcate the various strands of conservatism and Islamism: religious political parties that operate within the constitutional framework are very different from the violent non-state actors, for example. That would help both isolate the real threat and placate conservative political elements that the war against militancy isn’t a surreptitious plot to nudge them out of the political arena. From there, the next step could be to articulate a clear, realistic policy on Afghanistan, the link between militancy in Pakistan and the state’s quest to dominate Afghanistan being fairly well-known though rarely acknowledged. The last step could be to define and articulate the threat from militancy inside Pakistan: identify the various groups, explain their agenda and outline what needs to be done — militarily, politically, governance-wise, etc — to purposefully end the threat.

Will the government and the army demonstrate the necessary leadership, though? The problem is an old one, at least a decade old since the world changed on 9/11 and Pakistan struggled to accept that the sell-by date for non-state actors had passed. Throughout the Musharraf era — when there was no real distinction between the military and civilian leadership — the ambivalence towards militancy and the reluctance to adopt a zero-tolerance policy bedevilled policymaking. A decade on, the problem is more complex — hence the question mark over the will to do what’s necessary.

Behind the numbers

October 23rd, 2012

When it comes to the cost of living in Pakistan, personal experiences and government statistics don’t match up. Having finally dipped below double digits in July, according to the official numbers, inflation has been declining ever since and fell to 8.8 per cent in September. This would be good news if consumers and businesses weren’t continuing to feel the pinch of rising prices and having trouble making ends meet. It’s true that the government isn’t claiming inflation is zero per cent or that prices are declining — in other words, official statisticians concede that prices are still going up, but argue that they’re not going up as fast as they used to. The trouble is, though, that questions are being raised about the methodology used to calculate the number. The base year for comparison, for example, has been changed to 2007-2008, when prices were higher than in the previously used base year (2001-2002). The basket of goods on which the calculation is based has also been changed, raising questions about how representative it is of consumer experience.

There are a couple of things the Bureau of Statistics can do to address suspicions that the calculation has been manipulated to show inflation lower than it actually is. For one, it can continue to publish results based on the old method alongside the numbers it publishes now. It can also produce one consolidated report laying out what changes have been made to the calculation method, and on what dates. The new method will continue to produce lower numbers, but being transparent about changes should help address concerns that inflation statistics are being manipulated in time for elections or to bring down interest rates in order to lower the cost of the government’s heavy borrowing. The question is not whether inflation has come down — it undoubtedly has from the early days of this government’s tenure, partly because of the fall in international commodity prices. The question is how much it has come down. More transparency is needed before policymakers get complacent about the below-10-per-cent number or the public loses all faith in this official statistic.

Record after record

October 23rd, 2012

The importance of new Pakistani entries in the Guinness Book of Records cannot be underestimated. As these lines are being written, an attempt is being made at a stadium in Lahore to create the world’s largest painting. Hold it — the biggest painting has already been made and a record set. Such is the pace at which the enthusiasts at a mela sponsored by the Punjab government are going about scaling new heights. The giant picture is particularly pleasing since, more than what we are, what seems to matter to everyone around is the kind of image we can convey to the world. All acts of patriotic Pakistanis are consequently aimed not so much at our own salvation and progress, but at our international audience.

The Guinness record book provides people here, as anywhere else, eager to break records a forum to flaunt their talents. Apart from the record for the largest gathering of people singing the national anthem — an honour we have just snatched from India — a man has come up with the fastest rotis — mixing, kneading, baking all included. Someone has just pulled a van with his moustache. A young man has been noted for ‘kicking’ 617 times in three minutes. One charming young lady has displayed brilliant skill in arranging all 32 pieces on a chessboard in a flash — a relevant comparison with a powerful group of people who set the pawns before an election back in 1990. So many records have tumbled that it is difficult to keep track of all of them — and there may be a million more in store. The categories in which a record can be made or broken are endless and the mela is a lot of fun. The Guinness people might want to consider setting up a permanent record breaking place here.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Missing the point

October 24th, 2012

If Pakistani politicians have a talent, it is the ability to waste opportunities for meaningful change even when these are handed to them on a silver platter. For all its symbolic importance, the Supreme Court’s short order in the Asghar Khan case is in the news for all the wrong reasons. In no uncertain terms, the order declares that “it has been established” that former generals Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani “acted in violation of the constitution” by rigging the 1990 elections. And yet what is getting lost in the heat of the ensuing political battle is precisely this point, which is also the most important point — the role of the generals. Between the ruling party’s attempts to make political capital against the PML-N and the latter’s attempts to defend its reputation and argue about the FIA’s lack of independence, the focus has shifted to which politician received how much money. Meanwhile, those who did the real and enduring damage to Pakistani democracy are watching comfortably from the sidelines of this schoolyard brawl.

In part the room for this distraction from the real issue has also been created by the SC order itself. After leaving no doubt about the generals’ guilt, it does nothing to hold them to account beyond throwing the ball in the government’s court. In a slew of high-profile cases this court has found ways to enforce accountability directly or appointed people to do so and then monitored their progress. From directly appointing investigation commissions to demanding status updates from law-enforcement agencies and government officials to bypassing the NA speaker and disqualifying the prime minister, it has not hesitated to take action itself. And yet, in this preliminary order at least, it has simply asked the government to take the “necessary steps” against the generals without specifying what these should be.

This lack of urgency from both the SC and the government is worrying mostly because Pakistani democracy may not be out of the woods yet. Memories are still fresh of the ISI propping up the PML-Q in the 2002 elections. The defence secretary has said that the agency’s political cell had stopped functioning five years ago — implying it was active until very recently. Even now, there are suspicions that certain interest groups and political parties are being supported by the establishment. The military’s involvement in politics may be less blatant this election cycle, but we do not know that it is not taking place. Nor will we know so long as the SC and the government shy away from holding past manipulators to account and politicians continue to focus on fighting each other.

Presidential debate

October 24th, 2012

The final presidential debate in the US was the first real opportunity to assess Gov Mitt Romney’s likely foreign policy if he is elected president in November. With the race tightening, the possibility of a Romney presidency is very real but because the US electorate is more focused on domestic matters, little is known about the kind of worldview the presidential aspirant has and what his administration’s foreign policy would be like. Surprisingly, on Afghanistan and Pakistan, Mr Romney came across as measured and reasonable-sounding. In fact, there was little to separate the policies of President Obama from that of a putative President Romney. The presidential contender embraced the Obama administration’s 2014 withdrawal deadline in Afghanistan; endorsed the policy to go after Al Qaeda aggressively, including the use of drones; and berated neither Afghanistan nor Pakistan. When asked by the moderator if it was time for the US to divorce Pakistan, Mr Romney responded: “No, it’s not time to divorce a nation on earth that has a hundred nuclear weapons and is on the way to double that at some point, a nation that has serious threats from terrorist groups.” The bottom line: Pakistan’s stability is of deep concern for the US but that does not translate into a policy of isolation or containment with devastating consequences for Pakistan’s positive interconnectedness with the outside world.

Of course, a presidential debate on foreign policy does not make for a properly fleshed-out policy. Both Mr Obama — whose approach to Afghanistan and Pakistan is, for all the talk of clarity and purposefulness, racked by contradictions and internal squabbling — and Mr Romney were sparse on details. Conditioning aid, not cutting Pakistan loose, not isolating Pakistan — none of that really articulates either a vision or the nuts and bolts of policy. If Mr Romney does win the election two weeks from now, he is expected to pick his foreign and national-security policy teams from among the ranks of neocons and hardliners. So ‘Moderate Mitt’ could just be a temporary phenomenon, one designed to tick the commander-in-chief box for an electorate not very interested in the outside world.

Paradise lost?

October 24th, 2012

Many of the famed tourist destinations in the north, including until recently Swat, have been lost to militancy and extremism. But other relatively safe areas are also in danger of losing their charm — because of both the inattentiveness of the state and the attitude of local people and visitors. A case in point is Saiful Maluk Lake in Naran Valley, a spot of pristine natural beauty. After the number of visitors to the area increased, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government declared it a national park in 2003 in a bid to protect it. Commendably, in 2009, the provincial wildlife department launched a Rs7.7m conservation project and took measures to curtail activities that were causing soil and water pollution, such as boating and commercial dealings.

All that was very well, until the project was declared complete this June and the staff recruited for the management and conservation of the park was withdrawn; almost , the destructive activities resumed, so that all the earlier efforts have more or less been rendered useless. Reportedly, local people have brought motorboats to the lake to give visitors rides, encroachments have been set up again, and the area is littered with solid waste of all sorts. Though the wildlife authorities have registered dozens of complaints of lawbreakers this summer, the police have done nothing. While the authorities must certainly act to protect the park, a good share of the onus must also be borne by the residents of the area and the visitors. All need to show a sense of responsibility towards doing their bit to keep it beautiful. The local people must recognise that destroying the beauty of the lake amounts to killing the golden goose; and visitors must learn to take their trash away with them. More than the authorities, it is the people who need to change their attitude.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Law of the jungle

October 25th, 2012

More than a year after the Supreme Court issued its order regarding law and order in Karachi, progress, as the SC discovered this week, has turned out to be as negligible as most Karachi residents predicted it would be. True, the nature of some of the city’s violence may have changed; it hasn’t seen the same intensity of violence it saw last summer, with hundreds of people dying in a handful of weeks in politically motivated killings. But each day brings news of four or five or eight people shot dead in targeted attacks for belonging to one political party or another, a sectarian group, or simply for being Shia or Ahmadi or of a particular ethnicity. The explosive spikes in death counts have been replaced by a slower but still unrelenting pace of killings that Karachiites have become desensitised to and that the rest of the country barely notices.

As the Sindh attorney general admitted himself, more than 1,800 people have been killed in the city this year already. Add to that street crime: from cellphone snatching and mugging to kidnapping and extortion, Karachi’s residents live under the constant threat of having their property snatched and their lives endangered.

Nor can this be excused as being typical of the world’s largest metropolises. To some extent a city this large, with so many places to seek cover and so many people and weapons moving in and out of it, will never entirely be controlled by law enforcement. But Karachi also suffers from its own unique mix of politics and crime, with the competition for resources backed, or at least overlooked, by those who have political clout — people who, if they wanted to, could disallow crime in their fiefdoms within the city or permit law enforcement to function freely. Second, law enforcement here suffers from a dire lack of resources relative to the scale of the problem; with over half the city’s police assigned to VIP duty, administrative work or specialised units, about 11,000 policemen remain for maintaining law and order, a ratio of over 1,600 people per policeman that compares appallingly to other large cities around the world.

Ultimately that is why the SC’s instructions issued last year have not been followed: they do not address the roots of the problem. Solutions like deweaponising the city, depoliticising the police force, eliminating ‘no-go’ areas and rezoning police stations may well reduce violence if carried out.

But they simply cannot be implemented without more resources and, crucially, without the requisite political will of the various groups that hold the levers of power in this city.

Problem of impunity

October 25th, 2012

There is no doubt that for journalists, this is one of the most dangerous countries in the world. Journalists are killed or harassed because of their work or in the line of duty partly because the state has consistently refused to track down the killers or intimidators. Here, journalists are sandwiched between a rock and a hard place: at one end is a shadowy establishment that tries to keep certain information cloaked, and at the other, a war with elements that consider no means too foul to achieve their end. Yet the harassment of journalists, and their killing with impunity is a global problem. The Committee to Protect Journalists estimates that some 49 journalists have been killed around the world so far this year, while Reporters Without Borders’ ‘Press Freedom Barometer’ points out that over 270 people, including journalists and ‘netizens’, have been put in prison during these 10 months. In this tug-of-war between those who seek to expose the truth and those who try to contain it, what is at stake is the citizens’ right to know.

It was in defence of this right that the world media community expressed dismay at the ineffectiveness of UN efforts to ensure the safety of newsmen — the 2006 UNSC Resolution 1738, among other matters, reminded all parties in situations of armed conflict to respect the professional independence of media personnel. At a symposium on ‘Media Responses to Matters of Life and Death’ that took place in London last week, ahead of the second UN Inter-Agency meeting on ‘the safety of journalists and the issue of impunity’ that is to be held in Vienna next month, representatives of 40 media organisations from around the world called upon the UN to persuade member states to create a safer environment for journalists. The symposium has drafted a set of proposals in this regard. This needs to be given due attention. Too many governments, among them the Pakistani government, are guilty of either perpetrating violence against media personnel or standing by as such violence occurs. If the world is concerned about the freedom of speech, here is where it begins.

Cellphone shutdown

October 25th, 2012

The government is setting an ominous trend by resorting to the shutdown of cellular phone networks on major holidays or each time there is a threat of terrorist acts. Plans are now afoot to suspend cellular services in parts of the country over the Eidul Azha holidays as the interior ministry has information of possible terrorist strikes during the festival. Cellphone services were also blocked on the eve of Eidul Fitr and suspended in Balochistan on Independence Day. But how effective has this practice proved so far? While it is true that no major act of terrorism took place during Eidul Fitr when the shutdown was enforced, the measure failed to curb the widespread violence that occurred in major cities last month on the day officially dedicated to protesting an anti-Islam film.

Shutting down cellphones amounts to addressing the symptoms, not the disease. There was indeed life before cellphones; but so deep is their penetration in society that the devices have become essential communication tools that cut across economic lines. Equally true, shutting down cellular services particularly on occasions like Eid spoils the festivities. While terrorists do use cellphones to coordinate and carry out attacks, millions of common citizens also use the devices to check on loved ones during these times. What is more, militants are constantly adapting their methods and unfortunately often stay ahead of law-enforcers where technology is concerned, so it is unrealistic to assume blanket bans on cellphone usage during certain periods would hinder their activities too much. A more intelligent counterterrorism approach is needed. The easy availability of cheap, unverified SIMs needs to be checked, while the relevant authorities need to ensure that all connections are properly registered. Inconveniencing the public through methods such as road blockades, pillion-riding bans and cellphone shutdowns hurts common people more than the terrorists.

__________________
Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Not a remedy

October 26th, 2012

There is much that is wrong with the management of the energy sector in Pakistan. But little of what has gone wrong and continues to go wrong can be rectified by the superior judiciary. Yesterday, the Supreme Court declared illegal the pricing mechanism for CNG and has ordered a price revision by Nov 1, a move that is likely to substantially reduce the price of CNG for use in vehicles across the country. Similarly, prompted by the SC’s intervention, the weekly adjustment of petroleum prices has been halted by the federal government until the Economic Coordination Committee issues fresh directions. Both moves are likely to be hailed by the public — but for the wrong reasons. Take the case of CNG. The basic problems in the gas sector are: proven gas reserves are fast dwindling because exploration for new reserves or a satisfactory import policy has not been forthcoming for many years; the gas that is being produced is utilised inefficiently because it is disproportionately allocated to unproductive uses such as to power vehicles rather than to business and industry; and the low price of gas in Pakistan has meant that companies were reluctant to explore for new gas reserves while the consumer is unprepared for the substantially higher prices that imported gas would bring.

It is with this in mind that the government announced the Petroleum (Exploration and Production) Policy 2012 in August in which substantially higher rates and other incentives were offered to lure foreign companies to Pakistan to explore for much-needed gas that many believe is underground. The alternative is to become dependent on imported gas which would dramatically push up the price of gas. So how does the SC’s move to get the price of CNG, available at gas stations across the country, reduced help the basic math and puzzle of Pakistan’s energy crisis? It doesn’t.

To be sure, the politically connected CNG fuel station owners across the country may be earning windfall profits but the bigger problem is that they are selling cheap gas that the country desperately needs to be channelled towards more productive uses. Instead of recognising that the historical policy itself is flawed, the court is tinkering with prices. CNG station owners will applaud, motorists with CNG kits will be grateful to the court, but the medium- and long-term logic are inexorable: suppressed prices will not spur investment in the gas sector, meaning the country will quickly run out of gas and either turn to more expensive fossil fuels or imported gas. At that not-too-distant point, what will a court order be able to achieve?

‘Do not enter’

October 26th, 2012

In addressing the issue of barricades being placed on public roads, Justice Sarmad Jalal Osmany was driven to adopt an acidic tone on Tuesday in Karachi. And why not, for this has become a detestably common and inconveniencing tactic. Justice Osmany directed the bulk of his ire towards Bilawal House, the Karachi residence of President Asif Ali Zardari that has swallowed up three lanes of a much-used artery. Yet, particularly in Islamabad and Karachi, citizens are impeded in their passage across their city by bollards, barricades, walls and barbed wire ‘protecting’ the residences and workplaces of politicians, senior government functionaries, diplomats, police, army officers, etc. Some roads have been off-limits for so long that they have dropped out of the public’s consciousness — Islamabad’s Constitution Avenue or the portion of Aabpara Road serving the ISI headquarters and the CDA building are examples.

Without doubt, the threat leading the authorities to curtail access is very real. The militants demonstrably seek to strike wherever they can — any and all venues are kosher, the more high-security the better. Equally true, across the world the movement of those in high office or those who are potential targets for other reasons is accompanied by impediments in the movement of ordinary citizens. Crucially, though, such measures are not permanent. In Pakistan, by contrast, we’ve turned ‘security needs’ into a form of high art that involves increasing encroachment on citizens’ freedoms — the very citizens who continue to lose so much to the terrorists. Yet why should we blame those in high office only? Citing similar reasons, in affluent areas across cities, citizens have through mutual agreement cordoned off entire localities with barricades and have employed private security to ensure that no one of the ‘wrong sort’ gets in. While it is true that the law-enforcement apparatus has failed to control crime in the same way that it has been unable to curb terrorism, the solution does not lie in making it an ‘every man for himself’ situation. The solution lies in building pressure on the state and its mechanisms to substantially improve security.

Spare the rod

October 26th, 2012

While the report in this paper that a Gujranwala man beat his 10-year-old son to death for smoking may be an extreme exception, the fact remains that corporal punishment is common in Pakistan, especially in educational institutions. One survey from 2009 says that corporal punishment was used in 89 per cent of Punjab’s schools. Yet despite the prevalence of corporal punishment in society comprehensive legislation addressing the problem is still lacking. The response of the state to tackling this issue indicates that protecting children from violence and abuse is quite low on the government’s list of priorities. For example, as noted at a recent workshop in Karachi, a draft law has been pending with the Sindh government for close to a year. The only province to have passed significant legislation concerning children’s welfare is Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; the Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan authorities have all issued notifications banning corporal punishment. Yet these efforts have failed to eradicate the cruel practice, mainly because government notifications are not replacements for proper laws. Another issue is addressing corporal punishment in madressahs. As many seminaries are not registered, this puts them outside the purview of government enforcement.

Violence against children cannot be condoned in any form. When youngsters are beaten in school, they not only become alienated from the educational process, they also develop emotional and psychological problems, often repeating the cycle of violence once they enter adulthood. The provinces need to formulate laws that disallow corporal punishment at public and private schools, madressahs and children’s welfare institutions. Section 89 of the Pakistan Penal Code, which is seen by many as a loophole allowing for the use of corporal punishment for children under 12, also needs to be re-examined. Passing laws is the first step; the real challenge lies in enforcing them and convincing people that beating children is not ‘good’ for them.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Untenable claim

October 27th, 2012

If there is a point on which all Afghans unite, it is on the Durand Line. The British-drawn frontier is more than a century old and has been accepted by the world community as an international border. But Afghans to this day have shied away from recognising this reality. On Oct 21, Marc Grossman said in a TV interview that the US considered the Durand Line an international frontier. A few days later, the Kabul government rejected the views of America`s special envoy, prompting the State Department to reiterate its position by upholding Mr Grossman`s declaration. On Thursday, the Foreign Office reaffirmed Islamabad`s position on the issue and said the international frontier between Pakistan and Afghanistan was `a closed and settled issue.

Irrespective of tribal, ethnic, political and ideological differences, the Afghans speak with one voice on the Durand Line and refuse to abandon a stance that has been rendered obsolete by the march of time. Since 1947, Afghanistan has seen governments that differed in internal makeup and foreign policy orientations.

The overthrow of the monarchy by Daud Khan, Zahir Shah`s cousin, and the establishment of a republic made no difference to Kabul rulers` stand on the border with Pakistan, and the four communist rulers who followed them Nur Mohammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, Babrak Karmal and Mohammad Najibullah shared the royalty`s view ofthe border drawn as far back as 1893. Because Kabul`s communist rulers received greater support than before from the Soviet Union, their stance on the Durand Line and the issue of Pakhtunistan was hawkish. True, their views were echoed by many Pakhtun nationalists here but the bigger challenge of militancy among Pakhtuns has now taken precedence. Understandably upsetting for Pakistan, the victorious Mujahideen showed no interest in having the issue resolved and accepting the line. Even the Taliban, perceived to have been created, funded, armed and trained by Pakistan, showed little gratitude towards their hosts and preferred to follow their royal and communist predecessors in rejecting the status of the Durand Line. The Durand Line is a fact, and no day passes without Kabul acknowledging its de facto existence by talking about cross-border incursions. One can understand Kabul`s anti-colonial approach in the 19th and early part of the 20th century. But cataclysmic events have unleashed new forces, altered the area`s geopolitical picture and rendered old concepts incongruous.

Manned checkpoints on both sides testify to Kabul`s de facto recognition of the line. President Hamid Karzai should realise that official recognition of the Durand Line would serve as a confidence-building measure, remove a source of friction and help in fighting a common enemy.

Back from the dead

October 27th, 2012

It is heartening to learn that where in Pakistan there are elements ready and willing to set out to destroy, there are others prepared to show resilience in the face of adversity. When out-ofcontrol violence accompanied protests against a religiously offensive film last month, amongst the victims were several of the country`s already few cinemas. Three cinemas were burned down in Peshawar, and in Karachi six were ransacked and reduced to ashes, including the venerable Nishat, Capri, Prince and Bambino. In many cases, owners watched damage worth tens of millions being inflicted on their properties as enraged young men engaged in arson in some cases, where fire department authorities initially managed to bring the blaze under control, repeatedly, until they succeeded. A number of owners told newspapers later that in view of the scale of the damage, the lack of support from the government and the fact that such incidents could well happen again, they saw few chances of rebuilding.

In this dim scenario, the proprietors of Bambino Cinema are indeed showing steely resolve in restarting operations. Having spent millions on restoring part of the cinema hall (the damage to the façade is so extensive that it will take more than a year to repair), the doors are to be opened to the public today. Reportedly, Capri also intends to restart operations.

These businesses ought to be offered support by the government, if not financially then at the very least from the security angle. It is odd to have to think of a cinema as a `sensitive installation`, but the violence cited above is not the only one of its kind to have occurred. In 2003, when protesters burnt down Melody, Islamabad was left a capital city without a single cinema. It is hard to understand why venues that exist solely to divert and delight attract violence and that too from the very people who benefit, for these are cinemas where ticket prices are relatively affordable. Regardless, they are deserving of special protection. The cinema culture should be promoted as too intrinsic a part of the country`s cultural fabric to be lost in this manner.

Eid hygiene

October 27th, 2012

Animal sacrifice is one of the defining characteristics of Eidul Azha. However, extra care needs to be taken both by the citizenry and the state to ensure that the sacrifice is a safe and hygienic affair.

Where the removal of offal and animal waste is concerned, the situation has improved considerably from what it was in the past; over a decade or so ago, waste used to lie unattended on garbage heaps, creating a foul atmosphere. To their credit, over the last few years civic agencies across Pakistan have made efforts to highlight hygiene in the run-up to Eid through the media, while during the three days of the festival offal is picked up fairly quickly.

Public awareness has also increased. Yet loopholes remain. While civic agencies must continue their efforts, it is essential that citizens carry out the sacrifice in a disciplined manner as well.

Collecting animal waste from every house is im-practical, hence people need to dispose of offal in designated collection areas and not just leave it on the street. Rotting animal waste in the open is not only an obvious health hazard, it also attracts the attention of animals and birds. The presence of birds hovering over offal is a matter of particular concern in neighbourhoods located close to airports, hence civic bodies must be particularly vigilant in these areas to prevent bird strike. Perhaps ideally it would be best if Pakistanis adapted their lifestyles so that sacrifices could be carried out in abattoirs, ensuring the religious obligation is fulfilled while maintaining health and safety standards. Until more such facilities are built and until people change their habits, citizens need to avoid sacrificing in the open and dumping waste wherever they feel like. After all, while the sacrifice is an integral part of Eidul Azha, maintaining cleanliness is also a religious duty.

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Left is Right

No lessons learnt

October 30th, 2012

Coming as does on the heels of a factory fire in Karachi’s Baldia Town that killed at least 258 people, the inferno that decimated another factory in SITE over the Eidul Azha holidays was a stark reminder of how unprepared the authorities remain. While it was a relief that no loss of life was reported, it should be noted — as witnessed earlier — that fires at such locations can spread at a horrifying pace and prove very difficult to bring under control. The fire fighters that first reached the scene realised that they would be unable to contain the situation, which rapidly reached the level of a third-degree inferno — no doubt partly because of the highly flammable contents of the warehouse. An SOS resulted in fire tenders arriving there from across the city, including PAF fire tenders from the nearby Masroor Airbase. Even so, it took around 30 hours to contain the blaze, with the fire fighters finally leaving when it was feared that the building would collapse.

That there was no loss of life was sheer providence and not a result of any safety measures being put in place. Hundreds of people worked in the building, and had the fire broken out during a working day rather than on Eid weekend, when it was empty, the possibility of another catastrophic event could not have been ruled out. In the wake of the September incident, vociferous commitments were made by various administrative quarters to concentrate on improving safety standards in industrial units and to reinstate the factory inspection process. A little over a month later, however, the matter seems to have been swept off the radar. While legal proceedings against that factory’s owners are under way, the much more crucial issue of rendering workplaces safe and ensuring the availability of adequate escape routes, fire extinguishers and fire hydrants etc is not receiving due consideration.

For obvious reasons, the importance of protecting workers, whether at industrial units or elsewhere, cannot be overemphasised. Wherever people find employment, it is the employers’ duty to ensure that neither life nor limb is at risk, and the responsibility of the state apparatus to make certain that rules and regulations are followed. Safety standards in general are lax in Pakistan, and the state does little to intervene.

In order to alter this trajectory, a pressure lobby needs to be built up in society, with the aim of not just prompting the administration to act but also to raise the workers’ awareness level. Strong unions could have a much-needed effect in this regard.

Myanmar violence

October 30th, 2012

Fresh communal violence has erupted in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, between the majority Buddhist population and members of the minority Rohingya Muslim community. The scale of the violence is disturbing; Myanmar authorities say some 90 people have been killed in the latest bout of bloodletting while the UN has said over 26,000 people, mostly Muslim, have been displaced over the last week or so. Hundreds of homes have also been torched in the rioting. Satellite images released by Human Rights Watch point to ‘extensive destruction’ in a Rohingya-dominated area. Earlier in June, similarly horrific violence was witnessed in Rakhine after the rape and killing of a Buddhist woman, blamed on Rohingya men. The incident sparked savage reprisals and the Myanmar military had to be called in to restore order.

Sectarian and ethnic strife is unfortunately quite common in Myanmar. The transition from decades of military rule to a quasi-democracy in 2010 has failed to bring relief to many of the minority groups unhappy with their treatment in Myanmar. This is particularly true of the Rohingya, who have been described by the UN as amongst the world’s most persecuted minorities. Numbering about 800,000 in Myanmar, the Rohingya are a stateless people as the government does not extend citizenship rights to them; even amongst the general population the community faces widespread discrimination. And whenever there is communal violence, the Rohingya often have nowhere to flee; neighbouring Bangladesh, which already hosts thousands of Rohingyas, has turned back refugees as it did in June. But perhaps what is most disappointing is the silence of Myanmar’s pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi over the plight of the Rohingya. Ms Suu Kyi, who struggled against the military junta for years, has maintained an ambiguous stance on the ethnic strife in Rakhine, perhaps due to the impact any defence of the Rohingya may have on her party’s electoral fortunes; some of her party’s leading officials have reportedly made openly anti-Muslim statements. Considering her stature, Ms Suu Kyi must rise above communal politics and raise a voice for the Rohingyas so that a permanent solution to Myanmar’s sectarian strife can be found.

Slaughter season

October 30th, 2012

Of what use are bans when they are not put into effect? Flouting all local and international laws that prohibit the hunting of the endangered houbara bustard, the authorities have issued at least 30 hunting permits to Arab dignitaries to further reduce the numbers of Pakistan’s annual winter visitor. This number is up from the 25 or so permits granted during the last hunting season. Attempts to soften the blow by issuing a code of conduct and monitoring a bag limit of 100 birds may not be the answer either, especially when the greed of local officials or their lack of clout allows them to look the other way when the rules are not adhered to. Given that the hunting continues unabated, studies claim that the houbara population, which has been driven to extinction in Arab lands, may not survive beyond another 15 or 20 years. This would be a great pity, and for Pakistan its loss would deal a further blow to the dwindling number of migratory birds wintering in the country.

A related controversy has been the trapping of young peregrine and saker falcons (migratory species) that are used to hunt the houbara. A number of local lager falcons are used as bait to capture the former varieties. This results in the death of a large number of local falcons. For the returning hunters, though, it means the acquisition of a younger peregrine or saker falcon that they can take back — on the same permit that allowed the older falcons to enter the country. There can be no excuse for such unethical practices, which, if not checked in time, will only increase and cause extreme damage to Pakistan’s biodiversity. It’s about time our government and wildlife officials woke up to the larger concerns posed by natural habitats under threat.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Still far behind

October 31st, 2012

With three years left to go to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, Pakistan’s performance doesn’t exactly inspire confidence. There has been some criticism of the MDGs, including that they are too basic or that some indicators are difficult to measure. But for a less developed country like Pakistan, they provide a reasonable framework for assessing progress in fundamental areas of concern including poverty, gender equality, health and education. The UNDP claims that “sufficient progress has only been made on about half of the targeted indicators”. But a closer look at the organisation’s own assessment of Pakistan’s progress paints an even bleaker picture. There has been movement in a handful of areas, including the Lady Health Workers programme, women’s political participation and treatment of tuberculosis. But the literacy rate, for example, was 54 per cent in 2008-09, according to the UNDP, versus the goal of 88 per cent in 2015. Only 30 per cent of those living in high-risk areas are receiving malaria treatment and prevention versus the goal of 75 per cent. Poverty ranges from 17 to 35 per cent of the population depending on whom you believe, compared to the 13 per cent goal for 2015.

Speak to experts about why Pakistan is not making better progress, and the answer usually depends on what organisation they come from and development theory they buy into. There is the view that only economic growth will lead to better socio-economic indicators. Others argue that the government has to provide a social safety net to improve the lives of citizens and the quality of the workforce. On both counts, the country is failing. Last year’s GDP growth of less than four per cent was far below the seven to eight per cent needed to employ the country’s growing population. As far as the state goes, beyond the reasonably successful Benazir Income Support Programme, it is entirely unclear what other large-scale projects the government has undertaken.

Real progress towards the MDGs requires a concerted effort on a number of fronts: better preparing the provinces to take on the recently devolved health and education sectors, increasing the budget for development, continuing to include the MDGs in economic planning — the latest Economic Survey and growth framework do not incorporate them — and involving the private sector and civil society. Even spreading the word would be a good place to start; shockingly few parliamentarians, citizens, businessmen and members of the media are aware of what the MDGs are and what is being done to achieve them. Without a genuine campaign on the issue, Pakistan has no hope of even coming close to the goals for 2015.

The virus within

October 31st, 2012

Three attempts by the banned fundamentalist group Hizbut Tahrir in less than 10 years to launch a coup against the military and civilian leadership and establish a modern-day caliphate in Pakistan — the details as revealed in a report in Dawn yesterday are disturbing enough. More worrying is that little is known even today about the true scale of the fundamentalist threat within the armed forces and what steps have been taken to purge them of extremist, anti-state elements. There is little doubt that a stealthy campaign by Hizbut Tahrir and other extremist groups to penetrate the ranks of the armed forces is ongoing. But both the facts and the strategy to combat the threat, if indeed there is one, have been shielded from the public. In the absence of any public scrutiny of what are admittedly sensitive security matters, the chances of repeat offenders cropping up and mistakes being made in tracking down dangerous elements within the armed forces cannot be downplayed. Why, for example, were the same HuT activists able to establish contacts within the armed forces in two separate instances in 2009 and 2011? Was there no way to prevent this? And what has become of the HuT activists detained after the arrest of Brig Ali Khan last year and then released after pressure from the courts over illegal detentions? Does anyone in the intelligence wings of the armed forces know where the released detainees are and if they are trying to lure fresh recruits from the armed forces?

From the narrow issue of disabling the particular activists identified and suspected of involvement in plots to overthrow the state, the broader issue of a missing counter-extremism strategy cannot be separated. Hizbut Tahrir survives and thrives in Pakistani society and is able to try and recruit from among the armed forces because there is no attempt to develop a counter-narrative against violent jihad and assorted militancy. Perhaps closer vetting and surveillance of the armed forces could prevent a devastating plot but if the ideological virus continues to spread, will the failure of HuT and likeminded groups still be guaranteed?

Judicial backlog

October 31st, 2012

IT appears as if the country’s superior judiciary is more interested in pursuing high-profile cases, guided by a sense of ‘judicial activism’. While this approach may have its merits, there is an equally important need to fill the vacancies in the provincial high courts and thereby clear the huge backlog of cases pending before the courts. As reported in this paper, only 24 out of a sanctioned strength of 40 judges are hearing cases in the Sindh High Court. Around 50,000 cases are pending before the court, some of which have not been decided for over 15 years. Reportedly, over 200 cases are fixed before an SHC bench per day; it is humanly impossible to plough through all the cases during the working day. The situation in the other three provincial high courts and Islamabad High Court is no different; all are operating below strength. The dearth of judges is one of the main reasons for the tens of thousands of pending cases before the high courts, the bulk of them in Punjab and Sindh. A lack of infrastructure — not enough chambers and courtrooms — has also been cited as an impediment.

Efforts have been made to fill the vacancies, but the process needs to be streamlined and speeded up. Each provincial chief justice sends his recommendations to the Judicial Commission of Pakistan, which forwards these to a parliamentary committee. Of course the vacancies cannot be filled overnight, for selection must be a careful process as only individuals of sterling credentials should be appointed to these key posts. Yet there needs to be a sense of urgency so that the delays in the selection and appointment process of high court judges can be reduced. Both the Judicial Commission and the government need to make greater efforts to fill the vacancies so that justice can be delivered to the people in a timely fashion.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga

Apolitical office

November 1st, 2012

The Supreme Court has issued an order, the Lahore High Court has weighed in too and now the presidency appears to be responding: official political activities at the presidency have been curbed and more informal meetings are taking their place, according to a report in this newspaper yesterday. The presidency is doing the right thing. The constitution may be silent on whether a president can continue to hold an official position within a political party but the office of the presidency does at the very least seem to be apolitical in its design. Much can be made out of the unnecessary and excessive needling between the government and the superior judiciary but in the case of political activities at the presidency, a central fact ought to be kept in mind: whatever the precise legal and constitutional position, the presidency ought to steer clear of partisan politics, particularly given the unfortunate use of the presidency over the decades to further narrow political and personal goals.

In structure at least, President Zardari has unquestionably ceded powers to parliament and the prime minister. The 18th Amendment has put in place a system wherein parliament and the prime minister theoretically enjoy paramount power and over the course of time that theory can become practice as the democratic project continues to develop. While President Zardari is the unquestionable boss of the PPP and as such any prime minister from his party will defer to him if deemed necessary, there have been signs — though admittedly not robust signs — that an internal party dictatorship is not totally skewing the desired structure of the state and political government. For while former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani eventually sacrificed himself defending his boss against action by the Supreme Court, the strained relationship between the president and Mr Gilani was also undeniable. The tension has been attributed to President Zardari’s unhappiness with some choices and policies of Mr Gilani while he was prime minister. So it does appear that the presidency is not exercising its veto as blatantly as it could, nor is it totally running roughshod over the various ministries, though Mr Zardari still has the unfortunate habit of referring to ‘his’ ministers when in fact they are technically the prime minister’s.

Still, much more needs to be done. And perhaps also it is time to start thinking about a hitherto taboo subject: President Zardari’s parallel role as co-chairman of the PPP. The co-chairmanship came at a time of wrenching change in the PPP, but nearly five years on, the democratic project could be strengthened by a further noble gesture.

Miles to go

November 1st, 2012

At the UN Human Rights Council this week, the foreign minister presented a brighter picture of the human-rights situation in Pakistan than many would be willing to accept. But quick as we are to critique the country’s performance on this front, it’s only fair to acknowledge the progress that has been made. An elected government is about to complete a full term. The 18th Amendment and the reformulated NFC award have strengthened democracy and given increasing rights and resources to the provinces. Pro-women legislation has been passed, including against sexual harassment, acid throwing and forced marriages. While there is a long way to go to reform the legislation that governs Fata, the extension of the Political Parties Act to the tribal areas and the weakening of the Frontier Crimes Regulation were steps
in the right direction.

Any analysis of Pakis-tan’s human-rights record wouldn’t be a balanced one without factoring in the progress made in terms of constitutional and legislative reform.

The problem, of course, is that the proof of any of this lies in implementation, which ranges from successful in a handful of cases to piecemeal or nonexistent in most. And none of it negates the very real problems many groups of Pakistanis face, among them attacks on just about every religious minority, including a rash of Shia killings; enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings; the harshness and misuse of the blasphemy laws; and the condition of IDPs fleeing militancy and natural disasters. Both state and society have become desensitised to the value of human life and the rule of law, and it is hardly surprising that calling Pakistan “pluralistic and progressive”, as the foreign minister did, was met with disbelief from her audience. If there is one bright spot, it is that the Pakistani media continues to report more rights violations today than it ever has before. There was a time when this kind of news came from foreign sources. Though at the cost of too many journalists losing their lives in the process, today the country’s own media is at least able to report on much of the abuse that takes place.

Missing the bus

November 1st, 2012

Lahore's already famous Metro Bus System excites and exacerbates. The Punjab government is possessed by this pre-poll wonder in the making and the media comes up with one aspect after another related to the initial 27-kilometre stretch that is being built day and night. The chief minister is always around proudly talking about the project amid less-than-cautious calculations which say that while officially this is a Rs24bn venture, in actual terms it may cost the taxpayers up to Rs70bn. Buses, said to be 18 metres in length, are being manufactured; a Turkish team which is to run it for some time is being awaited, all kinds of construction, even mazaars and bazaars, standing in the way have been razed and billboards celebrating the development strategically placed. Amid this excitement there are anonymous officials out to inflict their scepticism on everyone. Some of them told Dawn that they couldn’t quite fix a date for the realisation of Mr Shahbaz Sharif’s Turkish dream.

Officials say the minimum time required for the project was two and a half years. The chief minister, they maintain, wants the work done much faster. No one has specified a deadline — and no one, it seems, has anticipated the problems. Unforeseen difficulties have held up progress from time to time, yet the fanfare accompanying the work is sending out the message that the job could be completed overnight. People are getting impatient and they are talking about how the money lavished on the MBS could have been better spent elsewhere. This view can only be countered by giving them the opportunity to experience the facility firsthand and then decide on its merits and flaws. Until then, an honest estimate of how much and how long it will take could have the needed calming effect on proceedings.

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Kon Kehta hy k Main Gum-naam ho jaon ga
Main tu aik Baab hn Tareekh mein Likha jaon ga