DAWN, 24-09-2011

RELATIONS between the US and Pakistan are plummeting — again. This time, the attack on the US embassy compound in Kabul and the bombing of a US base in Wardak appear to have driven American officials to a concerted verbal assault against Pakistan. What is highly unusual, though, is the directness of the accusations and the seniority of the officials making the allegations. Adm Mike Mullen may be on the verge of retirement, but he is still the senior-most armed forces official in the US. And yet, the American allegations raise at least two important questions. One, to what extent does Pakistan influence the behaviour of the Haqqani network? Two, even if Pakistan does have serious influence with the Haqqani group, why would it urge them to attack the US embassy compound? Surely, the furious response of American authorities could have been predicted and there would be little to gain by poking the Americans in the eye at this juncture.

Perhaps if the US were to bring into the public domain the `credible intelligence` it has gathered on Haqqani involvement and Pakistani complicity, the issue could be moved forward some. As long as these issues are argued over in private, the possibility of either side accepting the other`s point of view appears to be very slim. At the moment, the army here appears content to thrust the civilians into the foreground to argue Pakistan`s case and the civilians are doing it in the only way they know how: matching rhetoric for rhetoric. However, the allegations are too serious to go unanswered directly and, were evidence to be brought into the public domain, the army would need to explicitly state what it will do to address the problem. Pakistan should not want to and simply cannot afford to have its territory used for attacks in this manner; the price in global and regional isolation that this country will have to pay is simply not worth it.

For now, though, the US appears to still understand the need to ultimately keep Pakistan engaged. Adm Mullen may have been direct in his criticism, but his full statement shows signs of understanding the bargain that the US must strike: remain engaged with Pakistan and the US can address some of its interests; disengage and the cost of protecting or pursuing its interests will go up significantly. For Pakistan, too, a similar realisation must come into play: if Pakistan`s interests, as defined by the army, and US interests don`t always mesh, a rupture in relations would leave Pakistan, as the smaller power, significantly worse off.



SEVERAL institutions have been held responsible for the level of destruction caused by this summer`s rains in Sindh. One of these is the National Disaster Management Authority, an institution whose responsibilities remain the source of much confusion and misinformation. The NDMA`s staff of just 22 officers should be focusing on the federal-level tasks it is responsible for, which include issues such as identifying relief and resource needs in various areas; communicating these needs to relevant government departments, the armed forces and international donors and relief agencies; and facilitating and coordinating response. Instead, according to the chairman, over half the officers are in the field in Sindh monitoring the distribution of relief goods themselves. What is lacking, and is beyond either the mandate or the capacity of the NDMA, is a disaster-management mechanism on the ground at the local level. District disaster management authorities overseen by district coordination officers were meant to be set up, but are either not functioning or have not yet been notified. The reasons for this delay are unclear, but the failure to bring DDMAs into being reflects a lack of both political and bureaucratic ownership.

This is, however, part of the preparation that should have been carried out well before the arrival of the rains, especially in light of last year`s flood experience. Much attention has been paid to the delays in removing encroachments, clearing drains and restoring flood-protection infrastructure. But also missing was compliance at the provincial and district levels in terms of setting up disaster management authorities that could have made other preparations such as collecting adequate stores of tents, blankets and non-perishable food items. Adequate funding should also have been in place for local-level authorities and the NDMA; reportedly, funds from the 2005 earthquake and the 2010 floods may still be lying unused in various relief accounts, for example, and could have been pooled together and distributed to the organisations in advance. One lesson from this and previous disasters that would be foolish to ignore is that creating and empowering the right organisational set-up at all levels will be crucial for mitigating the effects of future disasters.

THE murky area of Afghan reconciliation had already been dealt a severe blow with the assassination of High Peace Council leader Burhanuddin Rabbani. Now, with the accusations, denials and counteraccusations about his murder exchanged between Afghanistan and Pakistan, the picture has only grown more opaque. Afghanistan claims the plot was hatched in Pakistan, that Inter Services Intelligence had a hand in it and that the killer was a Pakistani citizen. From Islamabad the Foreign Office has shot back, pointing to security lapses by Afghan intelligence. In the midst of this mutual finger-pointing, there are claims worth considering from both sides. If the evidence Afghanistan says it has handed over proves Pakistani complicity, or that Pakistani soil was used to launch the attack, it would be difficult for Pakistan not to accept some level of responsibility and make an effort to track down the perpetrators. But there is also weight in the FO’s claim that Afghan authorities bear responsibility; the killer was hosted as a guest in Kabul and managed to gain direct access to Mr Rabbani. There is also the matter of intention: what would Pakistan stand to gain from such a significant assassination? It would have to be deeply hostile to Afghan reconciliation, a stance that seems unlikely given the complex security and diplomatic situation the war next door presents.

Even more serious, perhaps, are the broader repercussions for regional peace and the Afghan-Pakistan relationship. President Karzai has reportedly soured on the reconciliation process and his messages in recent days have conveyed a deep suspicion of Pakistan’s intentions, particularly his startling statement that Afghanistan needs to negotiate not with the Taliban but with Pakistan. The Pakistani policy of using proxies to maintain a toehold in Afghanistan has, over the years, clearly created an enduring mistrust that flares up when incidents such as the Rabbani assassination take place, whether or not they are carried out by such proxies or directed by Pakistan. At the same time, Pakistan remains a player that cannot be ignored in shaping the future of Afghanistan. This latest diplomatic row has only made a knotty situation even more complex.

__________________
Muhammad Ali Asghar

DAWN, 11-11-2011


FEW can rival Pakistan`s procrastination record.

Whatever kept the government until now from importing urea despite clear signs of the fertiliser`s shortage for the Rabi season adds yet another page to our national mystery archives. Indeed, official inaction on a matter that could hugely affect food security in the country reconfirms doubts about the government`s ability to take the right decision at the right time.

Although the government has approved a proposalto import 700,000 tons of urea to overcome shortages, the first shipment of 260,000 tons is not expected to reach the market before the end of this month. The delay is unlikely to prevent hoarding of the fertiliser.

The growers, especially small-holder farmers, will be the ones paying a high price for the government`s foot-dragging at a crucial time ahead of the next wheat harvest.

What has led to urea shortages in spite of a rated production capacity of 6.6 million tons against the domestic requirement of just over 6.1 million tons? The producers blame the shortages on production losses because of the unplanned curtailment and allocation of gas to some of their manufacturing plants being supplied gas by the SNGPL. Citing the curtailment of gas they have already raised their prices to Rs1,580 per bag (inclusive of general sales tax) from Rs850 per bag atthe beginning of 2011. A major producer announced a rise in prices to Rs1,980 per bag this month but had to reverse its decision after the excise department stopped supply at the new price. The books show that urea manufacturers have made huge profits, indicating the price increase is unjustified. The prices were raised to pressurise the government into restoring gas supplies to urea manufacturers at the cost of other sectors of the economy, especially the export-oriented industry.

The producers are not the only ones who have made huge profits at the expense of growers. Their wide dealers` network also charged, with impunity, a premium of up to Rs500 per bag during the Kharif season. In some cases, the producers too clandestinely shared the premium with the dealers. So far, the provincial governments have been helpless in controlling hoarding. Instead, the ruling PML-N in Punjab has chosen to use the issue to embarrass its rivals the PPP and PML-Q in Islamabad. There was nothing stopping the Punjab government from initiating action against urea hoarders in the province. Even sadder, while governments are pitched against one another and greedy individuals are running away with unfair profits, the urea shortage hasn`t quite inspired the urgency with which `urban` issues are routinely discussed in the country.


HE events that led to the murder on Monday of three doctors belonging to the Hindu community in a town near Shikarpur remain shrouded in mystery as conflicting details have emerged in the press.

It is irrelevant whether the Muslim girl at the centre of the murders was an entertainer or simply someone in love with a Hindu man.

The offence committed had all the trappings of a hate crime which was rightly denounced by the highest in the government, Sindh`s opinion leaders, nationalist parties and civil society. It appeared a case of the perpetrators making a horrible example of the members of the minority community in a bid to further push the Hindu community to the wall, with a view to keeping in place the social apartheid practised against it. Unfortunately, as reported by Hindu leaders, there has emerged a pattern in the rising number of cases of kidnapping for ransom, forced conversions and violence against the community over the past few years.

The perpetrators comprise Islamic extremists who see nothing wrong in forcibly converting or harassing theminority community, totally disregarding the deeprooted culture of peaceful coexistence that has been the hallmark of Sindhi society for centuries.

The situation in certain pockets of Balochistan, including Quetta, where such misguided elements have reportedly kidnapped Hindu traders for ransom in recent months is equally cause for concern. There is a need to not allow any such criminal activity to take place under the cover of religion for there is nothing Islamic about terrorising minority communities.

While it is heartening to see civil society joining the ranks of the Hindu minority in Sindh in their protest against the latest killings, state institutions must play a proactive role in rooting out violence against minorities by bringing the culprits to justice. The police must build a prosecution case that stands the test of justice in a court of law and facilitates the judiciary`s role in establishing the criminals` guilt. Meanwhile, sensitising public opinion to the treatment meted out to minorities must be given top priority by civil society groups and government officials.


THE effort to protect the Margalla Hills, decared a national park in 1980, from the rapacious onslaught of illegal quarrying has been continuing for several decades. Yet each time the practice is stopped, the well-connected quarry owners manage to circumvent regulations and continue to denude the hills. As reported in this paper on Thursday, illegal quarrying has resumed in the area a year after the federal government banned it. Due to devolution, the Punjab government is now responsible for protecting the hills. Yet it has shown laxity. Across the province there are reportedly over 120 ongoing illegal stonecrushing operations and excessive quarrying has created a major health risk for the people, besides upsetting the region`s environmental balance.

The level of air pollution in the area is frightening.

According to the Pakistan Environmental Protection Agency, the total suspended particulate matter in the area has at times reached 20,000 cubic metres when the accept-able limit is 500. The quarrying has also caused streams and waterways to dry up and has endangered Taxila`s archaeological sites.

The government needs to ensure that its own departments are respecting environmental regulations. Currently, several government bodies allow contractors to extract material only from the Margallas. Alternative sites have been proposed for stone-crushing. These should be utilised so that what is lef t of the Margalla Hills can be saved, while it should be ensured these sites are located far from populated areas. Meanwhile, the demand for construction material is high because people build homes that are much larger than what they actually need having a huge house is, of course, considered a status symbol.

Perhaps the state can impose a tax on houses built beyond a certain size.

This may bring down the demand for building material and ultimately halt the further destruction of the Margallas and other natural treasures.

DAWN, 12-11-2011


THOSE who were expecting results must have been disappointed, for the prime ministers of Pakistan and India on Thursday achieved little that could be considered progress, much less a breakthrough. The reason why there was hope for something tangible has a basis: since Yousuf Raza Gilani and Manmohan Singh met in Thimphu in 2010 and decided to restart the normalisation process — if not the abandoned `composite dialogue` — the two governments have been holding regular talks at various levels. The two prime ministers met in Mohali this year; so did their commerce and foreign ministers as well as their foreign secretaries in New Delhi and Islamabad. Yet, barring pious intentions, these meetings did not achieve much. On her maiden visit to New Delhi as foreign minister in July, Hina Rabbani Khar told journalists she and her Indian counterpart wanted to continue the normalisation process without interruption. While there has been some forward movement — for instance, on the trade front — the absence of concrete progress on even peri- pheral issues has been disappointing.

In Addu on Thursday, the two prime ministers predicted the beginning of “a new chapter” in the history of their bilateral relationship. While Mr Singh said the next round of talks would be far more productive and “practical-oriented”, Mr Gilani stated that future sessions would be “more positive, more constructive and will open a new chapter in the history” of the two countries. The intentions may be there, but we still don`t know where and when they or their foreign ministers or officials will meet to start the promised chapter. At least one gain of sorts could have been made. The MFN status decision will, no doubt, take some time before it goes into effect, for it has to overcome many hurdles, including the removal of non-tariff barriers India maintains on Pakistani goods. But Mr Gilani could have made a formal announcement of his government`s decision to agree to it in principle. He did not.

We are unaware of any behind-the-scenes tensions, but the Indian side is reported to have asked Pakistan to take action against militant outfits believed to have been involved in the Mumbai attacks of 2008. This shows that troublesome issues can block progress even on subsidiary issues — like a liberal visa regime and greater cultural contact. Given their history of hostility, both sides must show greater resolve in tackling issues that have led to their distrust of each other. They should realise that they have come a fair distance from the Mumbai attacks and that mutually acceptable solutions are within their reach — if they put their minds to achieving them.


WHILE there can be little doubt that Pakistan`s religious minorities face discrimination, it is possible to read too much into the recent study Connecting the Dots: Education and Religious Discrimination in Pakistan. Sponsored by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, the study concludes that many textbooks foster intolerance against religious minorities, particularly against the Hindu community. As a result of this “teaching discrimination”, the likelihood increases that violent religious extremism will continue to grow in the country, weakening religious freedom in the process. Yet given the relatively small scope of the study — 107 textbooks reviewed, 277 students and teachers from 37 public schools and 226 students and teachers from 19 madressahs interviewed — it appears too sweeping a definition of teaching practices in thousands of schools and madressahs across the country.

That said, however, the findings should serve as a wake-up call when we consider the many ways in which religious prejudice is implanted in the minds of youngsters. The emphatic conclusion of the study would suggest that fostering religious intolerance through textbooks is a systematic move, underpinned by malicious intent. No doubt, there was much mischief done during Gen Zia`s regime. But in recent years, guidelines have been provided for revising textbooks — even though we are not sure how far these have been implemented to remove the biases that many books still contain. It is far more likely that the attitudes evident in the books, and testified to by the interviewees, are inadvertent betrayals of a parallel societal prejudice that has seeped into every aspect of public life. Over the years Pakistani discourse vis-Ã -vis minority communities has grown more discriminatory — and increasingly violent. The prejudice is to some extent rooted in historical circumstance and its portrayal is stoked by a societal psyche where the perception of the `other` is suspect in the eyes of the majority and exploited by religious extremists. This being the case, Pakistanis need to turn their gaze inwards. It was her compatriots` refusal to drink water offered by a Christian, after all, that led to Aasia Bibi being charged and sentenced for blasphemy.

WITH the recent release of the International Atomic Energy Agency report on Iran`s suspected nuclear weapons programme, temperatures in the Middle East and beyond are heating up once again. The IAEA says there is “credible” evidence Iran is working towards the bomb. But some observers point out that the document contains regurgitated information, only in greater detail. International reactions have varied greatly. The US and its European allies have called for more sanctions against Iran while Russia and China have expressed scepticism. In fact, the Russian foreign ministry has called the report “biased” and compared it to the ill-founded American claim in the run-up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq that Saddam Hussein was developing weapons of mass destruction. While Israel has hinted at pre-emptive strikes to disable the Gulf country`s nuclear facilities, Iran has hardened its tone, saying any military action would be met “with full force”.

There is a need for common sense to prevail all around if further hostility is to be avoided. The UN secretary general has opposed military action and emphasised a diplomatic solution to the stand-off. In this respect, the sanest voices seem to be coming from Moscow and Beijing. While it is true that Russia and China — both veto-wielding members of the Security Council — have extensive economic ties with Iran, there can be no disagreeing with their position that dialogue and engagement with Iran is the only solution. The Iranian government, on its part, must tone down its rhetoric and eschew the path of confrontation. Meanwhile, one report must not be made the basis for further squeezing Iran with sanctions or military action. The West must realise that several years of sanctions have accomplished little, and that military aggression against Iran will have devastating consequences for regional — if not global — peace and economic stability.

DAWN, 14-11-2011


CHIEF Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry`s remarks on Saturday to a delegation from the National Defence University emphasising the Supreme Court`s opposition to an army intervention or other extra-constitutional means being adopted are important, particularly given the backdrop to the statements. The political opposition in the country has for some time now being calling for the ouster of President Zardari, with Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly Chaudhry Nisar Khan and Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaaf chief Imran Khan leading the charge. While other political considerations no doubt are informing the opposition`s demand for the president`s ouster, there is also an important and legitimate point that has been raised: with the present parliament`s term scheduled to end before that of the president`s, the next elections will be conducted in the presence of a partisan president who is head of a party hoping to win re-election. While it is reasonably clear that Mr Zardari is not in violation of the letter of the constitution by holding dual offices, the constitution was not designed with the idea that a partisan president would oversee the interim set-up before polls.

The resolution of this matter — where legality may be on the side of the PPP co-chairman but fairness and democratic principles suggest it is not a wise arrangement — is a delicate one, as evidenced by the remarks of the chief justice. The latter was surely right in stating that an army intervention was neither, directly or indirectly, welcome, nor would it be tolerated. But there are certain other realities that also need to be kept in mind. The transition to democracy is still a work in a progress, and neither have old threats vanished altogether nor have the politicians been absolved of the responsibility of nurturing the process.

Perhaps the most sensible way forward is for a division of labour: the PPP-led government decides when it wants to call elections according to its constitutional prerogative, but an interim set-up established with the consent of the opposition parties is put in place once elections have been called. Consent would mean something more than the consultation the government claims to have undertaken in the appointment of officials like the NAB chairman and election commissioners. Such an arrangement would be sensible and fair, and the chatter about extra-constitutional interventions would surely subside if it were to be achieved.


PUBLIC development spending plays a crucial role in economic growth; it is essential for building social and economic infrastructure, as well as for creating and protecting jobs. But a new report submitted by the federal finance department to parliament reveals that Pakistan`s policymakers do not realise the critical importance of public-sector development projects in stimulating growth. While its financial problems have already led the government to substantially cut public development spending during the last several years, even the limited funds available for development are not fully utilised. The report says the four provinces could not utilise 82 per cent of the funds allocated under the PSDP for provincial projects during the last eight fiscals to June 2011. A large proportion of these funds — Punjab received only Rs110bn from Rs291bn allocated during these years, for example — were never given to the provinces to bridge the budgetary deficit. Yet whatever was released couldn`t be utilised fully. Punjab used Rs66.7bn or just a little more than half the money released.

A more or less similar trend can be found in the utilisation of the provincial development programmes where no province has ever been able to utilise all the development funds. The average utilisation of federal funds varied between 13 per cent and 25 per cent in various provinces, the report says. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa led the others by utilising 25 per cent of the allocated amount. It is followed by Punjab with 23 per cent, Sindh with 13.69 per cent and Balochistan with 13 per cent. The low, unsatisfactory development fund utilisation raises serious questions about the provinces` ability to plan, award and undertake infrastructure projects. It also underlines the absence of strong political will to provide the citizens with quality public services like education, healthcare, clean drinking water, etc. The 18th Amendment to the constitution has devolved the major responsibility of social and economic infrastructure to the provinces. It is essential for them to increase their capacity to implement all sorts of infrastructure projects so that their citizens can be provided quality public services necessary for building a modern and efficient economy.


DESPITE all efforts, the illegal kidney transplant business seems to be flourishing. Punjab appears to be the hub for this practice. In early July, the Lahore police raided a private residence and found a kidney donor — who they said appeared to be a drug addict — lying not far from the would-be recipient. On Friday, the Lahore police raided a rented house apparently being used for similar purposes. Of the two men arrested, one was a homeopath and the other his agent hired to hunt down people who could be induced into `donating` a kidney. Such donors are generally those who have been driven by sheer need to sell their organs — even though the bulk of the money ends up in the doctors` pockets. In the most recent case, the man who was offered money for his kidney approached the police. This indicates some measure of awareness, at least in urban areas, of the fact that organ sale and purchase has been criminalised by the Transplantation of Human Organ & Tissues Act 2010.

Much more needs to be done, however. The law attempts to restrict organ donations to genuine cases by disallowing donations on a commercial basis. There are other measures to ensure that donations are totally voluntary. Yet what could prove most important with regard to this dark trade is spreading awareness about cadaver donations, the legal provisions for which have already been developed. The main hurdle in popularising the deceased donor programme seems to be an acute lack of awareness and misconceptions. If these barriers are surmounted, thousands of lives could be saved legally and ethically. Expecting ethical decisions from persons desperately in need of transplants may be too much to expect. The state needs to approach the problem from the other side and further codify the process of donating organs.

DAWN, 16-11-2011


CHIEF JUSTICE Iftikhar Chaudhry’s remarks on Monday during the hearing of the rental power plants case focused on an interesting point: why did it take until an order issued by Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani in the wake of riots in several parts of Pakistan for power cuts across the country to subside? The correlation, if not causality, between more electricity supplied and prime ministerial orders appears strong and the court was probably right in implying that a government used to procrastinating and avoiding policy decisions had probably not done everything within its power to mitigate the power crisis when it flared up recently. However, scratch the surface and what appears to be a short-term solution may actually be contributing to further long-term misery.

Essentially, what has happened is that power demand which had shot up to 16,000MW-17,000MW a couple of months ago has subsided to around 12,000MW across the country as temperatures have dropped in most places. So while the emergency billions released by the government to help certain entities in the electricity production chain avoid default provided momentary relief to the people, it is really the drop in demand as opposed to a meaningful increase in production that has helped bridge the gap and reduce power cuts across the country. In March, the power shortage will once again become acute, and at that point more ‘emergency’ measures will have to be taken.

Could the government do more? Certainly. In the long term, reducing dependency on expensive imported fuel and exploiting domestic power supplies, whether coal or hydel or alternative energy, more vigorously are obvious policy measures that need to be taken. However, the government has so far failed to come up with a comprehensive energy plan. In the near term, the government has to draw up measures to recover outstanding bills owed by the various provinces and public entities, take steps to cut down on pilferage and technical losses and to keep electricity prices at a level where more debt isn’t piled on the system. None of this is a secret or particularly hard to understand. The problem is that a political government going into election cycle is loath to take tough decisions anywhere in the world. Here in Pakistan, the problem is compounded by the fact that the government has evinced little interest during its term in serious policy matters. While it may not be as simple as flipping a switch to give Pakistan the electricity it demands, neither is it as impossible a task as the government makes it out to be.


PRESIDENT Bashar al-Assad’s international isolation is deepening. The UN has condemned his brutality, the European Union has slapped sanctions, the Arab League has suspended Syria’s membership and the Organisation of Islamic Conference has come out with an unusually strong warning. The Arab League’s ire is understandable. On Nov 2, Arab foreign ministers gave Damascus 15 days to implement its plan, which asked it to end the crackdown on civilians, withdraw troops from protest hubs, release the detainees, negotiate with the opposition and allow foreign observers in. The AL also threatened to close its embassies in Damascus and to negotiate with all “currents” of the opposition. The AL decision was not unanimous, but the fact that only two members — Yemen and Lebanon (besides the regime’s representative) — voted against it shows that an overwhelming majority of Arab opinion considers the Assad government guilty. The AL felt humiliated when pro-regime supporters attacked the Qatar and Saudi embassies, besides those of France and Turkey. The Arab League is meeting again today to review the situation, because there were some doubts about the utility of the Nov 2 decision. Nevertheless, given the deteriorating situation, Mr Assad’s options are getting fewer and fewer.

There are desertions in the army on a larger scale, the casualty toll —3,500 deaths — is approaching the Libyan figure, and protests have spread to outlying areas. Over the past two days alone, some 70 people have been killed in clashes between protesters and security forces. While a Libya-like foreign intervention is not feasible or desirable, both AL and OIC have given hints about what lies in store for Syria. The AL said it would have to consider seeking international protection for Syrian civilians, and OIC Secretary General Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu warned that the intransigence of the regime risked an internationalisation of the Syrian crisis. Whether Mr Assad has learnt from Col Qadhafi’s fate we do not know. But a widening of the internal conflict, especially in a country that borders Israel, will have geopolitical ramifications, unless sense dawns on Mr Assad. As Mr Ihsanoglu said an internationalisation of the crisis would not be “in anybody’s interest”.


SHAH Mehmood Qureshi has quit the National Assembly and left the PPP. This decision was hardly taken in the heat of the moment. In the months since Mr Qureshi first showed intentions of quitting the party, following his removal as foreign minister, he has been weighing his options: old friend Nawaz Sharif or upwardly mobile Imran Khan? His resignation from parliament does fulfil Mr Khan’s requirement for embracing current legislators. If the theory about a downsizing of political parties before the next elections is to be believed, Mr Qureshi is big enough to play his role in the expected splintering up of the parties. The PPP will surely feel the loss.

President Asif Zardari’s loyalists argue Mr Qureshi discovered the ‘truth’ after his removal as foreign minister. They say his is not an abdication but a dismissal. The real reasons for the split may lie somewhere in between the two contrary positions, with Multan — home to both Mr Qureshi and Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani — providing the basis for a quick summing up. The rising influence of other Multan-based groups (Gilani) and Multan-based pirs (Gilani) was not lost on Mr Qureshi. An insight into how slighted he must have felt was provided recently when two Punjab Assembly members from areas falling under his constituency complained of being ignored by Mr Gilani. As foreign minister Mr Qureshi enjoyed independence, the portfolio requiring little input from the prime minister. A change in ministries would have made him beholden to Mr Gilani. As a pir and senior political leader with local interests to watch, he did not want to be in a position where he was seen to be subservient to another pir and politician from his own area — especially at a time when the PPP was perceived to be struggling to retain its popularity.

DAWN, 22-11-2011


GIVEN that Pakistan has had a highly centralised governance structure since Independence, the devolution of power as envisaged by the 18th Amendment was bound to be a complex affair. This has proven to be true,for in the year and a half since the landmark legislation was passed, there have been teething problems, such as the absorption of employees of devolved departments. The latest issue to crop up has been of the division of assets. As reported in this paper, the federal government and the provinces seem to be locked in a tussle over financial assets worth over Rs230bn along with physical assets belonging to the Workers` Welfare Fund and the Employees` OldAge Benefit Institution.

The issue has been raised in a confidential report authored by the finance ministry and USAID.

If this and other issues that may arise are to be resolved amicably between the centre and the provinces, it is important to revisit the spirit of the 18th Amendment. The legislation was passed with the consensus of all political parties in parliament, hence its guiding principles must be respected.

Particularly, the moving spirit of the law that of democratic participatory federalism must not be lost sight of. And to realise such lofty goals it is essential to reconcile conflicting economic interests both among the federating units and between theprovinces and Islamabad.

The 18th Amendment very clearly states that the shares of the provinces in federal services, including autonomous bodies and corporations, must be given to them. Hence the funds mentioned above need to be transferred without hindrance. There has been criticism of the provinces lacking the capacity to handle devolved responsibilities. But then, in certain areas the federal government has just as poor a record where capacity is concerned.

Therefore, capacity building is required at both levels and should be complementary, and must not be used as an excuse to withhold powers or funds.

We feel that a long-term mechanism is needed to resolve such issues. The implementation commission that was supposed to oversee the process of devolution was wrapped up in June. Until all outstanding issues are finalised and devolution is complete which may be an open-ended process an authority is required to resolve disputes over assets and other details.

Parliament is perhaps the ideal forum to do this, as it was parliament which laid the groundwork for devolution. If the implementation commission cannot be revived perhaps the Council of Common Interests can be tasked with monitoring devolution. But for this the CCI will have to play a more active role, primarily by meeting at regular intervals.


WHAT has Afghanistan`s recently concluded loya jirga really achieved? By bringing together over 2,000 delegates who agreed the American military should maintain some presence in the country for 10 years beyond the transfer of authority to Afghan forces in 2014, President Hamid Karzai appears to have convened it to demonstrate political backing for this position. At the same time, he attempted to bolster his nationalist credentials with rhetoric about Afghan sovereignty and the inclusion of preconditions, including an end to American night raids, an end to immunity for Americans committing crimes in Afghanistan and complete Afghan control over detainees. But objections from within Afghanistan raise questions about the legitimacy and practicality of the jirga`s conclusions, and it remains unclear whether the gathering will in fact strengthen Mr Karzai`s hand in negotiations with the Americans.

Unsurprisingly, the Taliban have rejected the jirga as an extension of foreign occupation. On Sunday, hundreds of students protested in Jalalabad against what they saw as kowtowing to the Americans.

Political rivals had claimedthat most of the attendees were handpicked by Mr Karzai and many opposition politicians opted not to join.

Their cynicism is only bolstered by the fact that the jirga sidestepped an ongoing session of the Afghan parliament.

The fact does remain that without continued outside support, including funding and training, Afghan security forces seem woefully inadequate to take over from the US in 2014. At the same time, Afghans resent some of the behaviour of US troops in the country. And any longterm American presence, including military bases, should be used to help ensure Afghanistan`s stability and prevent the strengthening of terror networks rather than to keep a foothold in the region for reasons having to do with Afghanistan`s neighbours.

Any long-term US presence negotiated without taking into account the views of these neighbours and the Afghan opposition has the potential to prevent a unified national and regional effort to ensure stability in Afghanistan.

Mr Karzai`s jirga may have achieved some degree of political support for a longterm US presence, but the usefulness of that support remains questionable.


PAKISTAN`S back-toback victories in the Tests as well as the one-day series against the formidable Sri Lankans in the UAE deserves high praise.

The triumph, in more ways than one, has raised the profile of Pakistan cricket and its players, especially as they have been grappling with multiple crises of late. Skipper Misbah-ulHaq and his charges arrived in Dubai amid a much-awaited change of guard at the Pakistan Cricket Board which saw the controversial chairman Ijaz Butt making way for yet another of the president`s men, Zaka Ashraf.

Besides, the team was accompanied by a new coach, Mohsin Khan, who was brought in as a calming influence on the players who appeared to have lost their confidence after the nasty Shahid AfridiWaqar Younis stand-off last August. Above all, the tough Sri Lanka series overlapped with the unnerving episode of the spot-fixing trial and thesubsequent conviction of three players that threatened to affect the national team`s performance.

How well they have coped with the odds is there for everyone to see. The convincing victories not only highlight the level of competition and discipline inculcated in the squad by the skipper and coach, they are also a testament to the maturity and mental toughness acquired by the players. Time and again in the series the players fought back from a situation of despair to overturn the odds and surprised the Lankans with their gutsy display.

Pakistan has a hectic schedule ahead where they fly to Bangladesh directly from the UAE for a mini series before returning to the Emirates in January to face their stiffest challenge yet, the England series.

However, if the performance against Sri Lanka is anything to go by, the period of struggle may well be behind them. Hopefully, there is more cricketing glory in store for Pakistan.

DAWN 25-11-2011


ALMOST a year has gone by since citizens of various Arab nations rose up against long-entrenched dictatorial regimes but their frustration has not been assuaged. Tunisia, the birthplace of the Arab Spring, is the only nation which has seen an orderly transition to democracy with the election of a constituent assembly. Elsewhere there is tumult.

Yemen`s President Ali Abdullah Saleh has signed a deal, promising to step down after three decades in power but there is reason to be cautious. He has backtracked on promises to hand over power several times. Mr Saleh`s stubbornness has brought his impoverished nation to the brink of civil war with hundreds killed since the protests began. Yemeni activists also question why the deal gives Mr Saleh immunity from prosecution. Meanwhile, Cairo`s Tahrir Square is once again rife with protests. Dozens have been killed as the authorities have violently put down demonstrations. The protesters want a quicker transition to democracy and are suspicious of the military`s intentions to tinker with the constitution.

Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, head of Egypt`s ruling military council, has made overtures to the protesters yet many Egyptians feel the generals have no intention of handing over power.

The Gulf is also in flux. In Bahrain, the head of a government-appointed commission has said the sheikhdom`s forces `used torture and excessive forceagainst demonstrators` to smother the strategic nation`s forgotten revolution. This has strengthened the opposition and human rights observers` claims that the Bahraini state discriminates against and is brutal towards its own people. The state now needs to back up claims it will punish those involved in abuses. The commission has also established there is no proof of Iranian involvement in fomenting protests, a strong indicator that the movement is homegrown.

In Kuwait, several opposition activists were arrested recently after protesters stormed parliament and clashed with police last week. The opposition has called for the prime minister`s dismissal and parliament`s dissolution in the wake of a corruption scandal reportedly involving the premier a royal and several legislators.

Major questions remain about the direction of the Arab Spring. In nations where dictators have fallen (Egypt and Libya) it remains to be seen whether the people`s democratic aspirations will be thwarted by a new set of autocrats. Yemen`s and Syria`s future is also uncertain given the tribal and sectarian divisions within those societies. As for the Gulf monarchies, they will put up the toughest resistance to change. One thing appears certain: much ground still needs to be covered before the Arab masses can reach their goal of establishing representative governments that ensure full social, political and economic rights.


THE government decision to raise the wheat support price by Rs100 to Rs1,050 per 40kg for the next harvest is driven by both economic and political factors. The ruling PPP has apparently tried to compensate growers for their rising inputs costs, as well as sought to strengthen its political support base in villages as its opponents take their anti-government campaign to rural Punjab and Sindh to force snap elections. Essentially, the decision signifies the dilemma the government is faced with in striking a balance between its policies and political interests, as well as between the often conflicting demands of the rural population and urban consumers. The growers have rejected the raise because it is `too little` compared to the phenomenal surge in their input costs. Urea has soared to around Rs1,800 per bag from Rs740 in 2008 when the PPP government more than doubled the wheat support price to Rs950 that made us a wheat-surplus country and transferred additional billions of rupees to the rural economy. DAP fertiliser is now available for Rs4,200 a bag, up byRs2,300. The unit price of electricity for tube wells has also doubled. Diesel is going up.

Urban consumers are worried that the increased wheat prices will mean more spending on food because it will trigger a general price rise. So what would be a better course for the government to follow? It has been seen during the past few months that prices of fertiliser, the major agriculture input, have shot up only because of the government`s weak market controls. The delay in its imports to plug the supply gap and the provinces` unwillingness to crack down on hoarders had encouraged dealers to sell fertiliser at a premium of up to Rs500 during the Kharif season. Manufacturers have exorbitantly, and without justification, raised prices concerning gas cuts to their plants in Punjab. The government could possibly have made its rural support base happy without raising the support price and drawing flak from the urban population for its decision to prevent unscrupulous elements from creating artificial shortages and charging a huge premium on urea.


PUBLIC-SECTOR education in Pakistan, particularly at the primary level, is adrift and rudderless.

Although the country is in the midst of an `education emergency`, it appears the state is doing very little to rectify matters. Though the alarm has been sounded in the past, yet another reminder of the grim state of affairs has come in the form of a baseline study conducted by the Aga Khan University`s Institute for Educational Development under the Strengthening Teacher Education in Pakistan project. The study, which covered nearly 200 schools in seven districts of Sindh, found that around 70 per cent of teachers teach for only 15 minutes in a 35-minute period. Ten per cent teach for less than five minutes.

The study also indicates that the surveyed schools suffered from high rates of truancy (only 56 per cent of students attended classes regularly) while pass percentages were largely abysmal. Gender bias in schools was also a majorconcern. The study may have been limited to specific districts, but it would not be wrong to assume the situation is similar across Sindh.

Though millions of school-age children are out of school in Pakistan, the project`s coordinator pointed out that the children that are enrolled are not being educated. This depressing reality should shake the state out of its slumber. Simply enrolling children to fulfil statistical obligations is not enough; once in school efforts must be made to actually educate these young minds.

The state is not fulfilling its constitutional obligation by turning a blind eye to the woeful standards of public schools. The study offers numerous solutions enhancing teachers` morale, improving the capabilities of head teachers, etc. Yet these and other policy prescriptions cannot deliver until the state demonstrates it has the political will to do what is needed to stem the rot in education.

DAWN 26-11-2011


MORE price hikes are coming the consumer`s way as the regulatory authorities have approved gas tariff increases of up to 14 per cent and the government is seeking an upward revision of the electricity tariff by around four per cent. In the normal scheme of things, tariff adjustments should not be very controversial: a rational pricing scheme is in the best interest of the consumer as well. Take the case of gas in Pakistan. Apart from the security situation in various gas-rich parts of the country and the general laxity of successive administrations in pursuing gas exploration, there remains the problem that Pakistan prices its gas too low by regional and international standards. Lacking a competitive price offering, foreign companies necessary for conducting exploration work are reluctant to come to Pakistan. Eventually, once Pakistan`s established reserves disappear, the country will have to import gas to bridge the gap. At that point, consumers will be forced to suddenly pay a lot more for imported gas and foreign companies will have to be lured here for exploration work at possibly a much higher premium than if Pakistan were to negotiate tariffs in less desperate straits. So, when in the end the consumer will have to pay for much more expensive gas, does it not make sense to slowly rationalise the gas-pricing system within Pakistan to avoid sud- den and massive tariff adjustments?

Unhappily, however, there is much more to the story of energy-sector tariffs. When using scarce and expensive resources, a state should put them to as productive a use as possible. Pakistan simply fails this test, particularly in the use of gas. Instead of diverting gas towards industrial use, where this energy resource also fetches a higher tariff, Pakistan pumps a lot of its gas into homes for heating purposes and into motor vehicles to power them around cities and highways. In a country where the economy is in the doldrums and energy woes are crimping industrial output, it makes no sense to use gas to warm homes and water instead of using it as input in sectors which generate employment and add to the gross domestic product. Many of these problems have been inherited by the present government of course, but the extreme inability to take any decisions on hard policy issues has worsened matters over the last few years.

So Pakistanis are right to complain about the management of the energy sector. But it is not tariffs per se that are the issue. It is the gross mismanagement of the sector that forces ever-rising prices without any commensurate improvement in reliable supplies.


ALTHOUGH violent crime is no stranger to Karachi, the recent spate of robberies in the metropolis coupled with the fact that Muharram is round the corner is cause for concern. On Thursday a cash van was looted of Rs15m and one of the security guards in the van killed when crimi- nals targeted the vehicle in Korangi. Questions remain about why the guards opened the door to the vault, as this is in clear violation of set procedures. Though police suspect possible collusion, the guards may have simply panicked given the poor level of training they receive. In another incident on Thursday criminals raided a bank in the Garden area, taking away over Rs4m. This was the second heist in two days, bringing the total of bank robberies committed in Karachi to 15 this year. Last month alone the city witnessed three heists. Millions of rupees have been taken away in all these robberies. Though the police claim to have busted several gangs involved, clearly some criminals continue to outwit the law-enforcers.

No clear evidence has emerged linking the recent heists to threats of terrorism during Muharram. But if credible threats exist along with the growing body of evidence that suggests that bank robberies are a viable method for militants to raise funds, the police need to be on full alert. However, what is particularly shocking is that for the past month or so, Karachi has been without a notified police chief, with an officer serving in an ad hoc capacity. Are the quarters concerned looking for the `right` sort of candidate who will accept political interference in the department? Considering the lawlessness that pervades Karachi and the threat of terrorism that is never far, this laxity is unforgivable. The authorities need to immediately rectify the situation by appointing a permanent city police chief without any political considerations. At the same time, a proper security plan needs to be put in place to shield the metropolis from terrorism during Muharram and beyond and to crack down on violent crime.


EACH time an Awami League government comes to power in Bangladesh demands are made for bringing to justice the collaborators in the violence unleashed during the 1971 crackdown by Pakistani forces on Bengali nationalists. This is understandable because Awami League supporters had borne the brunt of the violence in which innocent civilians were targeted by the security forces; many rights abuses and killings were alleged to have taken place, some well documented. While in office Gen Pervez Musharraf had fittingly offered regrets to Sheikh Hasina`s last government in a bid to put the sordid past behind. But that has not sufficed as demands keep resurfacing to bring to justice the collaborators who are still residing in Bangladesh. To the Bangladeshis` credit, however, rights activists there have also raised the question of bringing to justice certain groups of Bengali nationalists who committed similar atrocities against Urdu-speaking civilians at the height of the 1971 crisis. The healing process, they argue, has to be a two-way process that at the very least owns and condemns the violence committed by both sides.

It is indeed for Bangladesh to decide what needs to be done. But given that the debate over the issue refuses to die down after all these years, perhaps the formulation of an independent `truth and reconciliation commission` modelled after the one constituted in post-apartheid South Africa may be in order. This will help the survivors of the violence and the families of those who lost their lives come to terms with a bloody past and begin to heal. The sprawling refugee camps inhabited by Biharis in Dhaka, who still hope to be repatriated to Pakistan one day, also remain the unfinished business that needs to be addressed by both countries in order to move on.

DAWN 29-11-2011


THE unfortunate state of US-Pakistan ties has been the topic of discussion in this space on more occasions than one can easily count. And yet, even as the year draws to a close, the stumbling blocks keep on coming. Despite some reports that the Nato strike on Saturday that took the lives of 24 Pakistani soldiers may have been in self-defence, the attack will continue to smack of the arrogance of a superpower until a joint investigation is allowed to establish the facts of the case. Dismissing it as yet another mistake or instance of miscommunication, or simply expressing regret, will not satisfy Pakistanis in the light of such heavy troop casualties.

Aside from the international response, what has put ties at risk is the predictable political fallout at home. Protests that have been held around the country prove that the incident has already expanded the space for right-wing and anti-American viewpoints that do not incorporate a realistic assessment of the importance of the relationship. It has also put the administration, already battling memogate and governance and corruption issues, under further pressure. From that perspective, the government`s immediate and intense reaction was a smart move; its flurry of action on Saturday and Sunday, and the decisions taken by the Defence Committee of the Cabinet, should help limit that pressure. But the domestic fallout from the Nato strike has still made cooperation with America more costly for the Pakistani government, and may end up having a similar effect in Washington in light of the DCC`s decision to block Nato supplies and demand withdrawal from Shamsi airbase.

This is all very worrying, given the one thing about US-Pakistan ties that is clear: maintaining a constructive or at least working relationship is crucial at this juncture. As the deadline for the American withdrawal from Afghanistan approaches, there are several areas in which the two need to cooperate. One is security. Coordination along the Pak-Afghan border and the denial of safe havens to militants are necessary for ensuring the security of all three nations. Second, Afghan reconciliation. Attempts to bring Taliban insurgents into the political process are necessary if there is to be any chance of avoiding a repeat of what followed the withdrawal of the Soviets in 1989. Pakistan will have to be a key player in any process that is effective and durable, but rumours are already afoot that it may boycott the Bonn conference. Third, military and development assistance for Pakistan as tools to combat militancy should be maintained. Saturday`s Nato strike has put all these aspects at risk.


CHAUDHRY Nisar Ali Khan`s agony as chairman of the Public Accounts Committee has finally come to an end. The opposition leader in the National Assembly has resigned from the post in protest against the appointment of the auditor general of Pakistan, capping a term during which he was constantly at loggerheads with the treasury. The senior PML-N leader accuses the government of trying to run the PAC on political lines and does not deny that his resignation could be a build-up towards the materialisation of the PML-N threat to quit the assemblies en masse. Regardless of whether or not that threat is carried out, the angry exit is an impediment to the ideals of the democratic process which everyone keeps talking about but that few care to guard. Not many of the promises made to Pakistanis under the Charter of Democracy and other agreements have been fulfilled. The principle of the opposition leader heading the PAC is one of the few that had been applied. The appointment provided a chance for a critical monitoring of public funds and held out hopes for greater accountability. Chaudhry Nisar`s resignation seals the fate of the experiment that was initiated with such high vows and pomp. It is yet another example of a setback to Pakistan`s advance towards a truly democratic order, and discredits politicians per se, even before an exercise to apportion blame is undertaken.

No move towards the ideals of a truly functional democratic system will be successful so long as a real understanding of democratic politics eludes our politicians and the debate remains hostage to polarisation. The opposition`s allegation that the government has not been able to differentiate the democratic from the majoritarian is quite valid. But it would be equally wrong to absolve the PML-N of responsibility, given its apparent fetish for blocking all government moves. In fact, it is the combined failings of the two sides that have ensured the experiment will have to be carried out all over again. They must note that continuing with old policies in politics can lead to similar disasters in the months and years ahead.


WITH the killing of two scouts — unarmed volunteers from the Buturab and Pak Hyderi scout groups — in Karachi`s Numaish area on Sunday, the first of Muharram, a warning bell has been sounded. The incident occurred close to where the city` central majlis is held. The scouts were on duty to guide mourners when they were targeted — reportedly after participants of a rally organised by the Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat, the new name for the `banned` Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan, were dispersing. For the authorities to allow a rally organised by a sectarian group in such close proximity to a Muharram flashpoint was clearly an ill-advised move. But as tragic as the deaths are, it is a relief they did not spark wider protest. When passions run high, the slightest provocation can lead to violent reactions. The incident should prompt the security establishment and political administration to work overtime to ensure peace during Muharram.

Vigilance by the law-enforcement agencies as well as members of the Shia community is essential. Security forces and the community need to work together, as in the past, to thwart the designs of terrorists. Scouts and community volunteers play a major role in Muharram security arrangements by frisking mourners and, as Sunday`s incident has shown, put their own lives at risk. The contribution of these people deserves praise. And while community-police cooperation is important, it is the security establishment that must remain alert. Terrorists have used various methods in the past to wreak havoc and are known to change their strategy. Security forces countrywide must anticipate possible scenarios and prepare contingency plans to neutralise terrorist threats. For this, solid intelligence is essential. Also, by sowing panic, extremists are trying to put pressure on the government to curtail religious practices that go back centuries. This must not be allowed to happen.